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Interviewer and Professor discuss what is known about October 7, the broader context, and the ongoing political implications. - On October 7, the global picture is that roughly 1,200 people were killed, with about 400 combatants and about 800 civilians, according to authorities the professor cites. He notes he relies on UN Human Rights Council Commission of Inquiry, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch but cautions these bodies do not have perfect records. He maintains there is no compelling evidence that a significant portion of the deaths in Israel’s reaction to October 7 were the result of Israeli actions, and he says the deaths are overwhelmingly attributable to Hamas and other armed groups in Gaza. He states there is no evidence supporting the claim that Hamas weaponized rape on October 7. - Regarding rape allegations, the professor emphasizes that the UN mission distinguishes between rape and sexual violence; the UN Commission of Inquiry states there is no digital or photographic evidence of rape. Pamela Patton’s report looked at 5,000 photographs and 50 hours of digital evidence but concluded there was no direct digital or photographic evidence of sexual violence on October 7. He questions why, if such incidents occurred, witnesses did not produce photographic or digital proof, noting that in a conflict zone Israelis would typically photograph atrocities; he suggests eyewitness testimony often aligns with broader narratives about Israel, and argues that some eyewitness accounts come from sources that claim Israel is morally exemplary while also alleging atrocities. - The discussion then moves to the credibility of eyewitness reports. The professor argues that some eyewitness accounts “will tell you Israel is the most moral army in the world” while also suggesting Israel’s society is inbred and that Israeli soldiers form deep bonds in the army, which could influence narratives. He notes a broader pattern of people publishing favorable studies of Israel while denying atrocities. - On Hamas’s planning before October 7, the professor describes Gaza as an “inferno under the Israeli occupation,” with Gaza repeatedly described as a concentration camp by prominent figures since 2004 and 2008. He argues that by late 2023 Gaza was portrayed as facing international indifference, and he asserts that the belief that Gaza’s fate would be sealed by Saudi Arabia joining the Abraham Accords contributed to Hamas’s decision-making. He cites The Economist and UN commentary describing Gaza’s conditions well before October 7, including extreme unemployment (approximately 60% among Gaza’s young people) and a collapse of basic services. - The interviewer asks why violence occurred given various nonviolent and diplomatic avenues. The professor notes that Hamas had attempted diplomacy, including reports of seeking a two-state solution or a hudna, cooperation with human rights investigations after prior Israeli operations, and support for nonviolent movements like the Great March of Return. He claims Hamas’s efforts were ignored and emphasizes the blockade’s impact on Gaza. He argues that while Hamas was not saints, they engaged with diplomacy and international law before resorting to violence in the face of Gaza’s dire conditions. - The West Bank vs. Gaza comparison is discussed. The professor argues that the goal in Gaza differs from that in other contexts; whereas other actors may aim to subordinate, Israel’s long-term aim in Gaza is described as making Gaza unlivable and controlling the territory, with support from various Arab states. - The interviewer questions the historical legitimacy of Gaza and Palestinian statehood. The professor rejects attempts to deny Palestinian existence or redefine Gaza’s status, insisting Gaza’s people are Palestinian and Gaza is not part of the West Bank, while acknowledging the historical complexities. - On the UN Security Council resolution and the “board of peace,” the professor describes the resolution as endorsing the Trump peace plan and naming Donald Trump as head of the board of peace, with the board operating with sovereign powers in Gaza and lacking external accountability. He asserts that this effectively grants Trump control over Gaza and foresees rebuilding timelines; he argues that reconstruction would take decades under current conditions, given rubble, toxins, unexploded ordnance, and the scale of destruction. - The future of Gaza is described pessimistically: Gaza is depicted as “gone” in the sense of a prolonged, uninhabitable landscape under an administratively transitional framework that does not guarantee meaningful reconstruction. The professor contends that Arab states endorsed the resolution under pressure and that some leaders feared severe economic repercussions if they opposed it. - The discussion closes with reflections on who benefits from the resolution and the overall trajectory for Gaza, including strong skepticism about any imminent or credible path to durable peace given the political arrangements described and the perceived long-term consequences for the Palestinian people.

