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Speaker 0 gave the FBI a thumb drive containing 29 minutes of high-definition video showing two men attacking a building. As of this morning, neither man has been arrested. Speaker 0 states that despite going through over 725 indictments, none of their video or even a single still picture of either man has appeared on the Internet. The FBI is allegedly refusing to take Speaker 0's calls, return emails, or accept an offer to meet. Speaker 0 believes the FBI is hiding these men. Speaker 0 asks Speaker 1 to inquire about the identities of these men. Speaker 0 confirms that Ben Grundler has all this information and that they have been in contact for over a year.

The Boston Marathon bombing was a false flag operation orchestrated by the FBI, with the two brothers involved acting as patsies. The actual bomb builder, who recently died in an explosion, created a highly combustible 1,200-pound bomb that caused significant destruction. Despite providing evidence and testimony about the operation, the FBI did not take action, indicating they were complicit. Additionally, there were threats against federal officials, including a judge and a former Homeland Security adviser, linked to the same FBI operation. The intent was to eliminate key figures connected to the investigation, highlighting a broader scheme within the agency.

Speaker 0: Somebody finally found the confiscated video that the FBI took on the day of nine eleven, where it was proving it wasn't a plane. It was a scutt missile. There was talk amongst the community because I've been awake for twenty years since this happened. That there was a scud missile. The witnesses were silenced. The person who had this tape that turned it over to the FBI, the FBI concealed this information. And as you can see, that is not a plane. That is a scud missile as originally thought. Fucking deep state cabal. You sons of bitches. We already those who knew, we already knew you did shit. But this was the last piece of the puzzle for the evidence. With that whole entire crap with the 09:11 report, they said it disintegrated. That is a scud missile. So Swedish satellite saw that there was a marking target, and that was completely put aside, and you all bought the lie. Heavenly father, let truth prevail.

Ted L. Gunderson, a 27-year FBI veteran, claims the U.S. government had advanced knowledge of 9/11 and did nothing to prevent it. He believes the collapse of the World Trade Center towers was a controlled demolition, citing seismograph readings and molten steel. Gunderson alleges the FBI furnished ingredients for the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. He states an anti-terrorism legislation author said people needed to die for it to pass. He claims the Oklahoma City bombing was a directional bomb, not a fertilizer bomb, and that there were unexploded devices recovered from the Murrah Building. He believes Timothy McVeigh was a mind control victim recruited by the CIA. Gunderson became involved in controversial issues after investigating the Jeffrey MacDonald case, uncovering satanic cult activity. He alleges an international child kidnapping ring flew children from Sioux City to Washington D.C. for sex orgies to blackmail congressmen. He claims children are used for body parts, satanic ceremonies, and sex slavery, and are auctioned off internationally for up to $50,000. He has provided documentation to the FBI, who he says has ignored it.

On 9/11/2001, 19 men directed by someone on dialysis used box cutters to penetrate US airspace. They commandeered four planes, flying them off course for over an hour. Hijackers, who liked alcohol and strippers, downed three buildings in New York. In Washington, a pilot flew a 757 into the Pentagon's budget analyst office, where staff were working on the missing $2.3 trillion announced by Rumsfeld the day before. The news quickly blamed Osama bin Laden, and evidence, like a hijacker's passport, was conveniently found. A delayed, underfunded investigation, based on torture and destroyed records, failed to mention key details and was allegedly lied to by the Pentagon, CIA, and Bush administration. Bush and Cheney testified in secret. The 9/11 Commission blamed a "failure of imagination," despite prior simulations of hijacked planes hitting buildings. Data was destroyed by the DIA and SEC, and NIST classified its WTC-7 model data. The FBI wants to keep its 9/11 investigation secret. Bin Laden evaded capture for years, releasing videos, before being killed in a raid, his body dumped at sea, and team members dying in a helicopter crash. Questioning this story makes you a "paranoid conspiracy theorist."

A recent House report on the January 6th pipe bomber claims the FBI has engaged in a cover-up, halting its investigation in 2021 and refusing to cooperate with Congress. A whistleblower indicated that law enforcement was instructed to stand down just two days after the bombs were discovered at the RNC and DNC. Despite initial investigative efforts, the FBI has not identified the bomber nearly four years later. Conflicting information has emerged regarding whether the FBI received corrupted cell data from major carriers, with a former FBI official suggesting it might contain the bomber's identity. However, the carriers denied providing any corrupted data. The report highlights ongoing concerns about the FBI's handling of the investigation, which remains unresolved.

