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The globalist neo-con elite wants BlackRock to take over Ukraine to strip its resources and subjugate it, and they want to destroy Russia. Russia has legitimate concerns about actions in Eastern Ukraine, including the building of an army to attack them and the installation of a hostile government in 2014. Trump tried to listen to Russia's concerns, but was subverted. A major Russian offensive is expected in June, which will sweep away most of Ukraine and its government in Kyiv, which only represents globalist interests. The war has become financial, and the globalists are losing. BRICS will expand with 81 new members and move to a gold-backed currency. Intervention in Western Ukraine by US and Polish forces could trigger a full-fledged war, despite Putin's restraint and desire to avoid conflict with the West. Putin repeatedly warned against advancing NATO's border and turning Ukraine into a hostile actor. Russia wanted equal rights for Russians in Eastern Ukraine and would not surrender Crimea, fearing it would become a US naval base. The US goal is regime change in Russia and its division into constituent parts for exploitation. Russia has a plan for a 31-month war if the US insists on fighting, but the US is not prepared for war and is struggling to recruit soldiers.

When the Soviet Union ended, the U.S. believed it could do as it wanted, leading to wars in the Middle East, Serbia, and Africa. Europe, lacking a foreign policy, has shown only American loyalty. It's time for European officials to lead with a European foreign policy. The war in Ukraine is ending. Putin's intention was to negotiate neutrality. Ukraine walked away from a near agreement because the U.S. told them to. I advised Ukraine to be neutral, echoing Kissinger's warning: "To be an enemy of the United States is dangerous, but to be a friend is fatal." The U.S. viewed NATO enlargement as its right, ignoring Russian concerns. This project, dating back to the 90s, aimed to neutralize Russia. Trump and Putin will likely agree to end the war, regardless of Europe's warmongering.

Rick Sanchez and Glenn discuss how western and Russian media frame the Ukraine war, the state of journalism, and prospects for ending the conflict. Rick Sanchez explains that in the United States, the media operates with Pentagon and State Department correspondents who are fed lines to read on air, often about “new documents proving that such and such a bad person” and then follow with praise for allies. He says many correspondents are good people but their job is to articulate the narrative dictated by those institutions, leaving little room for his pushback or for challenging the official line. He notes he was on CNN with a big show and tried to question those narratives, but was pushed off the air or fired when he did. He contrasts his experience in the U.S. with his current environment, where he has more editorial freedom, and argues that in the United States, leadership rarely covers the other side—Putin, Xi, Modi—beyond brief comebacks on comedy shows, while in Russia he can access ministers and officials and report what they say more directly. He recounts Putin’s remarks last night, noting Putin said “The US media has become in many ways what we used to do back during the Soviet era,” that they block and interfere, and that “Russia has the best intercontinental weapon in the world today, and it's called truth.” Rick emphasizes the difference in how truth and free speech are treated, pointing out RT’s 20-year anniversary of free speech in Moscow and contrasting that with U.S. media practices. Glenn asks about how the narrative has flipped over time, referencing early Davos moments with Trump and the Chinese delegation, and later Russia’s perspective in Moscow. They discuss accountability gaps in Europe and the U.S.—the lack of accountability for events like the Biden laptop story, the Afghan bounties, the Nord Stream controversy, and the claimed Ukrainian drone deals—arguing that the press often avoids tough questions and veers toward pro-Russian framing by labeling inconvenient facts as Kremlin talking points. Rick argues that the censorship culture makes it seem like presenting the Russian perspective legitimizes it, yet he insists that understanding opposing viewpoints is essential to address the conflict. Rick claims that after Joe Biden’s administration made it illegal for him to practice journalism in the U.S. (tied to Russian connections with penalties for noncompliance), he found greater editorial freedom in Russia. He asserts that in the U.S., Putin or Xi speeches are rarely covered in full, whereas in Russia, officials publicly present their evidence—such as Boris Johnson allegedly paying bribes to Zelensky’s government to prevent a peace deal in April 2022—and provide data, timelines, and formal declarations, like a stated MI6 operation against Russia’s pipelines and a separate incident involving the destruction of a Russian aircraft fleet. They discuss the Ukraine conflict as a proxy battle primarily between the United States and Russia, with Trump positioned as a potential mediator who could push for rapprochement with Russia, potentially lifting sanctions to move toward peace. Rick explains his view that Europe’s insistence on continued confrontation with Russia is a sticking point and that the war’s end would require a shift toward diplomacy and a reduction of war propaganda at home. He cites a Guardian article detailing financial incentives to prolong the war and emphasizes that Russia’s strategy—advancing while minimizing civilian casualties and flanking cities—deserves more attention in Western reporting. They touch on Trump’s stance, suggesting that his administration might seek to end the war by reestablishing relations with Russia, and stress that some discussions could extend beyond Ukraine, potentially involving Odessa and broader regional settlements. They note Merkel’s recent critical commentary about Poland and Baltic states and acknowledge shifts in Western media narratives as war dynamics evolve. The conversation closes with hopes for reduced propaganda, renewed diplomacy, and the possibility that Hungary could host a productive meeting between leaders to move toward peace.

Putin is considered one of the richest and most evil people in the world. There are suspicions about what he has on Trump, leading to concerns about Trump's loyalty to Putin. The focus is on Trump's lack of criticism towards Putin and his actions, which are seen as a betrayal of his oath and values. Financial leverage is speculated as a possible reason for Trump's behavior.