I was involved in vetting arms for Israel and learned about a 13-year-old boy being raped in an Israeli prison. We found the allegations credible and informed the government. The next day, IDF raided the charity's office and labeled them terrorists. It's crucial to prevent all atrocities, including sexual violence and other human rights abuses. People need to be valued and not dehumanized.

Your mandate wasn't investigative, so why issue a report? Can you clarify the distinction between information and evidence? We're not discussing evidence that would hold up in court. We did not collect or retain any materials, such as raw footage or photos, related to this matter. We have no such materials.

I do not have proof of buyers. My role is advocacy, not investigation. Reports of women and girls being detained and raped by Russian soldiers in Mariupol. I mentioned reports of soldiers using Viagra. Investigation is being done by Human Rights Monitoring team and International Commission of Inquiry. No findings yet.

A Muslim American leader accused a congresswoman of lying about Hamas committing rapes against civilians. Israeli authorities have started investigating these allegations, but evidence has been difficult to obtain. Witnesses have described the brutal killings and sexual violence inflicted by Hamas during the attacks. Israeli police have found trauma consistent with rape and assault on the bodies of the victims. Women were humiliated, paraded through the streets, and subjected to gender-based violence. Shockingly, there has been little international outrage or acknowledgment of these crimes. The silence from the international community, including the United Nations, is seen as a failure to recognize the suffering of Israeli women and a failure of humanity.

There are a few survivors who, for confidentiality reasons, cannot be named. They are currently receiving specialized trauma treatment and are not ready to speak out.

It's important to address the claims about sexual violence in the context of the conflict. The UN special representative on sexual violence reported that Israeli hostages in Gaza experienced sexual violence, including rape and torture. This report indicates that such abuse is ongoing and that there were incidents of conflict-related sexual violence during the October 7 attacks, including multiple cases of rape. When denying these occurrences, it raises questions about the credibility of the UN's findings. Why would the United Nations fabricate such serious allegations?

The speaker questions the credibility of a report on sexual violence in Gaza, referencing a meeting with a Zaka volunteer. They express concerns about the report being used to perpetuate violence and emphasize the need for a thorough investigation. The speaker highlights the importance of verifying information and mentions the involvement of civil society organizations in pushing for accountability. They stress the need for a comprehensive investigation to uncover the truth.

We are unable to speak with people in Israel due to lack of access. Medical doctors from Gaza were stopped by the Israeli government from sharing information with us. We urge Israel to cooperate and victims to come forward. Access to Gaza and the West Bank has been denied since October 7.

We will now hear testimonies from two Palestinian survivors of conflict-related sexual violence. The first testimony is from a male survivor held in an Israeli prison from 2022 to 2024. He describes being violently assaulted by security forces after October 7, 2023. He recalls hearing cries from other prisoners and being stripped naked. Guards filmed his abuse while he was subjected to horrific acts, leaving him in shock and despair. The second testimony is from another male survivor detained for six months. He recounts being beaten and threatened with rape by soldiers. During his admission, he was forced to insult his family while being filmed. Despite refusing, he was violently beaten and assaulted. He endured further abuse during processing, suffering severe pain from the beatings and humiliation.

The speaker received reports from survivors and service providers in Kyiv about women being raped by Russian soldiers in Mariupol. They did not investigate or have proof of the use of Viagra. Their role is advocacy, not investigation. Human rights monitoring teams are conducting investigations.

The discussion centers on Physicians for Human Rights Israel’s role and media reception amid coverage of the Gaza conflict. PHRI Israel issued reports on October 7, including one that collected evidence of sexual and gender-based violence, with Isaac Chattner among its authors. The speakers say the first report examined the need to investigate what happened on October 7, while noting that Israeli government and institutions have hindered proper investigations; the organization seeks the truth and accountability for perpetrators. A separate report documented sexual and gender-based violence more broadly and gained international media traction, though the second report was harder for Western publics to watch. They discuss being used to lay foundations of public opinion to justify the genocide, and critique manipulation that strengthens orientalist tropes. They warn that sexual violence is used to justify crimes, and oppose manipulation.