- I'm Ted L. Gunderson, a twenty seven year veteran of the FBI who retired in March 1979. - I was the senior special agent in charge of the FBI Los Angeles division with more than 700 personnel under my command and a budget of $22,500,000. - I personally investigated the Oklahoma City bombing case, huge cover up. - I have information chiseled in stone, documented that the FBI had advanced knowledge about nine one one and did nothing to prevent this. - There were seismograph readings from the they think from the base of two of them about the time that the buildings collapsed. - There were molten steel that was in the basement, which is a very high temperature for melt melting steel. - The anti terrorism legislation was written back in the middle nineteen eighties under the George Bush senior administration. - They furnished the ingredients for the bomb, which is absolutely unbelievable that they get away with this.

- Kibbe on Liberty hosts Congressman Thomas Massey for part one of a mega episode focusing on the FBI-identified pipe bomber in the January 6 events and the anomalies in the official narrative; Massey argues he does not believe one loner acted alone. - Massey discusses prior coverage and context, noting a Steve Baker interview that documented inconsistencies in the official narrative. He points to fallout from that interview: a Capitol Hill Police official, who was third in command, resigned the day after the interview; another whistleblower contacted Massey about that officer, suggesting misconduct unrelated to the pipe bomb but part of a larger pattern of investigations. - Massey argues that the FBI’s announcement of a suspect came about a week after that interview and after reporting by The Blaze, and suggests the timing is suspicious. He says this coincidence is surprising and potentially a red flag, given that the investigation had been deemed inconclusive or dormant for years. - Massey emphasizes his own context: his staffer on the Hill watched hours of video to identify who found the second pipe bomb; he asserts that the individuals who found the second bomb should be considered suspects, and that the FBI admitted this to him. He recounts efforts with Kevin McCarthy to release video showing how the second pipe bomb was found, noting that those who found it were very lucky to locate it quickly. - He describes other connections and leads: his staffer now works for Kash Patel; Massey has spoken with a counter-surveillance officer who found the pipe bomb and with the officer’s handler, a Capitol Hill Police member who had previously worked for the ATF and later for Metro Police and Capitol Hill Police. He also mentions conversing with the assistant FBI director in charge of the Washington field office, in a transcribed interview with Jim Jordan about why cell phone data wasn’t used to geolocate the suspect (the provider allegedly corrupted data, which the judiciary committee and Barry Loudermilk’s committee disputed). - Massey references a 100-page report from Barry Loudermilk’s committee on the pipe bomb investigation, noting leads the FBI did not follow. He mentions a lead about an individual in Falls Church, Virginia (a former military man now in government service) whose metro card was used on January 5 and January 6; this person’s childhood friend allegedly used the metro card to approach the RNC/Capitol Hill Club area and take photographs near the pipe bomb sites. Massey asserts this person of interest, plus a neighbor who shared a wall with him, could be connected to others the FBI has not fully explored. - He contends that the arrest appears to derail other investigations and interviews that were being planned. He asserts that a “pro-Trump” motive has not been established for the suspect, contrasting the media’s framing with details such as the suspect’s My Little Pony interest and parental political donations. - Massey criticizes the prosecutor in the case, Jocelyn Ballantine, and recounts concerns about her track record (including involvement in the Flynn case, the Proud Boys case, and alleged attempts to obtain confessions implicating Trump). He questions why she remains at the DOJ. - They discuss broader concerns about FBI politicization and surveillance: Massey references reporters and contact with Kash Patel’s team to argue for cleaning house at the FBI, but notes Ballantine remains in place. He describes eight senators discovering they had been spied on, leading to a legislative push: in the last continuing resolution, lawmakers added a half-million-dollar payout and standing to sue the government for surveillance abuses, a provision he characterizes as carving exemptions out of the law; he says this was supported by most lawmakers, who voted for the CR due to Trump concerns. - They debate possible explanations for the pipe bomber case: the possibility that the FBI identified the suspect and cleared him, prompting no arrest due to exonerating information; or the possibility of a false narrative crafted by others to preserve the January 6 prosecution framework; or the involvement of a patsy or rogue actor. - Massey reiterates his three things he said on Twitter: the bomber was a lone wolf (which he disputes); the FBI was unwittingly incompetent for four years (which he says he questions and calls a cover-up); and it was not a Trump supporter. He stresses the need for more transcribed interviews and explanations from the FBI and ongoing oversight to uncover the full truth. - The discussion shifts toward Epstein files coverage and the broader goal of maintaining public pressure for transparency. They indicate a plan to release a separate bonus episode focusing on Epstein files.

