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In 2015, a 153-page agreement between Moderna and the US government reveals collaboration with Dr. Barrick on mRNA coronavirus vaccine candidates. The NIH co-owns the vaccine, as shown in the agreement. This predates current events and raises questions about ulterior motives.

Speaker 0 argues that credit for breakthroughs belongs to “the long list of federally funded researchers who've made these breakthroughs possible” and to the “enlightened federal employees and the politicians who funded that research,” not just those at press conferences. He says the mRNA vaccine story did not start with Operation Warp Speed, but with dedicated NIH and Moderna work, noting: “The story of federal investments in mRNA vaccines actually starts back in 2009” and that in 2010 “PCAST put out a report on reengineering vaccine production for pandemics.” He cites “2013, the Obama administration awarded a $25,000,000 DARPA grant to a startup called Moderna” and “2015 BARDA” investment, so that Moderna had vaccines and therapeutics under test. He emphasizes “the speed of development” and “the speed of manufacture,” that “potent human immune response can come from doses as low as thirty micrograms” and that “a liter bottle… would contain over 30,000,000 doses.” Investments began “starting back in 02/2009.” Dr. Fauci agrees, noting “Yes, congressman” and highlighting “the generosity of the congress through multiple administrations” and “monoclonal antibody work.” They discuss future pandemic investments and budget cuts “proposed by the Trump and Mulvaney budgets.” Time is up.

I discovered the CIA's involvement in vaccine production while researching Pfizer. Notably, the CEO of In-Q-Tel, the CIA's investment group, is on the board of Resilience, a biotech company that partnered with Moderna. Resilience has received significant government funding and has ties to various high-profile investors. Key figures like Bob Nelson and Luciana Borio, who have connections to the intelligence community and the FDA, are involved with Resilience. During Operation Warp Speed, Moderna collaborated with this newly formed company, which aims to innovate biomanufacturing and develop gene therapies and vaccines. The connections between these organizations and individuals raise questions about the intertwining of intelligence, big pharma, and government interests in public health initiatives.

The vaccines were developed by the NIH, not Moderna or Pfizer. The patents are 50% owned by the NIH, and they were manufactured by military contractors. Pfizer and Moderna were paid to put their names on the vaccines, but it was a military project from the start.

Moderna's patent for the spike protein's genetic code is a rare occurrence, with a likelihood of 1 in a billion. While patents don't always indicate usage, this particular patent matches a portion of the spike protein's genetic code. This coincidence is quite surprising.

In 2015, a 153-page confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government is discussed. The agreement reveals collaboration between the NIH, Moderna, and Dr. Barrick on mRNA technology for a coronavirus vaccine. The government co-owns the vaccine candidates developed, raising questions about ulterior motives. This predates any current political affiliations.

This transcript discusses a confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government dating back to 2015. It notes "Frankenstein coronavirus" and that "the NIH and Moderna were collaborating with Doctor. Barrick" with "His signature is on page 106 of the material transfer agreement." It says "the NIH appears to be transferring the mRNA tech to Doctor. Barrick." It asserts "'mRNA coronavirus vaccine candidates developed and jointly owned by the NIAID and Moderna.'" The transcript also states "'the government co owns the vaccine.'" It adds "'This is not part of that.'" It emphasizes "This is 2015." It concludes with "The same government that is now mandating its use owns the vaccine. You better share that one quick. Don't know how long it's gonna last."

The vaccines were not developed by Moderna or Pfizer, but by the NIH. The patents are owned by the NIH, and the vaccines were manufactured by military contractors. Pfizer and Moderna were paid to put their stamps on the vaccines, but this was originally a military project.

In this video, the speaker discusses a confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government, spanning 153 pages. The agreement dates back to 2015, when the Frankenstein coronavirus was first discovered. The NIH and Moderna collaborated with Doctor Barrick, as shown on page 106 of the agreement. The NIH appears to be transferring mRNA technology to Doctor Barrick, while also jointly owning the mRNA coronavirus vaccine candidates developed with Moderna. The speaker finds it surprising that the government co-owns the vaccine, especially considering they are now mandating its use. It is important to note that this agreement predates any current political context.

In this video, the speaker discusses a confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government from 2015. They mention the collaboration between the NIH, Moderna, and doctors Barrick and Xi regarding the Frankenstein coronavirus. The speaker highlights that the NIH appears to be transferring mRNA technology to doctor Barrick and points out that the government co-owns the mRNA coronavirus vaccine candidates developed by the NIAID and Moderna. They emphasize that this information is not related to the Trump administration and express surprise at the government's ownership of the vaccine. The speaker suggests sharing this information quickly.