I met Prime Minister Orban 36 years ago and saw his vision for a new Hungary. The Ukraine war stems from the US's 1994 NATO expansion project, despite promises to Gorbachev. This was a deep state project that every president after Clinton was a part of. Yesterday was historic because Trump and Putin spoke, and the new defense secretary admitted Ukraine won't join NATO. This is the basis for peace. For 30 years, America has been playing a game of risk, seeking world hegemony. Marco Rubio acknowledged a multipolar world. The US must stop attacking others and respect other countries. With mutual respect, we can achieve a golden age, investing in technology instead of war.

Russia and the U.S. are politically aligned, confronting "brown heirs of Hitler's Germany" in Europe. The speaker suggests the U.S. send an official representative to Moscow's Victory Day parade, and proposes that if Europe continues to "humiliate" Trump, he should either bless Russia's "special military operation" or pressure Europe to unblock $100 billion of frozen Russian assets as an initial settlement. The speaker suggests using part of the money to purchase Boeing airliners. They also propose restoring direct flights between Moscow and Washington, and returning seized Russian diplomatic property. The speaker claims Zelenskyy opposes Trump's administration and that Ursula von der Leyen is the "new leader of militarism in Europe," hatching plans to rearm Europe. The speaker references Maria Zakharova's statement that Germany providing long-range missiles to Ukraine would be direct participation in the war. The speaker believes Trump will be blamed if the Ukrainian direction is unsuccessful and must be tough in implementing his goals. The speaker believes Trump is saving Ukraine, referencing a closed session of the Verkhovna Rada where the head of Ukrainian intelligence said Ukraine faces serious threats if there is no negotiation process by the summer. Trump stated that the U.S. will no longer provide military support to Ukraine.

Checklist for summary approach: - Identify the core claim: the war is not about NATO enlargement. - Extract the key supporting points and alleged facts. - Note recurring contrasts between “not about NATO” and “about democracy/sphere of influence.” - Preserve explicit claims about Ukraine’s actions (democracy issues) as stated. - Include notable comparisons and opinions voiced (Hitler analogies, emotional judgments) exactly as presented. - Mention any proposed causal chain (draft treaty, rejection, invasion). - Keep direct references concise and faithful to the original wording where possible. - Exclude evaluative judgments or truth-claims beyond what is stated. - Maintain 378–473 words. The transcript repeatedly states that the war in Ukraine is not about NATO enlargement. Speaker 0 notes that President Putin allegedly sent a draft treaty to NATO promising no more enlargement as a precondition for not invading Ukraine; the offer was rejected, and he proceeded with war to prevent NATO from nearing his borders. The ongoing refrain across speakers is that this is fundamentally not about NATO, and some insist it is about “democratic expansion” or Russia’s sphere of influence rather than alliance growth. Several voices argue that claims of NATO expansion are a distraction from Russia’s aims. One speaker asserts, “This is not about NATO expansion,” followed by others repeating variations: “It has nothing to do with NATO,” “NATO is not the reason,” and “NATO is just a fictitious imaginary adversary” used by Putin and Russia. In contrast, multiple speakers insist the issue concerns democracy and Russia’s expansionist motives: “This is about democratic expansion.” They allege Ukraine acts against democracy: “Ukraine bans religious organizations. We are protecting democracy right now. Ukraine is banning political parties. Because it's a democracy. Ukraine restricts books and music. It's about democracy. Ukraine won't hold elections.” A thread in the discussion ties Russia’s actions to a desire to rebuild influence. One speaker states, “This is about him trying to expand his sphere of influence,” while another notes, “If the West had not challenged Russian interests so directly, I think that there was a chance to avoid this war.” There is also a strong moralizing frame: Putin is described with adjectives like “evil,” “madman,” and compared to Hitler. The speakers evoke historical analogies: “Hitler,” “the Nazis invaded Poland,” and “Putin is reminiscent of Hitler,” with phrases such as “new Hitler.” One speaker characterizes Putin as a butcher “trying to kill people everywhere in the world, just not Ukraine,” and the discussion culminates with acknowledgment of Lindsey Graham’s remarks, signaling a transition to further commentary.

Donald Trump started the war in Ukraine, not Joe Biden, and Russia is aware of this. Despite Trump's unpredictability, Russia will engage in diplomacy with the U.S. Trump's alleged leaked 2024 campaign statement, where he threatened to bomb Moscow if Putin moved into Kyiv, was never made, portraying Trump as a liar in the eyes of the Russians. Sanctions are not a credible threat because Russia doesn't care about them, and its major partners won't yield. Trump's claim of providing 17 weapon batteries to Ukraine is unrealistic, as countries like Germany, Spain, and the Netherlands cannot readily supply that many. Germany won't provide transit support until they receive replacements, and the U.S. is prioritizing Israel and replenishing its own stocks. Trump's proposition to Mark Rutte involves the Netherlands giving up its weapons to Ukraine and then buying them from the U.S. at no cost to America. Rutte should instead tell Trump to leave NATO because he is useless. This is not a serious proposal, but posturing to appease the Republican base who oppose aid to Ukraine.