The FBI has released footage of the d and c pipe bomber planting a bomb on a park bench. The bomber is seen on camera 1 walking to bench 1, then returning to bench 2 where camera 2 captures him planting the bomb. However, the view is obstructed by a bush, making it difficult to see the actual moment of planting. Camera 1 should have a clear shot of the entire scene, but the FBI has not released the full tape. This has raised questions about why the FBI is withholding information and if they want the public's help in catching the bomber.

The video discusses the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, questioning the official narrative and highlighting inconsistencies in the investigation. It mentions the involvement of multiple government agencies, the mysterious John Doe number 2, lost evidence, and suspicious circumstances surrounding the execution of Timothy McVeigh. The video suggests a cover-up and urges viewers to question the official story.

Ted Gunderson describes a 27.5-year FBI career with 13 assignments across the United States, noting he never lived in the extreme Northeast. He says he handled counterespionage and counterterrorism in New York and Connecticut, negotiated with skyjackers at Philadelphia International Airport for two and a half hours on 07/12/1972, and led large divisions in Southern California with over 700 personnel. He personally investigated the Oklahoma City bombing, John F. Kennedy’s assassination, Robert Kennedy’s assassination, and the World Trade Center, labeling all as “huge cover up.” Gunderson asserts that terrorism is being used as an excuse to strip constitutional rights and civil liberties, mentions the Bilderbergs, and identifies himself as the FBI veteran who retired in March 1979, having been the senior special agent in charge of the FBI Los Angeles division with more than 700 personnel and a $22.5 million budget. He says he was on the street for nine and a half years, then progressed administratively to supervisory roles, including being the numbers two man in Connecticut and Philadelphia, an assistant special agent in charge, chief inspector, and agent in charge in Memphis, Dallas, and then senior special agent in charge in Los Angeles with three other SACs under him and 24 supervisors. Gunderson claims to have “information chiseled in stone” that the FBI had advanced knowledge of 9/11 and did nothing to prevent it. He states he watched the planes hit the towers on television and questions the feasibility of hijacking four planes without advance knowledge, asserting the US government has the most advanced intelligence and that there is no way they wouldn’t have known. He questions whether planes were remotely controlled and insists the towers were imploded, citing seismograph readings near the base and molten steel in the basement that burned for about 100 days, arguing that airplane fuel could not account for these effects. He contends anti-terror legislation emerged in the mid-1980s under the George H. W. Bush administration, citing a female DOJ attorney who allegedly said, before passage, that “people have to be killed.” He references the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, noting an informant who helped plan the attack and claims the FBI knew in advance and supplied bomb ingredients, a claim he says appeared in the New York Times on 10/28/1993. He argues that insufficient deaths prevented anti-terror legislation, and, regarding Oklahoma City (1995), claims a pineapple electrohydrodynamic gaseous fuel device bomb was used, followed by a conventional bomb inside, suggesting multiple devices. Gunderson mentions four unexploded devices retrieved from the Murrah Building, as reported in a Fireman’s Magazine article (Sept. 1995). He references news coverage of recovered unexploded devices marked with “US Army” on the side and asserts that McVeigh was a mind-control victim, alleging he was recruited by the CIA to be a professional assassin and involved with the CIA drug operation. He ties this to MKUltra and Monarch programs, stating he learned of these after leaving the FBI while investigating the Jeffrey R. MacDonald case. He recounts his involvement with satanic cult allegations linked to the MacDonald case, claiming a Satanic cult distributed drugs along the East Coast and that a satanic ring operated internationally, including child kidnapping rings, with a focus on the Finders in Washington, DC. He discusses the 1960s–1980s era, mentioning the kidnapping of children like Johnny Gosch in Iowa, and asserts ongoing international trafficking and sex trafficking of children, including claims of flights of children to Paris and New York. He says he has provided documentation to the FBI multiple times but has been ignored, alleging covert CIA involvement in child trafficking. He mentions tips from airline employees and another informant, Paul Bonassi, stating that children were auctioned off for up to $50,000, with ages from two to 21, and that buyers bid on children like automobiles, all of which he says is occurring under nose of authorities, with copies of US customs reports supporting his claims.

The speaker discusses the FBI's "failed investigation" of the January 6th pipe bomb, alleging the FBI has no leads or suspects, has lost information and evidence, and that the Secret Service deleted all texts from January 6th. The speaker claims Steve D'Antuono said cell phone data that could have been used to find the bomber was corrupted. The speaker states that the FBI does not have video footage of the DNC from January 6th. The speaker asks if confidential human sources were involved in the pipe bomb incident. The other speaker responded they would have to refresh themselves on the information gathered to date. The speaker suggests getting the information public before the election.

