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Speaker 0 and Speaker 1 discuss a historic shift in American public opinion regarding the Israel-Palestine conflict. - Speaker 1 notes that public opinion on who voters sympathize with shifted dramatically in the wake of the current war. In October 2023, Americans favored Israel by 48 points; now, they favor the Palestinians by 1 point. He says he reviewed polls since the question began in the 1980s and that this is the first time Palestinians lead on this question, marking a historic shift away from the Israeli position toward the Palestinians. - He emphasizes that the shift was led by Democrats, moving from Democrats favoring Israel by 26 points to Palestinians by 46 points, describing it as a roughly 70-point swing and stating that, for the first time ever, more Americans sympathize with the Palestinians over the Israelis. - Speaker 0 adds that the shift is “a first that I have seen in my lifetime” and credits independent media and journalists reporting from Gaza for bringing images to social media, including images of civilians and alleged Israeli actions. He asserts that without on-the-ground reporting, people wouldn’t have seen certain images, asserts that journalists were killed by the IDF, and claims those images contributed to waking people up. - He contends that APAC is panicking, citing a new ad and a rebranding as “America first,” and argues Israel has lost the media war and the narrative, including some conservative and evangelical support (referencing Charlie Kirk’s base). - Speaker 1 details a parallel shift within the Republican Party, noting a significant age-based divide. Among Republicans over 50, they sympathize with Israel by 66 points; among those under 50, they sympathize with the Palestinians by 25 points. This creates about a 40-point gap, with younger Republicans leaning more toward the Palestinians than older Republicans. - Speaker 0 adds that Israel has hired pro-Israel influencers—paid about $7,000 per post—targeting the youth to reel back pro-Israel sentiment in the conservative youth vote. He notes these influencers were primarily young, implying a deliberate strategy to mobilize younger voters, while older voters are less in need of such outreach. - The speakers conclude that this combination of media exposure, shifts in party and demographic alignments, and targeted influencer campaigns constitutes a broad, historic realignment in American attitudes toward the conflict.

“If their government came out and said, we have a five year plan to decouple from USAID, would that help people's view of Israel if they said, hey, we want to be self reliant? Absolutely.” “We're now gonna decouple over the next five years and and basically transition.” “319,000,000,000 being sent to Israel over all these years, that's comparable to the amount we've sent to Ukraine.” “I believe Israel has a right to exist. I believe that they are the only state in that region with the right to exist.” “But why are we treating them differently than any other ally? Should we not be judging them, holding them to the same standard?” “Do you find it persuasive when the Israeli tourism board is bragging about how many gay pride parades they have in Tel Aviv?” “No.”

Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson discusses the escalation involving Israel, Iran, and the United States, describing it as getting worse “with every minute.” He says Iran has “essentially extended its deterrence to Lebanon,” attacking Israel because it attacked Lebanon, and he argues Israel “appears to refuse to accept this extended deterrence,” even though it cannot stop the course of events. He cites former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak: “Neither military pressure nor flattening southern Lebanon can topple Hezbollah,” and says Barak is “caught” in a political bind for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu: opposition accuses Netanyahu of not being tough enough on Israel’s national security and of yielding to President Trump, while Trump’s stance is portrayed as pressuring Netanyahu to slow down or refrain from some actions, including bombing in Dariya and southern Beirut. Wilkerson frames the situation as both a domestic and personal political issue for Netanyahu as well as a security issue for US and Iran. Wilkerson says much discussion misses “the real point in this entire struggle”: “The struggle is about a Palestinian state,” arguing that Israel’s occupation and regulations governing Palestinians have long been ignored, not only since October 7/8. He describes Palestinians dying “at the rate of about thirty to thirty-five a day,” with deaths attributed to bullets, bombs, and “brutality,” but also to a humanitarian situation he says Israel supports. He gives examples such as eggs costing “two hundred and fifty dollars” per dozen and states black-market conditions make many Egyptians rich, while he also claims a large segment of Egypt supports the system. He argues attention is being diverted to Hezbollah, Daraa, and Beirut while the core issue—Palestinian statehood—is neglected. He links this framing to Iran’s approach, quoting a Haaretz headline he used: “All Iran has to do to win is not lose. All the United States and Israel have to do, and this includes… Who’s Bibi Netanyahu’s future… wins spectacularly.” Wilkerson then emphasizes the idea of multiple “nuclear weapon” components described in a separate account: the Strait of Hormuz, Iran’s relationships with Russia and China, and a third nuclear weapon being built or already made (with possible Pakistani involvement depending on the rumor version). He also references President Trump’s claim that he was the president who “wouldn’t start a war,” and portrays the US situation as further pressured by domestic political conditions ahead of midterms. Wilkerson claims that US domestic politics and legislative moves are “gluing us to Israel” in a way that will give Israel most of the advantage, referencing Tom Cotton in the Senate and Speaker Johnson in the House and “Section two two four” in the “twenty twenty seven NDAA.” He says this would embed Israel legally within the US security apparatus by codifying long-term arrangements without the prior oversight structure, eliminating congressionally visible oversight and restricting the ability to ensure compliance such as prohibitions on using equipment to kill civilians. He argues that intelligence, technology, and other security sharing would be locked in, benefiting Israel “on a twenty-four seven basis,” and he says US defense contractors would also be locked at the hip with Israel, including Lockheed Martin, RTX, Boeing, and other contractors. He claims Israeli systems often rely on US-made equipment or US-funded contracts, so the arrangement “changes everything,” and he adds that a US congressman helped introduce the section at Bibi Netanyahu’s direction, based on a taped telephone call. He concludes that without oversight, the American public cannot know what is occurring in real time. On Ukraine, Wilkerson and the other participant agree that Ukraine is being under-covered compared to the Levant. Wilkerson says Ukraine is “getting increasingly dangerous” and argues that Europe’s actions could eventually lead to consequences involving NATO responses, warning of “sleepwalking into a massive disaster.” He describes Putin as holding restraint “in the dam” and argues that the West is misreading restraint as opposition, while also predicting eventual dangerous outcomes. Wilkerson returns to the Iran-Israel conflict, saying the escalation ladder is being set and that Yemen has reportedly announced Israel will also be banning access to the Red Sea. He argues the US faces limited options because contesting militarily could lead to those restrictions applying to the US as well. He says Iran’s allies are not merely proxies but “allies,” and he reiterates that the conflict cannot be properly handled without correctly characterizing the struggle around Palestinian statehood. In response to a question about whether Iran may attack US ships directly, Wilkerson says he thinks it would be “smart,” and he points to Iran’s capability to hit US vessels using various means, describing videos of hits that strike combat-critical areas without necessarily sinking ships. He says Iran might choose a lower-damage approach to avoid triggering a wider US response. On Israel’s next moves, Wilkerson says Israel is in a difficult spot internally and internationally, and he cites a poll implication: “sixty-seven percent” of people across “thirty-six countries” believe Israel is wrong “for the first time,” reflecting a major change in global sentiment. He also expresses concern that US domestic politics could affect US policy, particularly if midterms turn against Trump and Republicans, while describing legislative leadership as likely to acquiesce to Trump’s approach. He concludes that the overall future direction is uncertain amid rapid global shifts, describing transportation and strategic corridors as changing and warning about multipolar dynamics.

- "So something I would like to raise, which was actually my first published paper, was how you and the Likud party are cut from the same ideological cloth as Trump and the GOP in America." - "And so specifically with Charlie Kirk's assassination, who was a big mentor of mine, he's my first mentor in the space." - "Evangelicals, from all my research, evangelicals are the reason that Israel has been supported in public sphere outside of just Jews." - "So with Charlie's assassination and with the kind of trajectory that we see with, like, Candace Owens and Tucker Carlson." - "I guess I'm curious about what's another game plan if we lose evangelical support for the state of Israel." - "What's our backup plan to be strong, like, outside of the diaspora? Thank you."