- Democrats' spending caused inflation, and Biden's administration ignited global unrest after a peaceful period under Trump. Biden's Afghanistan withdrawal was botched, and NATO expansion talks provoked Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Opportunities for peace were rejected, leading to a prolonged war with mass casualties and depleted US stockpiles. - The US has a history of military interventions, including the bombing of Belgrade, and illegal wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, as well as involvement in the 2014 coup in Kyiv. The US government cannot be trusted. - NATO expansion was promised not to move "one inch eastward" but Clinton signed off on plans to expand NATO to Ukraine. The US unilaterally withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in 2002, leading to missile systems in Eastern Europe that Russia views as a threat. - Putin sought to force Ukraine to negotiate neutrality, aiming to keep NATO off Russia's border. The US rejected negotiations, and a draft Russia-US security agreement proposing no NATO enlargement. - Germany has aligned with the US, supporting NATO expansion, but previously had an independent foreign policy. Merkel knew NATO expansion was a bad idea but gave in to US pressure. - The US is in a hot war with Russia, with US personnel on the ground in Ukraine. Russia could disable critical American infrastructure. - The war in Ukraine is a US-Russia conflict provoked by the US with the aim of NATO enlargement. The American people have been told the opposite. - The war started in 2014 with US involvement in the overthrow of Ukraine's government. The US rejected off-ramps and continues to fund the war, resulting in Ukrainian deaths and territorial losses. - The US should negotiate with Russia, acknowledging mutual security concerns and halting NATO enlargement. - The US is trying to destroy Russia through CIA operations in Ukraine. Russia is defending its right to survive. - Globalists aim to exploit Ukraine's resources and destroy Russia. The BRICS nations are moving towards a gold-backed currency. - The US has invested billions in Ukraine since 1991 to support a democratic government. Zelenskyy's team is adding fuel to the fire. - The US blew up the Nord Stream pipeline, as promised by Biden. - The US is turning Ukraine into a de facto member of NATO.

The discussion frames the current global confrontation as driven less by ideology or democracy and more by an economic battle centered on financial control. The speakers argue that the British establishment is panicking not about territory or missiles, but because a Quietly released Washington document signals the end of London’s ability to siphon money from the American economy. This document, the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) 2025 annual report, is said to prioritize economic stability and household income over protecting the financial system that underpins “the casino,” and it is described as revolutionary in shifting policy away from saving “financial parasites” toward supporting the real economy. Key points include: - The premise that London fears a shift in U.S. policy that places people and economic growth first, not globalist or imperial financial interests. The two documents released within a week—the FSOC 2025 report and the administration’s national security strategy—are said to reassert that American principles will govern, not imperial ones. - Susan Kokinda argues that this shift exposes a strategic clash: London’s fear is the end of its economic model’s dominance, not a conventional military threat. - The war in Ukraine is recast as a theater where Trump’s administration is pushing a new economic and geopolitical strategy. Trump’s team is said to be telling Zelensky to negotiate on territory or risk losing security guarantees, signaling a move away from a rigid transatlantic alliance toward recognizing Russia’s interests and seeking peace. - Britain, according to the analysis, is openly pushing for continued conflict. A Sky News interview with a British general is cited as evidence that the UK is preparing its population for war rather than advocating peace. - Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service is presented as corroborating that the UK is undermining Trump’s peace efforts and pressuring the EU to seize Russian assets to fund Ukraine and derail a U.S.-led settlement. - The FSOC reform is tied to a broader reshaping of the U.S. economy, with the participation of influential figures such as Lord Peter Mandelson and Larry Summers in shaping post-2008 financial policy (Dodd-Frank) and its alleged pivot toward protecting American households rather than financial centers. - The administration’s domestic focus targets four alleged cartels that are viewed as pillars of the imperial financialized system: beef cartels, big pharma and insurance, housing, and narco trafficking. The claim is that these sectors drain resources from the public and fuel the financial system’s dominance. - Beef, pharma, housing, and drugs are presented as extraction and control mechanisms of the British system, with reforms aimed at breaking these up described as both economic and strategic blows to the empire. - The narrator contends that stopping these economic mechanisms can prevent wars sustained by financial interests, and that Trump’s policies are reviving American manufacturing, builders, and producers. Supporting details highlight instances where political figures frame policy as protecting working Americans—food security, healthcare affordability, and housing stability—while linking these goals to a broader strategy against international financial power structures. The overarching claim is that the real war behind the shooting war is economic, and the British system cannot survive a successful American pivot toward prioritizing people and real economy over financial elites. The update closes by urging readers to understand the economic war behind geopolitical conflict and to engage with Promethean Action for more analysis.