We will now hear the testimonies of two Palestinian survivors of conflict-related sexual violence. Due to safety concerns, they could not attend. The first survivor recounts being held in an Israeli prison from 2022 to 2024. He describes hearing cries and screams as he was taken from his cell. He was stripped naked, assaulted, and filmed by guards while enduring horrific abuse. Despite reporting the violence to a judge, he received no support. The second survivor, detained for six months, shares his experience of severe beatings and threats of sexual violence. Soldiers forced him to insult his family while filming. He resisted but was violently beaten and suffered additional abuse during processing, including a brutal assault on his genitals. He was then made to crawl while being beaten further.

The speaker was asked why not blame Hamas for the atrocities. They explained their mission was to gather information, not assign blame. The speaker acknowledged the frustration of the people of Israel and emphasized the need for the government to provide access for further investigation.

Interviewer and Professor engage in a wide-ranging discussion about October 7 and its aftermath, focusing on verified facts, contested claims, and the broader political context. - What is known about October 7: Professor states roughly 1,200 people were killed that day, with about 400 combatants and 800 civilians among the dead. He relies on authoritative human rights reports (UN Human Rights Council Commission of Inquiry, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch) but notes these organizations are not infallible. He maintains there is no compelling evidence that the deaths in Israel’s subsequent reaction were a significant portion of the total, and he rejects the claim that Hamas weaponized rape on October 7, arguing there is no evidence of mass rape and criticizing the idea as a political tactic. - Eyewitness testimony: The Professor criticizes eyewitness accounts that portray Israel as “the most moral army,” suggesting such testimonies may be biased by nationalistic or military-culture factors in Israel. He emphasizes that Israelis’ strong sense of unity and service in the army can influence narratives, and he questions the consistency of eyewitness reporting given the context of the festival attack. - The rape allegations: The UN Commission of Inquiry says it has no digital or photographic evidence of rape, and other officials (Pamela Patten, UN special envoy for conflict-related sexual violence) did not present direct forensic evidence. Patten examined thousands of photographs and hours of digital evidence but concluded there was no direct evidence of sexual violence on October 7. The Interviewer notes other outlets’ reports (BBC, New York Times) on rape and other abuses; the Professor counters by reiterating the lack of direct forensic or digital evidence and highlights inconsistencies in testimony and reporting. - Hamas planning and the larger context: The Professor traces Gaza’s humanitarian crisis back to long-term occupation, blockade, and international indifference. He cites early 2000s descriptions of Gaza as a concentration camp and describes deteriorating conditions through 2008 and beyond. He argues that by late 2023, Gaza faced extreme unemployment and social destruction, suggesting that the decision by Hamas to act on October 7 was shaped by a sense of urgency and desperation in a context where regional incentives (e.g., Saudi Arabia joining the Abraham Accords) had shifted, effectively signaling that Gaza’s prospects were collapsing. He asserts that Hamas sought diplomacy and international law prior to October 7, citing past attempts at truces and engagement with human rights organizations, and notes that these efforts were largely ignored. - Comparison of political paths in the region: The Interviewer draws contrasts between Gaza and the West Bank, noting the latter’s relatively different trajectory. The Professor argues that Israel’s goal is to subordinate rather than conquer, contrasting it with Egypt or Jordan and highlighting the Gaza situation as distinct from other regional dynamics. He asserts that the West Bank’s path remains different from Gaza’s, though critical of settlements. - The Trump peace plan and the Security Council resolution: The Professor explains that a UN Security Council resolution endorsed the Trump peace plan and established a “board of peace” with sovereign powers in Gaza, effectively transferring authority to a body headed by Donald Trump. He claims the resolution endorses the Trump plan in full and that the board answers to no external accountability, with a six-month reporting requirement to the Security Council. He contends that this amounted to “handing Gaza over” to Trump and argues that temporary transitional authority would be insufficient to address reconstruction and humanitarian needs, given Israel’s stated aim of making Gaza unlivable. - Arab states’ support and the geopolitical calculus: The Professor argues that many Arab states supported the resolution due to coercive pressure or incentives (e.g., economic consequences if they refused), and he criticizes their alignment as a “death warrant” for Gaza. He expresses deep skepticism about the motives of regional actors and dismisses the idea that their support signals genuine commitment to Gaza’s welfare or a viable path to reconstruction. - The future of Gaza: The Professor asserts that Gaza is effectively “gone,” citing World Bank and UNKDA/IMF assessments that rubble clearance and reconstruction would require decades (minimum 15 years for rubble clearance, potentially 80 years for reconstruction under previous rates). He contends that Israel’s objective has been to render Gaza uninhabitable, leaving residents with a choice to stay and die or flee, and he critiques the willingness of various Arab states to endorse terms that lock in that outcome. - Closing stance: The discussion ends with the Professor reaffirming his grim assessment of Gaza’s prospects under the current framework, while the Interviewer expresses a mix of skepticism and concern about regional dynamics and the path toward a two-state solution.