The speaker claims the DOD distributed COVID-19 vaccines and required absolute immunity, making the DOD the target for lawsuits, which would be difficult to win without the data they are hiding. They believe EcoHealth Alliance created SARS CoV-2 in the Wuhan lab with the DOD or CIA's approval, transferring the necessary technology to the CCP. A study showed a 12 nucleotide sequence in a Moderna patent from 2016 perfectly matched SARS CoV-2, suggesting the disease was developed in the mid-2010s. The speaker presents military medical records showing a soldier receiving COVID-19 immunizations by Moderna in 2014, suggesting the need to investigate the real history of COVID. They also claim to have Pfizer documents discussing shedding and a Komunardi approval agreeing to a study based on oncolytic gene products for gene therapy shedding.

This is a 153-page confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government from 2015. It reveals that the NIH collaborated with Dr. Barrick on the Frankenstein Coronavirus. The agreement states that the mRNA coronavirus vaccine candidates developed by NIAID and Moderna are jointly owned by the government. It's surprising that the same government now mandating the vaccine actually owns it.

The vaccines were not developed by Moderna and Pfizer, but by the NIH, which owns 50% of the patents. Furthermore, the vaccines were not manufactured by Pfizer or Moderna, but by military contractors. Pfizer and Moderna were allegedly paid to put their stamps on the vaccines as if they came from the pharmaceutical industry, but it was supposedly a military project.

This video discusses a confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government, spanning 153 pages. It reveals that in 2015, the NIH collaborated with doctors Barrick and Shi on the Frankenstein Coronavirus. The agreement shows that the NIH transferred mRNA technology to doctor Barrick, and it states that the mRNA coronavirus vaccine candidates are jointly owned by the NIAID and Moderna. The video highlights the irony that the government, which now mandates the vaccine, co-owns it. The speaker suggests sharing this information quickly, as its longevity is uncertain.

The 552-page records reveal that the United States government, particularly the Fauci Agency and the National Institutes for Health, funded gain of function research on mutants. This information is significant as it serves as evidence of their knowledge and involvement in such research.

In this video, the speaker discusses a confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government, spanning 153 pages. The agreement dates back to 2015, the same time when a paper on the Frankenstein coronavirus was published by Doctors Barrick and Shee. The NIH and Moderna collaborated with Doctor Barrick, as shown on page 106 of the agreement. The NIH appears to be transferring mRNA technology to Doctor Barrick, while also jointly owning the mRNA coronavirus vaccine candidates developed with Moderna. The speaker finds it surprising that the government co-owns the vaccine, and clarifies that this agreement is not related to any recent political events.

Speaker 0 contends that the top organization that managed Operation Warp Speed and the pandemic was not a public health agency but the NSA, a spy agency, with the Pentagon as the second agency. He asserts that vaccines were developed not by Moderna and Pfizer, but by NIH, whose patents are owned 50% by NIH, and that vaccines were manufactured not by Pfizer or Moderna but by military contractors. He claims Pfizer and Moderna were paid to put their stamps on those vaccines as if they came from the pharmaceutical industry. Speaker 1 responds by stating it’s not warp speed, but has been happening since 06/10/1980 when entering a Fort Detrick military installation, where the sign was turned around with then-president Richard Nixon. He says, “Oh, we’re just gonna cure cancer,” but asserts they turned the sign around on the bioweapons lab, making it a historic landmark at Fort Detrick where they had the gas chamber for the end and a plaque was placed when a new lab was built. He characterizes it as all part of a “plague of corruption” and claims that those involved are protecting themselves because the government, and they played the game. Speaker 1 further alleges that it does not matter whether it is Deborah Birx or Robert Redfield, because they injected the military with HIV in the nineties, and that they know it. He references “HIV p n l four three” and claims to know the plasmid and the exact one, asserting that he knows the people who were injected and that this data exists in his freezer.

Speaker argues for credit to federally funded researchers and the officials who funded their work, noting breakthroughs rely on decades of federal science. He states the mRNA vaccine story “does not start with operation warp speed” and that “the sprint actually began” as dedicated NIH and Moderna staff worked day and night. He traces investments back to Obama: “a 2010 PCAST report on reengineering vaccine production,” “a 2013 DARPA grant to Moderna,” and “a 2015 BARDA investment”; by the end of the Obama administration Moderna had mRNA vaccines and therapeutics under test in animals and humans. “This one liter bottle… would contain over 30,000,000 doses,” enough to vaccinate doctors, first responders, or seniors over 75, and “without those investments, frankly, project warp speed would not have squat.” Speaker 1 notes bipartisan support for biomedical research across administrations, mentions monoclonal antibody work and antiviral molecules, and cautions against proposed budget cuts.