"it's not antisemitic to talk about this, and it's not antisemitic to question any foreign country's government secular government, including Israel." "We fund a lot of other countries' borders better than we fund our own." "it's over $800,000,000,000,000, actually, close to 900,000,000,000,000 is the total bill." "the 500,000,000 for Israel." "They already received $3,400,000,000 annually every single year through the State Department." "Taiwan for 500,000,000 and for Jordan for 500,000,000 as well." "There's 15,000,000 in there for AIDS prevention education activities." "America's broke. We're $37,000,000,000,000 in debt." "we just can't pay for the world anymore." "Not being an isolationist. That's actually being smart and serving the people that that pay for all of this stuff and have been chained into 37,000,000,000,000 in debt." "And that's not being mean to foreign people and foreign countries, but America's broke."

"If Bibi Netanyahu, if he does something I don't like and if I criticize it, am I, like, a bad Christian? Absolutely not." "What I find strange is that we're able to criticize the American government sometimes in the Christian world with more freedom than the Israeli government." "To be pro Israel means you believe in the nation of Israel Mhmm. Not necessarily the government of Israel." "When you when Joe Biden was president, you and I were what we loved America, but we detested our government." "If they challenge a foreign government, which is what happens so often. Right. Like you're a bad Christian if you have a question about a foreign government." "Right. That creates backlash that I don't think people understand."

- "Charlie Kirk is the pro Zionist guy." - "What if they were listening in to him and he was in communications with people saying, hey. I think I'm gonna go this direction and they knew his intentions or saw this pattern." - "Here's this pro Zionist guy with this incredibly powerful platform that they built, by the way, that Charlie has, thanks to them." - "So if he's gonna take what they gave him and turn it against them, that could literally destroy Israel because the youth is people they're most concerned about." - "We can't let him turn." - "Israel was never my top suspect until, you know, I've spent twenty four hours thinking about it, I'm like, it's not unreasonable. It's not even out of the question in terms of would Israel do this." - "it's in their wheelhouse."

"If Bibi Netanyahu, if he does something I don't like and if I criticize it, am I, like, a bad Christian? Absolutely not." "What I find strange is that we're able to criticize the American government sometimes in the Christian world with more freedom than the Israeli government." "To be pro Israel means you believe in the nation of Israel Mhmm. Not necessarily the government of Israel." "When you when Joe Biden was president, you and I were what we loved America, but we detested our government. And those two those two things beautifully coexisted." "Exactly. And what they don't want is they don't wanna be called bad Christians Mhmm." "If they challenge a foreign government, which is what happens so often. Right. Like you're a bad Christian if you have a question about a foreign government." "Right. That creates backlash that I don't think people understand."