Speaker 0 and Speaker 1 discuss the long-running effort to build civil society in the former Soviet Union, focusing on the Open Society Foundation’s role in Ukraine and the broader European reception of Vladimir Putin. Speaker 1 explains that the Cultural Initiative Foundation began in 1987 within the Soviet Union, and a branch was set up in Ukraine in 1990 two years before Ukraine’s independence. The foundation provided scholarships and supported civil society, and Speaker 1 asserts that the civil society’s maturity twenty-five years later is largely the work of the foundation. He notes that the foundation’s scholarships helped create a generation of leaders: those who were students twenty-five years ago became leaders later. Speaker 0 adds a personal observation that the new Ukrainian government and its leadership have been touched by Open Society and by Georgia, with many individuals personally benefiting from scholarships or having family members who did. The conversation then turns to the appeal of Ukraine as a model of open society, contrasted with broader European admiration for or susceptibility to Vladimir Putin. Speaker 0 points out that not all Europeans share the Ukrainian sympathy; she mentions that Hungary’s leader described Putin as a model, and cites Greece’s trips to Moscow and France’s Marielle Le Pen having close contacts with Putin. She asks how Speaker 1 explains Putin’s influence and appeal in Europe. Speaker 1 responds by situating the discussion in a political and historical context, noting his involvement in the collapse of the Soviet system. He describes himself as a political philanthropist and frames his perspective around the broader historical forces at play, implying that the appeal of Putin in some European circles is tied to these transformative historical currents. Key points: - The Cultural Initiative Foundation (established 1987 in the Soviet Union) and its Ukraine branch (1990) funded scholarships and civil-society work. - The foundation contributed to the maturation of civil society in Ukraine, with beneficiaries who became leaders two decades later. - Personal and institutional ties to Open Society and Georgia have touched Ukraine’s political leadership. - There is a notable divergence in Europe regarding Putin’s influence, with some leaders or groups appearing attracted to or engaging with Putin, while Ukraine’s open-society model is presented as a contrasting example. - Speaker 1 frames his view within a broader historical assessment of the collapse of the Soviet system, identifying as a political philanthropist.

In a wide-ranging discussion about the Ukraine war and related strategic developments, Colonel and the host cover several key topics, facts, and analyses. Skyfall/Burevznik nuclear-powered cruise missile - The Skyfall (Burevznik) is a nuclear-powered, nuclear-capable cruise missile. A test five years ago ended with five deaths and an explosion; a newer test reportedly flew 14 hours and 15,000 miles. Its characteristics include very long range, low-altitude flight to hug terrain, and high maneuverability, making detection and interception challenging. - The U.S. perspective is that it is not a silver bullet, but it represents an advanced capability: maneuvering over great distances, flying subsonically at very low altitude (within about 20 meters of the ground), and potentially approaching from unexpected directions. - Russia claims it cannot be shot down; the guest cautions that nothing is invulnerable until proven operational, but the missile adds a troubling dimension to deterrence and arms competition. - The broader significance is that it accentuates concern about nuclear weapons and underscores the desirability of nuclear arms reduction talks before START’s expiration. Nuclear arms talks and China’s potential role - The guest indicates Russia is pushing for nuclear arms reduction talks before START expires (February). China is conceptually willing to join, according to some Russian sources, but no authoritative statements from China are cited. Any willingness would depend on Western engagement to explore meaningful participation. Poseidon and other advanced weapons - Poseidon is described as a Russian nuclear-powered autonomous underwater vehicle (a "massive unmanned torpedo drone") intended as a strategic deterrent. Its exact status is uncertain; reports and videos circulate, but it remains largely experimental. - The discussion notes general concerns about U.S. safety from advanced weapons such as Poseidon and other long-range strike capabilities. Encirclement near Donbas: Pokrovsk and Kupiansk - Grasimov claimed 49 Ukrainian battalions are involved in Donbas, with about 31 allegedly encircled near Pokrovsk (for roughly 5,000 troops). Ukraine says supply lines are not cut and that encirclement is not complete. - The analysts explain that Russia has achieved notable progress in Kupiansk and Pokrovsk areas. Ukraine has mounted limited counterattacks in the north near Pokrovsk to disrupt a potential northern encirclement pivot at Rodinsky, but sustained pressure is difficult due to Ukraine’s manpower and logistics constraints. - The northern shoulder near Rodinsky is a focal point: if Russians move beyond Rodinsky, encirclement risk increases. Ukraine’s ability to keep tens of thousands of troops supplied and to hold the city is limited; Russia’s reserves enable more methodical advances. - The overarching view: Ukraine can slow Russian advances but cannot realistically stop or reverse the broader trajectory due to manpower, equipment, and ammunition imbalances. Russia’s advantage in resources makes a prolonged war of attrition unfavorable to Ukraine. Ukraine’s manpower, equipment, and ammunition - The central constraint for Ukraine is manpower. Even with missiles, drones, and air defense, without sufficient infantry to hold and seize territory and to provide reserves, Ukraine cannot win. - Russia’s industrial capacity and reserves enable it to sustain campaigns, whereas Ukraine’s supply and manpower constraints limit sustained operations. - The discussion notes Western missiles (Storm Shadow, Flamingo) and the pace of Tomahawk deliveries, with the implication that gaps in long-range standoff capability affect Ukraine’s offensive and defensive options. Mercenaries and potential foreign troop contributions - Reports of North Korean troops aiding Pokrovsk are discussed. The guest sees little likelihood of other countries sending troops, given the risk of provoking Russia. Mercenary recruitment by other countries is mentioned as a potential but unverified factor. Western sanctions and energy dynamics - The significant development of American sanctions on Rosneft and Lukoil (two-thirds of Russia’s oil exports, roughly 4.4 million barrels per day) is analyzed. China’s state-owned majors and India are reducing seaborne imports but still engaging via pipelines or other mechanisms; the long-term impact on Russia’s revenue is likely substantial but may be offset through workarounds. - The guest emphasizes that history shows Russia tends to absorb economic pain and adapt, making it unlikely that sanctions alone will force strategic changes in Russia’s posture. Global Thunder and other security signals - The Global Thunder nuclear command exercise is mentioned, but the guest signals incomplete knowledge of this particular exercise’s details. Other security signals include drone activity near the Kremlin and assertions about Russia’s broader strategic planning, including potential NATO-related concerns and the Arctic buildup. NATO, European militaries, and relative capabilities - The discussion contrasts Europe’s growing modernization and ambition with actual combat experience. Europe’s strategic parity with Russia is viewed as plausible at a high level, but conventional capabilities lag Russia’s real-time battlefield experience and industrial scale. - The guest warns that perception of inevitable war between NATO and Russia could create self-fulfilling dynamics, urging cautious interpretation of escalatory signaling on both sides. Trump’s negotiation tactics and Ukraine peace prospects - The host questions Trump’s peace negotiation tactics: threats of Tomahawk missiles, meetings with Putin, and attempts to tailor a peace deal offering to freeze lines or concede Donbas. The guest describes Trump’s approach as transactional and inconsistent, with fluctuating positions that depend on the perceived personal and political gains. - The guest argues that Russia’s position has remained consistent since 2014-2022, centering on existential-security demands and denazification logic, including ensuring rights and language protections for ethnic Russians within the contested territories. A lasting peace would require a win-win vision that both sides can accept; transactional bargaining alone is unlikely to lead to a durable settlement. Venezuela and broader geopolitics - The discussion notes a Wagda-linked cargo flight to Venezuela amid sanctions evasion talk, with implications of mercenaries or military parts and a broader strategic alignment with Russia. The host and guest agree that U.S. regime-change impulses in Venezuela complicate international norms, risk escalation, and could inadvertently shift attention away from Ukraine. Overall, the conversation traces the evolving military balance in Ukraine, the emergence of new weapons systems and strategic deterrence concerns, the limits of Western capabilities and sanctions, and the complex interplay of diplomacy, negotiation tactics, and geopolitical aims shaping the conflict and potential resolutions.