An investigation is needed to uncover the truth about the events of that day, with a focus on respecting survivors, victims, and witnesses. The United Nations Commission of Inquiry will be looking into the allegations, and it would be beneficial for the Israeli government to cooperate. Sexual violence was reported during the conflict, and it is not uncommon for such cases to be acknowledged late. Women often face challenges in being heard and it takes time for their stories to emerge. Israeli feminist groups are frustrated with the lack of attention earlier on. The IDF claims that Hamas fighters were instructed to rape women, using it as a means to humiliate and terrorize. The impact on the survivors is devastating, and they often face societal ostracization.

I have not been provided proof of a buyer. My role is advocacy, not investigation. Reports indicate women and girls are being detained and raped by Russian soldiers in Mariupol. I do not investigate Viagra use, as it is not my job. The Human Rights Monitoring team and International Commission of Inquiry are conducting the investigation. No findings have been reported yet.

- On October 7, approximately 1,200 people were killed, with about 400 combatants and 800 civilians, according to the speaker who bases this on authoritative human rights reports (UN HRC Commission of Inquiry, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch). He notes that these organizations do not have perfect records but argues there is no compelling evidence that contradicts Hamas and other armed groups in Gaza being responsible for the majority of deaths, while there is no evidence that Israeli actions within Israel constituted a significant share of the total deaths. - The speaker contends there is no credible evidence of weaponized rape by Hamas on October 7. He discusses the UN Commission of Inquiry’s distinction between rape and sexual violence, and Pamela Patton’s report, which he says concluded there was no direct digital or photographic evidence of sexual violence on October 7, despite reviewing thousands of photographs and hundreds of hours of digital evidence. He argues the rape claim relies on assertions by observers and advocates rather than verifiable forensic or photographic proof. - Eyewitness testimony is challenged as being part of a pattern that could promote a narrative of Israeli moral exceptionalism; the speaker asserts that some eyewitness accounts “tell you Israel is the most moral army in the world” and notes that many such testimonies come from sources described as biased, with Israeli soldiers often embedded in a siege mentality. He suggests that Israeli society, with a citizen army and strong military culture, may have incentives to shape or repeat certain stories. - The speaker discusses Hamas’s planning and motives in the years leading to October 7, describing Gaza as an “inferno under the Israeli occupation.” He cites early 2000s characterizations of Gaza as a concentration camp by Israeli officials and UN/Human Rights reports, and notes the blockade and economic collapse. He explains that in 2023, Gaza was described by The Economist as a “rubber sheep” and by others as a toxic dump, with extremely high unemployment (60% of youth) and a deteriorating social fabric. The anticipated end of Gaza’s struggle was seen when Saudi Arabia joined the Abraham Accords, leading the speaker to say Gaza’s fate was sealed. - The discussion on Hamas’s shift to violence notes Hamas had previously tried diplomacy, international law (including cooperation with human rights organizations after Operation Cast Lead and Operation Protective Edge), and even nonviolent strategies like the Great March of Return (endorsed by Hamas). The UN report on the March of Return found demonstrators overwhelmingly nonviolent, while Israel was accused of targeting civilians. The speaker argues Hamas pursued multiple avenues but faced a harsh blockade and a failing prospect of improvement. - Regarding the broader regional context, the speaker asserts that the West Bank and Gaza have different trajectories; Egypt and Jordan are seen as neutralizing or stabilizing forces, while the West Bank’s situation is contrasted with Gaza’s harsher conditions. He argues that the goal in places like Egypt is to neutralize, whereas Israel’s policy toward Gaza is described as cleansing or subjugation, a distinction he says differentiates regional dynamics. - The speaker critiques the UN Security Council’s handling of Gaza, describing a 2023 resolution (UNSC Resolution 2803) that endorses the Trump peace plan and creates a “board of peace” with sovereign powers in Gaza, headed by Donald Trump, and notes that no external body supervises this board beyond a quarterly report to the Security Council. He claims this arrangement renders Gaza effectively under a transitional administration, with reconstruction timelines alarmingly long (fifty to eighty years to rebuild) and a minimal chance of Israel withdrawing from the green zone. - He argues that after October 7, the board’s governance path, the Trump plan, and Arab states’ support for the resolution collectively resulted in Gaza’s “death warrant,” with reconstruction hampered by deliberate destruction and political arrangements that preclude meaningful self-determination or statehood for Gaza. - On international reactions, the speaker notes varying support for Gaza among Arab nations and emphasizes that some regional actors (including Turkey, Egypt, Qatar, and others) endorsed handing Gaza to Trump; he accuses these states of compromising Gaza’s future for broader geopolitical aims and accuses several of “slavery and subservience” to such outcomes. - The concluding portion covers Gaza’s future: the speaker reiterates that Gaza has effectively been made unlivable, with rubble and toxic contamination delaying any reconstruction for decades, and he maintains that the path to a two-state solution remains contested, with the Trump-led framework limiting Palestinian rights and self-determination. He indicates he has just completed a book on UN corruption and the Security Council’s role in Gaza, titled Gaza’s Gravediggers, and suggests that the UN declaration of war on Gaza nullifies international law regarding self-determination.