Ashwin Rutanski speaks from the UAE, referencing the Nakba anniversary (1948), ongoing Israeli oppression of Palestinians, and claims that NATO capitals provide money, weapons, and diplomatic protection for these actions, with Washington treating Israeli impunity as a cornerstone of foreign policy. He also notes G7 finance ministers meeting in Paris and asks about the Trump Netanyahu war on Iran, including questions about its justification and motivations. Avi Schleim, Emeritus Professor of International Relations at the University of Oxford, says the Trump Netanyahu war on Iran is “unjustified, senseless, and foolish,” calling it unlawful and stating there was no Security Council resolution mandating war and no imminent threat from Iran to Israel or America. He argues the war was a decision by Trump and Netanyahu, with Netanyahu as the real architect, alleging Netanyahu dragged America into the conflict. Schleim connects the war’s consequences to suffering inflicted not only in Iran but also in Lebanon, alongside continued Gaza genocide and ethnic cleansing of the West Bank. He describes Israel as damaging America, America’s Gulf allies, international economy, and international law by dragging the U.S. into war. Rutanski asks whether it is really about Netanyahu given claims that 93% of Israeli Jews supported bombing Iran. Schleim replies that it is not just Netanyahu, stating Israeli society has moved right for 25 years since the second Intifada, becoming more overtly racist, with growing influence of religious Zionism on foreign policy. He says war is easier to sell than peace because peacemaking requires concessions, while attacking enemies is more popular. Schleim argues Netanyahu persuades the Israeli public that Iran poses an existential threat, which he rejects, citing claims that Iran has not attacked neighbors, has signed the nonproliferation treaty and submitted to international inspection, while Israel has not signed it and refuses international inspection; he also contrasts Iran renouncing nuclear weapons with Israel’s alleged possession of about 200 nuclear warheads. Rutanski asks whether Israel cares about reputational damage. Schleim says Israel cares mainly about American support, describing it as unconditional and therefore without consequences for Israel’s actions, including genocide in Gaza and intensified settler violence in the West Bank. He states that American backing has affected ceasefire interpretation and says Israel has devastated Lebanon—destroying whole villages in southern Lebanon, displacing 1,100,000 Lebanese refugees, and bombing civilian neighborhoods in Beirut, while targeting journalists and damaging hospitals and ambulances. He frames these actions as applying the Gaza “playbook” in southern Lebanon with immunity as long as the U.S. supports Israel. Rutanski cites polls showing disapproval among U.S. voters of Netanyahu and belief by many that Israel is committing genocide. Schleim argues a disconnect exists between Western governments and the public, saying people can see genocide “livestream” and that Gaza has been made uninhabitable. He says Western foreign policy will take time to catch up but trends are toward increased criticism of Israel, including within the U.S. among younger Jewish people. He adds that criticism is spreading to Republicans who he says are turning against Trump over Israel. Rutanski then asks Schleim about Britain’s role. Schleim says he is “absolutely appalled” by British complicity, citing a book by Peter Urban and describing actions including arms sales, intelligence flights over Gaza, and offering British bases in Cyprus and the UK for Israeli Air Force and U.S. supply for the Gaza war effort. He claims Britain has legal duties under the 1948 Genocide Convention to stop arms sales, stop buying Israeli military technology, and suspend the trade agreement, which he says Britain denies due to refusing to accept that Israel is committing genocide. Rutanski asks why European countries are involved. Schleim answers by arguing the claim is questionable and stating the main supporter is America. He says European support since 1948 was influenced by Holocaust guilt and by perceptions of Israel as an island of democracy in the 1950s, later describing Israel as widely viewed now as authoritarian, racist, and apartheid, and arguing Israel has made itself an international pariah through occupation, oppression, constant violence, and never-ending war. Rutanski mentions repression in the UK and asks whether those in power want to preserve support for Israel. Schleim says there is a powerful Israel lobby in Britain across both Conservative and Labour parties, and adds Germany’s repression is linked to Holocaust guilt. He discusses Palestine Action being designated as a terrorist organization, saying supporting it can lead to prison sentences of up to 14 years, while also describing a judicial review that found the prescription unlawful, followed by a government appeal. He then describes being asked to postpone a guest lecture at Liverpool Hope University, citing complaints from the local Jewish community about his presence on campus, which he says limited his academic freedom. He also claims mainstream media and the BBC fail to report Palestinian narratives, alleges BBC presenters are instructed to stop interviewees when genocide is mentioned, says he has not been interviewed on the BBC for two and a half years, and references his book “Genocide in Gaza,” which he says includes quotations from Israeli leaders. The show ends with condolences mentioned by Rutanski for those bereaved or affected by “NATO nation wars of aggression,” including Gaza and the mass killing in the Donbas, and announces a new season starting June 6.

“‘When they say they have a right to exist, they're saying we have a right to control American society to secure our existence.’ If the youth are being lost, this poses an existential problem to Israel. If the youth in the right wing of America becomes indifferent to Israel, they are truly alone. They have lost China, Russia, the whole Muslim world, Europe, Africa, Latin America—who do they got? It's just us. America’s support is conditioned upon the Republican constituency in America. If it were up to Democrats or Zoomers, they wouldn't support Israel; it's Republican boomers that are keeping it together. Do you think that's why Netanyahu offered Charlie Kirk a $150,000,000 to support Israel? The money ‘would probably come from America’ and be dispensed by Jewish American billionaires; ‘He would double their money.’ Charlie Kirk, the bag man for the GOP, who has a personal relationship with Trump, would overnight become a very rich man… a kingmaker. He declined; ‘Now he's dead.’”