Checklist for summary approach: - Identify core claims, end-state, and strategic stakes across the dialogue. - Preserve unique or surprising assertions, including direct phrases where pivotal. - Exclude repetition, filler, and off-topic asides; focus on moving arguments. - Translate nothing (content is already in English); present claims as stated, with minimal interpretation. - Do not insert opinions or adjudicate truth; report claims exactly as presented. - Target a concise, coherent 388–486 word summary. Speaker 1 asserts that the globalists—described as a "globalist neocon elite" on both the Hill and in the White House, plus elites in Europe—want to see BlackRock "take over Ukraine" to strip its resources and turn it into a subjugated state for the broader agenda. They also want to see Russia destroyed, arguing the war has never been about Ukraine but about what can be done to destroy Russia. Russia is depicted as weak, with references to earlier contemptuous assessments like "Russia is Spain with a gas station." The speakers contend Moscow had legitimate concerns about Western actions in Eastern Ukraine and NATO on its border; they claim Washington ignored those concerns and installed a hostile government in Kyiv in 2014. They say President Trump attempted to listen but was surrounded by loyalists who "took an oath of obedience" but who ignored his orders. The outcome foreseen is a serious war that could become regional or global, with the claim that the globalists are losing. When the ground dries in June, a "massive Russian offensive" is anticipated, and much of what is called Ukraine would be swept away, especially the Kyiv government, which the speaker claims serves elite interests rather than the Ukrainian people. Speaker 0 pivots to the petrodollar, noting Putin’s outreach to Saudis and Xi, suggesting that moving away from the petrodollar would undermine U.S. borrowing and living beyond means. Speaker 1 reframes the war as now financial as well as military. The BRICS alliance is described as expanding—"81 additional members"—and moving to a currency backed by gold, whether a single currency or a basket. This, they argue, would undermine the dollar and signal grave trouble for global finance, driving the globalists to desperate measures. They warn that once Western Ukraine falls, there would be pressure to deploy U.S. forces into Poland and Romania, with possible Romanian participation, leading to a full-fledged war if intervention occurs. Putin is described as having exercised tremendous restraint and patience, avoiding a war with the West; he supposedly does not want conflict with the West, but if Western forces involved themselves near the Polish border or beyond, “the gloves will come off.” The dialogue also asserts Russia’s strategic calculus: Putin warned against advancing the border to Russia, sought equal rights for Russians in Eastern Ukraine, and refused to surrender Crimea, which was seen as a bulwark against a U.S. naval base. Biden’s goal is framed as regime change and dividing Russia, with oligarchs such as Koloboyski and Soros alleged to be part of this globalist project. The plan is described as a strategic defense with an economy-of-force approach pushing toward the Polish border, setting up the threat of a protracted, multi-year conflict. The United States’ military recruitment is depicted as underprepared, including Marines being encouraged to recruit illegals.