The speaker questions why not blame Hamas directly for the atrocities. They clarify their mission was to gather information, not assign blame. Despite survivors' accounts, the speaker emphasizes the need for the Israeli government to provide access for verification. They acknowledge the frustration and trauma in Israel.

I was asked if there was proof of buyers, but I don't investigate. My role is advocacy, not investigation. Survivors reported women and girls being detained and raped by Russian soldiers in Mariupol. I mentioned reports of soldiers using Viagra. I don't investigate Viagra. The Human Rights Monitoring team and International Commission of Inquiry are conducting the investigation. Their reports have not mentioned Viagra.

The speaker discusses the impact of meeting survivors and first responders in the context of political coverage. They mention spending an hour and a half with victims of mass shootings and express uncertainty about the circumstances surrounding these incidents. The speaker acknowledges that the defense department believes there may be a different explanation for these events and mentions intercepting some information. They clarify that they are not suggesting Hamas intentionally caused the shootings but allude to a previous occurrence.

Thank you for the briefing. I have a follow-up question. You mentioned survivors seeking specialized treatment due to trauma. How do you know this? I'm unable to disclose that information. I feel more confused after reading the report. I noticed you met with Yossi Landau, a Zaka volunteer involved in a controversial New York Times investigation. Your report references a disturbing story about a pregnant woman, which also came from Landau. This raises questions about the credibility of your findings. How does this differ from the New York Times story if you're just collecting evidence? I understand your concerns, but my report outlines our visits to four locations. You met with Landau, who is central to this issue. I acknowledge your point.

There are different views on what happened on October 7, including fabrications attached to the violence, like mass rape. The mainstream media has replicated and amplified lies. A UN report in March said there are reasonable grounds to believe that conflict-related sexual violence, including rape and gang rape, occurred across multiple locations of Israel and the Gaza periphery during the attacks on October 7. The speaker prefers to rely on the Commission of Inquiry reports, stating the special representative of the secretary general didn't interview any victims and made controversial statements. The Commission of Inquiry concluded in June that there was no evidence to support the claims of gang rape. Regarding the Dina Project report saying there's evidence sexual violence was widespread and systematic on October 7, especially around the Nova Music Festival, the speaker cannot comment on this report, as it's the first time they've heard of it. It's been difficult for the Commission of Inquiry to access the victims. The speaker has read reports written by Israeli sources, including Physicians for Human Rights, who have backtracked from what they said in the beginning. If violence has occurred, it deserves justice.

I didn't think I was just going to be killed; I expected other things to happen to me as well. So, you believed you might also be raped? Yes, I did. And now you understand that this fear stems from your experience? Yes, I think so.

Some survivors are not willing to speak out due to their ongoing specialized trauma treatment. They are currently experiencing disorientation.