"If Bibi Netanyahu, if he does something I don't like and if I criticize it, am I, like, a bad Christian? Absolutely not." "What I find strange is that we're able to criticize the American government sometimes in the Christian world with more freedom than the Israeli government." "To be pro Israel means you believe in the nation of Israel Mhmm. Not necessarily the government of Israel." "When you when Joe Biden was president, you and I were what we loved America, but we detested our government." "You never you never once said, hey, I'm I'm out on America. On America's right." "And what they don't want is they don't wanna be called bad Christians Mhmm." "If they challenge a foreign government, which is what happens so often. Right. Like you're a bad Christian if you have a question about a foreign government."

"And that suits the Israelis just fine." "And if you're wondering why there's an awful lot of lunatic antisemitic comment about Israel online, you have to wonder how much of that is organic." "But how much of it is not organic at all?" "How much of that is being ginned up on purpose to make legitimate questions about the US government's relationship with the government of Israel seem like crackpot stuff, like hate, like David Duke level lunacy?" "Probably some because it serves their interest." "And so the true shame here, the actual villain in the story is the leadership of The United States that is putting up with serial humiliation for decades." "You'd think every country would act that way, and most do." "And for what reason? So if there's someone to be mad at, it's our leaders."

The conversation discusses frequent social/media observations, including people recognizing specific shirts and debating commemoration music tied to Ashura—described as sounding like club music or a concert despite being used for religious remembrance. They mention a “Shura” incident involving black clothing and apologize to Professor Morandi after being told “it’s a Shura and we wear black.” The hosts also discuss a planned/desired conversation between Yishai and Professor Morandi. They shift to Middle East ceasefire and Strait of Hormuz discussions. Access reported that the U.S. and Iran agreed to a halt in attacks against each other and will meet in Doha on Tuesday for technical talks amid resolving their dispute over the Strait of Hormuz. One host argues the U.S. violated the MOU first and emphasizes Iran’s stated procedure for ships: submit an application to the IRGC, obtain approval, and use lanes Iran establishes; the U.S. did not restrict Iran from implementing Persian Gulf Strait Authority protocols. The discussion frames the conflict as symbolic and political theater, with no U.S. retaliation beyond initial actions, and notes Iran’s view that ships must follow Iran’s rules. A long analysis argues that tankers’ routing affects whether they are considered Iran-related: tankers using the Iran route are “dominantly Iran-related,” while those using the Oman route are “not Iran-related and never sanctioned.” It says many tankers cannot use the Iran route because EU sanctions on the IRGC have not been lifted, making the Oman route the “only visible option,” and that AIS visibility for Oman routes may go dark again, forcing escalation if Iran aims to halt traffic. The host claims the issue remains unresolved and that negotiation dynamics do not change because the parties’ positions are the same. Another portion addresses claims about Israeli media and U.S. responses, describing Iran launching drones toward ships and the U.S. administration making clear Iran will not collect tolls or fees from ships in the straits. The hosts also cite MarineTraffic-type routing/visibility observations, asserting that ship traffic appears to follow the Iranian route more than the Omani channel and that few, if any, appear on the Oman route during the period discussed. They interpret the U.S. “military buildup” tracking analysis as potentially reflecting withdrawal operations already ordered, with assets leaving after prior deployment. The discussion then covers Lebanon/Israel ceasefire and security annex details. They report that Israeli officials and media say the framework agreement’s classified security annex remains undisclosed at Lebanon’s request, citing internal challenges from Hezbollah. Key alleged clauses include: no fixed withdrawal timetable (withdrawal based on conditions/performance indicators tied to Hezbollah disarmament), no expansion of pilot program areas without Israeli approval, and IDF freedom of action within a “yellow line” against threats. Hezbollah is said to have reiterated it will not abide by the framework. They also mention renewed reporting of alleged Israeli ceasefire violations including strikes on residential buildings, drone strikes, demolitions, and stun grenades/suspicious objects, with Hezbollah saying it is monitoring and reserves the right to defend itself. The conversation then turns to U.S.-Israel political strain and shifting Republican support. Politico is cited about growing division between Washington and Jerusalem, with concerns Israel cannot expect special treatment under an America First approach. Axios/Pew and University of Maryland polling figures are cited as showing Republican views becoming more negative toward Israel, especially among younger age groups. Next, Gaza receives several reports and commentary. They discuss Khan Younis reporting that Hamas is preparing for renewed attacks, including producing explosive devices and anti-tank missiles monthly, recruiting fighters aged 18–22, trading militants, smuggling drones and communications equipment from the Sinai, rebuilding underground infrastructure, remaining strong on the ground, and not giving up power in Gaza. Another report via Al Jazeera is cited describing territory restrictions: 2 million people forced to live on 36% of their own land after expansion of “yellow line” and “orange line,” with UN saying the restricted zone totals 64% of the strip. The hosts also mention an additional Channel 13 report that Israel renamed its Gaza “Voluntary Immigration Program” to a “Free movement program” amid criticism, while acknowledging Hamas remains in Gaza and Israel wants to facilitate the departure of many Gazans abroad. Finally, they address Turkey-Israel rhetoric and war-risk commentary, referencing remarks attributed to Netanyahu and Erdogan. The conversation notes Erdogan’s aggressive rhetoric about Israel’s destruction and the Israeli response that such words should be taken seriously, while also contrasting this with claims about business ties between Turkey and Israel and discussing markers like energy cutoffs. The segment closes with political/media recommendations and earlier conversations, including discussions of the Iran-U.S.-Strait of Hormuz situation.