There were multiple improbable factors that would have had to align for these bombs to be discovered at the same time on a sidewalk, prompting questions about a broader conspiracy and how such a scenario could unfold. The speakers emphasize that while they want to avoid a conspiracy path, there are many questions still open, including the handling of video footage. Regarding video records, one speaker notes that they want to review January 6 video to see if anyone returned to the locations, but that video apparently does not exist anymore. They do have January 5 video, but have been told that no one preserved January 6. This raises eyebrows as they consider whether the devices were placed by an inexperienced person who was trying to set them down quickly or whether the devices were left to be found. Mrs. Younger’s account is highlighted: she walked out her back door and did not see anything earlier in the morning, but saw the devices later, which would give a reason to believe she would have noticed them if they had been there in the morning. This observation is part of why they want to talk to her. One speaker is blown away by a point: according to the FBI, the FBI’s internal data indicate 39,000 videos showing the hoodie-clad pipe bomber—referred to as the C. Virkel bomber—movements that night, from various camera angles. Washington, DC, Capitol Hill is described as among the most surveilled areas in the world. Yet there is a claim that there is no footage from January 6 of the actual areas a person would have had to travel to place the pipe bombs. The other speaker confirms that there are cameras along some Capitol Police lines that show walking paths, including footage from Capitol Police cameras, but the angles that would show positions behind the RNC and behind the DNC do not exist today, at least not in a way that captures the relevant movements. This absence has limited the investigation into the theory that the devices could have been placed earlier and then moved or re-placed. They are now going back through Capitol Police footage, including from the Fairchild Building near the DNC, which has provided the most evidence so far. The team is reviewing hours from about 8 PM on May 5 to 1 PM on January 6 to determine whether anyone else passed by, whether there was any suspicious activity, and whether the devices were moved again. The investigators are evaluating step-by-step explanations for these anomalies, considering whether the Secret Service dog failed to detect one device or whether Mrs. Younger missed the other, whether the devices were not present at that time, or whether weather and other factors affected detections. They acknowledge that with so many circumstances, some “smoke” might indicate “fire.” They hope the FBI is reviewing cell phone data to determine if the suspected bomber returned or if a co-conspirator was involved in setting timers or re-placing devices. The transcript ends with an acknowledgment of ongoing investigation scope and questions.

The video discusses eyewitness reports of explosions at the World Trade Center on 9/11, including suspicions of bombs planted in the buildings. There were reports of secondary explosions, a truck with explosives near the George Washington Bridge, and suspicious vans linked to the attacks. Witnesses saw men celebrating and taking photos before the towers were hit. The FBI issued a bulletin for a white Chevy van with New Jersey registration. Multiple vans were stopped, some with explosives, and witnesses saw men with a white van at Doric Towers before the attacks.

On April 19, 1995, the Oklahoma City bombing occurred, carried out by a Gulf War veteran. The attack targeted the ATF, but luckily, they were not present. The trial convicted the bomber, Timothy McVeigh, and his accomplice, Terry Nichols. However, conspiracy theorists question the official narrative, pointing out inconsistencies and evidence suggesting other bombs were involved. The FBI lost crucial footage, and Nichols claims FBI involvement. Despite this, the case was closed, and any questioning of the story is dismissed as conspiracy theories.

The DNC pipe bomb was planted on January 6th at 7:52 PM, according to the FBI. They released two clips from different security cameras. The first camera shows the suspect arriving at 7:42 PM, sitting on bench 1, then leaving. Ten minutes later, he returns and sits on bench 2. At 7:52 PM, the second camera captures him planting the bomb next to the bush, but the view is obstructed. The first camera has a clearer shot of both benches, yet the FBI has not released the full footage from it. This raises questions about transparency, especially since there is a $100,000 reward for information leading to the suspect's capture.

An explosion occurred at the AT&T data center in Nashville, Tennessee. An RV with a recording warning of a bomb was found, leading to the evacuation of nearby buildings. The RV exploded, injuring three people and damaging numerous buildings. The suspect, Anthony Quinn Warner, was present at the scene and died in the blast. Investigators found DNA and a matching serial number linking him to the RV. The motive behind the attack is still unclear, but there are indications that Warner believed in conspiracy theories, including ones about AT&T and reptilian figures. The investigation is ongoing to understand why Warner carried out the bombing.

Trucks were seen arriving at the World Trade Center from August 23 to September 2, around 3 AM, leaving before Wall Street workers arrived. It’s believed these trucks delivered materials for a controlled demolition, possibly planned for months. The airplane hijackings were likely a cover for this operation, executed by a small group. In August 2001, there were warnings of an imminent attack, with expectations of mass casualties. The attack was always framed as hijackings targeting the World Trade Center. During the event, there were reports of a shadow resembling a plane, followed by shaking and debris falling, prompting an evacuation to the lobby.