Speaker 0 and Speaker 1 discuss a series of escalating tensions and strategic assessments around Ukraine, NATO, Russia, and the United States. - Nightfall concept and implications: The British Ministry of Defence announced a new deep-strike ballistic missile for Ukraine, Nightfall, intended to carry a 200 kilogram warhead with a 500 kilometer range to strike Moscow. Scott Ritter says Nightfall is a joke: it is still developing, with a budget around £9,000,000, no production facility, no prototype built or tested, and a target of producing 10 missiles a month at about £800,000 each. He argues the idea is not a real weapon but an underfinanced concept, and that Russia will watch with interest while the plan remains insufficient to matter. - Britain’s strategic credibility and potential retaliation: Ritter contends that Britain could strike Moscow with such missiles only once before Russia responds decisively, potentially even with nuclear weapons. He asserts Russia resents Britain as a “failing power” and believes there is “great hatred” toward Britain among Russia’s political elite; he predicts Russia would not tolerate continued British escalation. - Western troop commitments and feasibility: The discussion also covers the idea of sending British troops to Ukraine. Ritter asserts that Britain cannot deploy 7,600 troops nor sustain them logistically or politically; he describes the British military as incapable of a rapid deployment and notes the overall size and combat-readiness of the British forces as insufficient for sustained operations. - The “keep Ukraine in the fight” plan: The speakers discuss the UK’s strategy to keep Ukraine in conflict as a political/propaganda effort, rather than a path to victory. Ritter calls much of Ukraine’s and Western rhetoric “the theater of the absurd” and says many actions by Ukraine are designed for propaganda rather than strategic success. He highlights drone strikes on Caspian oil rigs as demonstrative of “propaganda purposes.” He also notes that Russia’s response includes power and water outages across Ukraine and a strong retaliatory capability. - Arashnik and Russia’s nuclear posture: They discuss Russia’s Arashnik program, noting that initial launches were treated as test missiles, with a brigade deployed in Belarus and other units being prepared for fielding. Ritter asserts that Arashnik is now a permanent part of Russia’s strategic posture, and that Russia is deploying production-quality missiles, though exact production rates are uncertain. - Arms control and the European security architecture: Ritter claims there is a “total disconnect from reality” in Europe, asserting arms control is effectively dead. He argues Russia has advantages in intermediate and strategic nuclear forces, while U.S. forces are aging and expensive to modernize; he predicts a coming arms race with Russia holding an advantage. He is critical of attempts at extending New START and expresses belief that arms control is no longer feasible given the current political environment and U.S. leadership. - The Alaska “spirit” and U.S. foreign policy: The conversation discusses the 2024-25 era, with mentions of Donald Trump and the CIA’s role in anti-Russian operations. Ritter argues that U.S. actions, including cyber and drone activities against Russian targets (oil refineries and military assets), reflect a CIA-led strategy against Russia. He contends that Trump’s approach has shifted over time from tentative peace prospects to aggressive posturing, and that American leadership lacks trustworthiness in negotiations. - Intelligence and operational transparency: The dialogue touches on the May 2024 and June 2025 attacks on Russian deterrence assets (e.g., Engels base, and the Kerch Bridge operation). Ritter argues that the intelligence community (notably MI6 and the CIA) uses psychological operations to undermine Putin, but that Russia’s restraint and measured responses indicate limited willingness to escalate beyond a point. - Toward a broader European security collapse: Ritter foresees NATO’s dissolution or “death,” suggesting that the United States will pursue bilateral arrangements with European states as NATO weakens. He predicts Greenland and broader European security would become dominated by U.S. strategic interests, diminishing European autonomy. - On Trump’s transformation and democracy in the U.S.: The speakers debate Trump’s evolution, with Ritter arguing that Trump’s rhetoric and actions reveal a long-standing pattern of deceit and anti-democratic behavior, including alleged manipulation of elections and the undermining of international law. He depicts a grim view of the constitutional republic’s future, suggesting that Trump has consolidated power in ways that erode checks and balances. - Final reflections: The conversation closes with a weighing of whether peace can be achieved given deep mistrust, the CIA’s alleged influence in Ukraine, and the wider geopolitical shifts. Both acknowledge growing instability, the potential end of NATO as a cohesive alliance, and the possibility of a broader, more dangerous security environment if current trajectories persist.

Russia and the U.S. are politically aligned, contrasting with Europe, which is seen as continuing the work of the Third Reich. The speaker suggests the U.S. send an official representative to Moscow's Victory Day parade. If Europe humiliates Trump, he should allow Russia to continue its special military operation or pressure Europe to unblock Russian assets, using $100 billion to buy Boeing airliners. The speaker proposes restoring direct flights between Moscow and Washington and returning seized Russian diplomatic property. Zelenskyy opposes Trump's administration and relies on the EU, while Ursula von der Leyen is the new leader of militarism in Europe. Germany is risking conflict with Russia by considering supplying long-range missiles to Ukraine. The speaker questions the seriousness of U.S. threats to withdraw from Ukraine negotiations, noting upcoming midterm elections. Trump needs to be tough to resolve the conflict and has tools to influence Europe and Zelenskyy. Trump is saving Ukraine, as indicated by Ukrainian intelligence, and negotiations are in Ukraine's interest. Trump stated the U.S. will no longer provide military support to Ukraine.

Donald Trump's campaign chairman was secretly meeting with Russian intelligence, and Russia interfered with the election to attack democracy. One speaker believes Trump is guilty because he knows something about Russia and questions why Trump believed Putin more than U.S. intelligence. Another speaker suggests Trump views the government's role as advancing his political fortunes and destroying enemies, envisioning a second term resembling Vladimir Putin's Russia or Viktor Orban's Hungary. Russia intervened heavily in the 2016 election to elect Trump through a social media campaign and hacking. This is compared to Watergate, with a virtual break-in and a presidential cover-up. There are concerns that Putin and the Kremlin could attempt to intervene in the 2024 election, especially with the war in Ukraine and NATO enlargement. Russia has more at stake and less reason to avoid risk, viewing Trump as a lifeline due to U.S. support for Ukraine. It is expected that Russia will engage, and the question is how much.