Megan and Charlie Kirk, both vocal defenders of Israel, say the pro-Israel camp overreacts to criticism by labeling dissenters as anti Semitic, which they believe undermines credibility: "the behavior by a lot, both privately and publicly, are pushing people like you and me away." They recount personal harassment, including "you must be anti Semitic" when raising Epstein/Mossad discussions, and say "What the hell? That's such bullshit." They defend their American-first stance: "We are Americans first, period. End of story," and insist they want Israel to win, even as they note the debate harms Israel's standing. Megan warns that "Israel has made itself the villain of the world" and cites Trump's remark "time to wrap it up." They cite shifting U.S. public opinion: GOP 76% to 71%; Dems 36% to 8%; independents 47% to 25%. They discuss broadcasts, focus groups, and backlash on social media.

Rula and Mario discuss the broader and regional dimensions of the Israel-Palestine-Lebanon conflict, focusing on the perception of Israel’s actions, Iran’s role, and the future of Lebanon and the wider Middle East. - Rula frames the war as centered on the greater Israel project, describing the military occupation, domination, and violence in Palestinian, Lebanese, and Syrian territories as the core issue. She argues Israel is an occupying power under international law and questions the rationale of asking Palestinians and Lebanese to disarm while occupation persists. - Mario challenges the view that Israel as a single, unified actor always seeks expansion, noting that in Lebanon, Hezbollah’s presence arises from past Israeli actions and that some Israelis want coexistence with Lebanon. He contends there are variations within Israeli society, with some advocating for annexation or permanent conflict, while others prefer coexistence or diplomacy, though he acknowledges a radicalized current in Israeli politics. - The conversation moves to Iran’s role and regional dynamics. Mario argues the conflict has become regional and global, with Iran signaling willingness to act ruthlessly to mirror US and Israeli actions, and with other powers (Gulf states, China, Russia, the US) shaping the war’s scope. He asserts Israel’s strategic goals diverge from American goals, claiming the war serves the Greater Israel project and that Netanyahu has long pursued this vision, aided by a perceived, multi-decade alignment with American power and money from pro-Israel donors. - Rula emphasizes the internal Israeli political and social landscape, citing the Gatekeepers documentary as evidence that Israeli leadership has used Hamas and other actors as strategic tools, and she argues that the state’s actions are guided by a broader ideology (which she attributes to a form of Jewish supremacism) rather than conventional security concerns. She contends that Israel’s security narrative relies on perpetual conflict, and she asserts the United States has become financially and politically subservient to pro-Israel interests through campaign financing and lobbying. - The dialogue addresses US and international responses. Mario notes the US and Western support for Israel, while acknowledging criticisms of American influence. Rula counters by pointing out that US actions, such as sanctioning international courts to shield Netanyahu from war crimes prosecution, reflect a deep, structural alignment with Israeli policy. They discuss how this alignment influences regional dynamics, including the US response to challenges from Iran, Syria, and Hamas. - On Lebanon specifically, they debate whether Israel intends to annex parts of Lebanon or seek coexistence with Lebanese authorities and Hezbollah. Rula argues that Israel historically aimed to push toward annexation or subjugation of Lebanon, driven by a broader Greater Israel agenda, while Mario suggests Israel may prefer