About ten minutes later, the second building went off. "Did you see it? Yes. I saw it. It just blew up." "No second flight. It was a bomb. Bombing another building, not second plane. That was a bomb." "That's what we're told. The second plane. We saw it." "From my perspective, I didn't know that it was an airplane that hit the building. I I still thought it was a bomb and everything I saw told me it was bombs in the building." "I saw this plane come out of nowhere and just ream right into the side of the twin tower, exploding through the other side. And then I witnessed both towers collapse, one first and then the second, mostly due to structural failure because the fire was just too intense."

A recent meeting with Capitol Police revealed that the person who found the pipe bomb on January 6th was an undercover Capitol Police officer. This raises concerns about the response time of other law enforcement agencies. The timing of the bomb's discovery, just minutes before the breach of the Capitol perimeter, seems suspicious. The ATF director refused to comment on whether the bombs were operable, suggesting a cover-up. The bombs were sent to Quantico for inspection, not to the ATF. The discovery of the bombs also prevented reinforcements in the form of bike racks from reaching the Capitol, potentially making it easier to breach. The motive behind planting the bombs remains unknown.

Sergeant Terrence Yakey saved four lives during the Oklahoma City bombings but was later found dead under suspicious circumstances. He responded to the bombing and rescued people before being injured. Three days before receiving a medal of valor, he was found dead in a field with no gun but a gunshot wound to the head. There was no investigation or autopsy, and the police immediately ruled it as a suicide. His ex-wife claimed he knew something was coming and was trying to protect his family. She believes someone else may have been involved in his death. The lack of investigation and autopsy raises questions about what really happened to Sergeant Yakey.

Firefighters and other witnesses reported explosions at the World Trade Center on September 11th. One firefighter described a "heavy duty explosion" as they entered the lobby, causing the building to collapse. Others reported a second explosion and rumble, or a "big explosion" much lower in the building. Some believe these were secondary explosions from devices planted before or on the aircraft. One theory suggests a car or truck packed with explosives detonated under the buildings. According to one speaker, 118 firefighters testified to witnessing explosions inside and outside the buildings. This testimony has allegedly been buried or ignored. Explosions were reportedly part of the events at all three towers in New York.

Speaker 1 informs Lloyd about the World Trade Center incident, stating that the second tower exploded. They explain that they were at a garage rooftop after voting and witnessed the explosion, capturing it on video. They clarify that it was not a plane crash but rather a bomb, as the building exploded from the impact of the other tower.

John Nance and Hogan DeGidley discuss a recent FBI case and press conference. Patel’s FBI has been extremely transparent, and that transparency will continue to reassure the American people that information regarding this subject will flow as appropriate without jeopardizing the prosecution of the case. A key takeaway is the suggestion that forensic evidence could be the linchpin to identifying the suspect, despite millions of data lines to review; pieces such as DNA or a fingerprint related to the pipe bombs themselves may have been the actual “smoking gun.” There is emphasis on teamwork and the idea that information had been left to collect dust rather than being newly uncovered. AG Merrick Garland’s remarks are cited, highlighting that the evidence leading to the arrest had been sitting at the FBI for years. The FBI, along with US Attorney Piro and prosecutors, worked tirelessly for months sifting through evidence that had been at the FBI with the Biden administration for four years. The point is made that there was no new tip or new witness, just diligent police work and prosecutorial effort. Hogan DeGidley asks why the case wasn’t cracked during President Biden’s four years in office. The response suggests that it either couldn’t be done or wouldn’t be done, and that the American people suffered as a result. It is stated that this did not come from new evidence but from information already in the bureau and departments being sifted through. The discussion frames the case as a win for the administration, the FBI, and the DOJ, and a step toward transparency, accountability, and justice. They note that the attackers placed pipe bombs at both the RNC and DNC locations; the motives remain unknown, and questions about a possible Antifa link or other theories are mentioned as preliminary. Cash Patel is quoted as saying the FBI has committed to being the most transparent law enforcement operation in U.S. history while ensuring accountability in the courts with U.S. Attorneys and prosecutors. The aim is to divulge information when prudent and constitutionally permissible, safeguarding the case, to secure the nation’s capital and allow Americans to live in safe, secure neighborhoods. This is attributed to leadership from the FBI Washington Field Office. John Nance comments that Patel is doing a very good job and that the director’s social-media transparency is notable. He expresses encouragement about the FBI’s reform efforts and notes that the White House press narrative around January 6 is seen as misaligned with the pipe-bomb case. The arrest took place in Woodbridge, Virginia, a wealthy DMV suburb, prompting remarks about why the dots weren’t connected sooner.