Gilbert Doktorov and the host discuss the evolving, multi-layered negotiations surrounding the Ukraine war, stressing that talks involve more than Ukraine and Russia, extending to US-Russia dynamics and broader European and global interests. - They note that trilateral talks among Ukraine, Russia, and the US have begun, with the first phase completed. The conversation emphasizes that the US-Russia dimension is crucial because the conflict is viewed as a proxy war between NATO and Russia, and that “the US toppled the government in Ukraine” with intelligence support, military planning, weapons, and targets coordinated through backchannels. The implication is that any durable settlement would require some deal between the US and Russia to de-escalate the proxy confrontation. - On US-Russia relations, Speaker 1 identifies several dimensions: renewal or non-renewal of New START, and the functioning of embassies, as negative signs, but points to positive changes elsewhere. He highlights Kislyov’s Sunday night program remarks, noting Russia’s proposal to contribute $1,000,000,000 to become a permanent board member using frozen US assets (total US assets frozen around $5 billion in equivalent value). He mentions that Trump was asked about using frozen assets and reportedly declined, but the implication is that Moscow views this as a potential lever. Kislyov also notes that the additional $4,000,000,000 in frozen assets would be allocated to reconstruction in Palestine, and that Russia’s participation on the board would influence regional diplomacy, including with Palestinians and Israelis. - The discussion suggests that the absence of official diplomacy (e.g., embassies) does not necessarily indicate a lack of progress, arguing that backchannels between Putin and Trump are functioning well. The speakers discuss the broader context of Russia’s strategic posture, including alleged advancements in space-based and other new military capabilities that are not fully captured by New START, and the sense from Moscow that the US is preparing a space-based missile system that would enable first strikes, a point the Russians emphasize in public discourse. - On Ukraine, Zelensky’s stance is described as uncompromising: Ukraine will not cede territory and will demand security guarantees, which could undermine a neutral status. The dialogue suggests Zelensky is using a posture of firmness to buy time for negotiations, with Ukrainian leadership potentially exchanging assurances for a broader settlement that could include regime change and financial support for reconstruction. - The potential for compromise is discussed in terms of strategic timing and leverage. The Russians’ primary interest is regime change, and there could be an understanding with Trump about a democratic replacement in Ukraine, possibly replacing Zelensky with a pro-Russian administration under conditions tied to substantial monetary reparations for reconstruction. The timing and mechanism, including potential referenda or buyouts, are considered critical elements that could determine the settlement’s architecture. - The European role is analyzed as increasingly fraught. Europe’s diplomatic engagement has been limited, but Moscow is open to leveraging European assets in a peace process. Lavrov’s stated position that talks with Ursula von der Leyen’s European Commission leadership are unlikely, and the broader fragmentation within Europe (France, Germany, Finland, the EU leadership) are highlighted as complicating factors. There is speculation about European figures who could bridge talks, such as Finland’s Stubb, though there is skepticism about Kalas’s leadership within the EU. - The speakers speculate that Davos and Trump’s stance have reshaped European perceptions of US leadership, with European elites increasingly questioning the reliability of US-backed security guarantees. The conversation closes with an expectation that the year 2025 will be dominated by Trump as a central variable in resolving global issues, and that Moscow remains optimistic about achieving a settlement with Washington while signaling a tougher stance toward Ukraine if needed. Overall, the discussion portrays a complex, interwoven set of negotiations across US-Russia, Ukraine-Russia, and European dynamics, with backchannels, asset controls, potential regime-change considerations, and timing as key levers for reaching any settlement.

The Ukrainian drone attack on Moscow is alarming. The Russians are surprised that the US hasn't intervened to stop Ukraine, who they see as a rogue organization. The Russians want an end to this conflict and have several options, including securing more territory or crushing Ukraine entirely. Putin, a judicious leader, faces a decision point: how far to go to guarantee Russia's security? He doesn't want to rule Ukrainians, but some advisors are pushing for a complete takeover. The Ukrainian government is evil and has needlessly sacrificed its own people, leading to a strategic inflection point in the history of Europe. The key is for Trump to follow his instincts and disengage, as any war will expand and the US is overstretched.

Russia is consistently portrayed as acting against American interests, particularly with its alliance with China and its invasion of Ukraine. This action, while wrong, was driven by Russia's concern over Ukraine potentially joining NATO and becoming a satellite of the United States with American weapons. The speaker argues that Ukraine's government isn't fully sovereign, alleging it was installed by a CIA coup. They highlight that during peace talks in Istanbul, a potential agreement was disrupted by the US, leading to further devastation and loss of life in Ukraine. The speaker questions why the U.S. is at war with Russia.

The speaker argues that Russia, China, and India are the major powers, with a potential union under SCO or BRICS posing a US disaster, a result of failed US policy. He claims only three powers matter—Russia, China, and the United States—and suggests a two-against-one dynamic, with the US aligning with Russia to isolate China. Citing Nixon’s 1971 pivot to China, he asserts this approach helped isolate the Soviet Union. He urges engaging with Russia rather than treating it as a pariah, noting the war in Ukraine blocks a pivot. At the Alaska summit, Trump reportedly listened to Putin unfiltered, and Putin seeks a comprehensive peace treaty with security guarantees, though misunderstandings over those guarantees (and Article 5) persist. The plan would involve Russia, China, perhaps Turkey, with minimal Western boots, and sidelining Zelensky to seal a quick deal.