In 2012, DARPA initiated the ADEPT Protect P3 program for pandemic prevention using gene-encoded vaccines. The military had been working on mRNA vaccines since then, not as a response to COVID-19. Operation Warp Speed was not as rapid as claimed, with contractors like Moderna receiving funding in 2013. The military's involvement in developing vaccines and monoclonal antibodies predates the pandemic, with emergency use authorization primarily for military use. The FDA's lack of control over the process reflects its military origin, executed with military precision. No one is exempt from its reach.

In 2012, DARPA started the ADEPT Protect p3 program, aiming to use gene-encoded vaccines based on RNA or DNA to prevent pandemics within 60 days. This approach was already in progress when President Trump launched Operation Warp Speed in response to COVID-19. The military had been working on mRNA vaccines since 2012, with Moderna receiving its first contract in 2013. The military has various biological threat programs, including those for Smallpox, Monkeypox, and anthrax. The idea of mRNA vaccines originated from the military, not Pfizer or Moderna, and it was not a direct response to the Wuhan outbreak. Emergency use authorization, primarily for the military, was later applied to the public during the COVID-19 pandemic.

In 1965, coronavirus was identified as a pathogen that could be modified for various purposes. In 1966, the first transatlantic biological experiment using a coronavirus model was conducted. In 1967, human trials were conducted on modified coronavirus. In 1990, Pfizer filed the first patent for a spike protein vaccine for coronavirus. It was found that coronavirus mutates too quickly for vaccines to be effective. In 2002, the University of North Carolina Chapel Hill patented an infectious replication defective clone of coronavirus. The CDC filed a patent on SARS coronavirus isolated from humans in 2003. The RT PCR test for coronavirus was identified as a bioterrorism threat in 2002. Gain of function research on coronavirus was exempted from a moratorium in 2014. In 2016, a journal article stated that SARS coronavirus was poised for human emergence. In 2019, Moderna modified patent applications to include the term "accidental or intentional release of a respiratory pathogen." The goal was to create a universal vaccine template. The intent was to use coronavirus to achieve this. The speaker concludes by calling for an end to gain of function research and corporate patronage of science without assuming product liability.

In 2015, a 153-page agreement between Moderna and the US government reveals collaboration with Dr. Barrick on mRNA tech for a coronavirus vaccine. The NIH co-owns the vaccine candidates with Moderna. This predates current events and raises questions about government involvement in vaccine ownership.

In 2015, a 153-page confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government reveals collaboration with Dr. Barrick on mRNA coronavirus vaccines. The NIH co-owns the vaccine candidates with Moderna. This predates current events and raises questions about ulterior motives.

In 2012, DARPA initiated the ADEPT Protect P3 program for pandemic prevention using gene-encoded vaccines. The military had been working on mRNA vaccines since then, not just in response to COVID-19. The rapid development of vaccines under Operation Warp Speed was part of a long-term military program. The FDA's lack of control over the process is due to its military origins. The military approach to vaccine development leaves no one exempt.

Speaker 0 discusses the origin and framing of pandemic prevention and vaccine development as a military-led initiative. He cites a 2012 DARPA program called the Adept Protect p three program, described as a pandemic prevention platform. The proposal outlined the use of gene-encoded vaccines based on RNA or DNA with the goal of stopping a pandemic within sixty days. He suggests that, by the time President Trump referenced “Operation Warp Speed” to develop vaccines, there should have been preparation and acknowledgement that this work dated back to 2012, making it not rapid innovation but a decade-long effort. He argues that the public narrative of rapid development and stunning innovation surrounding vaccines is deceptive and that contractors like Moderna had already secured multi-million-dollar contracts in 2013. He notes that the military operates programs addressing biological threats and also works on answers such as monoclonal antibodies and vaccines. The claim is made that the military originated the idea of messenger RNA vaccines, not Pfizer or Moderna, and not in response to the outbreak from Wuhan. According to the speaker, this is a military program in origin and administration. The speaker asserts that Health and Human Services, under Alex Azar, together with the Department of Defense, ushered the public into a vaccine era, framing Emergency Use Authorization as a mechanism to rapidly deploy new technology into the military rather than the public. He contends that this mechanism’s broad public application began with the COVID-19 pandemic, which is presented as evidence that the FDA lacks ownership or control over the process because the program is characterized as military in origin and execution. The overall claim is that the program operates like a military operation with universal reach and without exemptions, implying a deeply embedded military approach to vaccine development and deployment. Throughout, the speaker emphasizes the continuity from a 2012 program proposal through to the public health landscape observed during and after the COVID-19 pandemic, asserting that the military’s involvement, timeline, and governance underlie the current vaccine paradigm and its regulatory pathways.