Vladimir Putin claims that a globalist cabal attempted a coup against humanity, warning that their new world order has failed and they will face justice for their crimes. He believes the elite's days of power are over, especially with Donald Trump's potential return to the presidency, which could end the war in Ukraine and prevent further global conflict. Putin criticizes the Biden administration for its role in escalating tensions and emphasizes the need for accountability for the elite's actions. He highlights the historical parallels with the Nuremberg trials and asserts that the globalists are attempting to impose their agenda through propaganda and control. Putin's policies have strengthened Russia economically and socially, and he aims to dismantle the new world order, which he views as a threat to traditional values and sovereignty.

Trump criticized the military industrial complex and the foreign policy establishment, blaming them for the current war. He specifically mentioned Victoria Nuland, comparing her to Fauci in terms of responsibility. Nuland was involved in backing an insurrection in Ukraine in 2014, which led to strained relations with Russia and the subsequent seizure of Crimea. Trump's willingness to address this issue is noteworthy.

Afshin Ratanzi and the guest discuss the Epstein files and how they are being linked to Russia and Western power structures. The guest says 3,000,000 Epstein files have not been released by the Department of Justice, with Trump administration’s attempts to block them and congressional efforts by Thomas Massie and Ro Conner to release them. He notes the files describe how a former Russian deputy, Ponomarev, allegedly wanted to incite a coup in Russia and the assassination of President Putin, and mentions interest in interviewing Ponomarev, who reportedly lives in Kiev. The guest adds that Going Underground has interviewed some people from the Epstein files, including Noam Chomsky, who he says criticized how NATO media prevent understanding of world events and support Russiagate. He mentions Ehud Barak walked out of the show, and notes FBI sworn statements containing disturbing allegations such as child cannibalism, and says these are “allegations, of course.” He asserts Western media will blame Putin and Russia to avoid confronting the broader “dump of redacted 3,000,000 files,” portraying Washington, London, and Brussels as oligarch-dominated and condemning Western democracy while accusing elites of trafficking children and influencing tax legislation to enrich the rich. The host asks what fears the Epstein links raise. The guest explains that Epstein, described as a Mossad asset, purportedly sought to destroy the Russian Federation because a multipolar world involving China, Russia, Venezuela, and Iran challenges Zionist expansion. He argues leaders from those countries aren’t in the Epstein files, contrasting them with Western elites. He discusses why media might link Epstein to Russia, noting that Trump’s handling of the files has caused concern in West Asia; the guest suggests Trump could launch wars (e.g., Iran) to distract from links to Epstein and to avoid scrutiny of his own associations, which could have global economic consequences if Straits of Hormuz were affected. Addressing why the “Russia hoax” persists, the guest emphasizes the existence of a captive population in NATO countries through propaganda and restricted access to alternative outlets (citing bans on Rumble in France and RT in Britain), arguing Western oligarchs control cultural and media sectors. He contends that Western systems have historically supported wars in Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and Syria, and claims public belief about events like Bucha could be shaped by NATO media. Regarding Britain’s role, the guest claims MI6 is heavily involved in wars including Syria, with Epstein-linked interests tied to overthrowing Assad; he notes Peter Mandelson’s resignation from the House of Lords and his appointment as British ambassador to the United States, highlighting Britain’s investment in destroying Russia since the Crimean War. He cautions that Britain’s diplomacy may be a lie and urges BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organization members to reassess Western leaders, suggesting distrust toward Western diplomacy and warning that leaders in global South should recognize a pattern of destruction propagated by Western powers. The interview ends with thanks to Afshin Ratanzi.

I met Prime Minister Orban 36 years ago and saw in him vision, energy, and foresight. The Ukraine war resulted from the US's idea to expand NATO eastward, ignoring promises made to Russia. Yesterday was historic; Trump and Putin spoke, and the defense secretary admitted Ukraine won't join NATO, forming a basis for peace. For 30 years, America played a "game of risk," seeking world hegemony, but Rubio now acknowledges a multipolar world. Europe is befuddled as the US reverses course. I told European leaders this project wouldn't work; Russia sees it as life or death. ExpressVPN shields your online activity. We need rational conversations in foreign policy, not attacks based on motive. The problem is the arrogance of power.

Donald Trump first appeared on the Soviet Union's radar in 1977 through his marriage to Ivana Zelnikova and allegedly became a target of a Czech intelligence spying operation in cooperation with the KGB. In 1987, after befriending a KGB asset, Trump and Ivana visited Russia, where he was encouraged to enter politics. The Soviets studied Trump's personality, and in 1988, he took out a New York Times ad criticizing Ronald Reagan's foreign policy and questioning US participation in NATO. He echoed these sentiments on CNN, calling NATO payments disproportionate. In 2016, Trump became president, and according to the Mueller report, Russia helped him get elected by exploiting American social and racial divisions and stealing Hillary Clinton's emails. As an ex-president, Trump continues to promote pro-Russia talking points. Vladimir Putin aims to rebuild the Soviet Union by annexing Ukraine and jailing opposition, while Republicans are accused of echoing Russian talking points.