coexisting arrangements similar to Egypt and Jordan, though she counters that such coexistence would still come with coercive power dynamics and that Israeli policy has repeatedly demonstrated willingness to decimate Lebanon’s infrastructure and Hezbollah targets when framed as security operations. - The discussion covers ceasefires and ceasefire violations. They note that Hezbollah reportedly agreed to disarm and withdraw from certain areas, but ceasefire breaches occurred on both sides, including Hezbollah rocket fire and Israeli strikes. They debate who has honored or violated agreements, with Rula asserting that Israel breached ceasefires multiple times and Mario emphasizing parallel violations by Hezbollah. - They touch on the humanitarian and civilian toll, highlighting Lebanese displacement, destruction in Lebanon similar to Gaza, and the long-term risk of further fragmentation in the Middle East. Mario and Rula acknowledge Lebanon’s multi-sectarian society and express a lament for its potential loss of stability and coexistence. - Towards the end, they reflect on Israeli societal attitudes, referencing nationalist and supremacist sentiments inside Israel, including debates over Palestinian and Arab citizens, and they discuss the relative popularity of hardline policies among Israelis, contrasted with poll data that vary by source about two-state solutions or diplomatic options. - The exchange closes with mutual appreciation for the dialogue, a hint of residual mistrust in negotiated outcomes, and a light aside about a potential inquiry to an Israeli spokesperson about unpaid propaganda work, signaling ongoing attempts to scrutinize public messaging. Key points reiterated: - The war seen as part of a broader Greater Israel project, with occupation central to the conflict. - Iran and regional powers are pivotal in expanding the war beyond the Middle East. - Israeli internal politics, donor influence, and demographic shifts shape policy and willingness to pursue or resist further conflict. - Hezbollah and Lebanon are central but contested elements in debates about annexation versus coexistence. - Ceasefire dynamics reflect mutual distrust and ongoing violence on both sides. - There is a strong emphasis on the need to address underlying crises and the danger of perpetuating permanent warfare, with appeals to listen to diverse Israeli voices and to consider the humanitarian consequences for Lebanon and Palestinians.

Speaker argues that 'you and the Likud party are cut from the same ideological cloth as Trump and the GOP in America.' They reference 'Charlie Kirk's assassination, who was a big mentor of mine' and say 'Evangelicals, from all my research, evangelicals are the reason that Israel has been supported in public sphere outside of just Jews.' They note 'So with Charlie's assassination and with the kind of trajectory that we see with, like, Candace Owens and Tucker Carlson.' They ask 'what's another game plan if we lose evangelical support for the state of Israel.' 'What's our backup plan to be strong, like outside of the diaspora?'

"If Bibi Netanyahu, if he does something I don't like and if I criticize it, am I, like, a bad Christian? Absolutely not." "What I find strange is that we're able to criticize the American government sometimes in the Christian world with more freedom than the Israeli government." "To be pro Israel means you believe in the nation of Israel Mhmm. Not necessarily the government of Israel." "When you when Joe Biden was president, you and I were what we loved America, but we detested our government." "And those two things beautifully coexisted." "If they challenge a foreign government, which is what happens so often." "Right. Like you're a bad Christian if you have a question about a foreign government." "Right. That creates backlash that I don't think people understand."

"Here's what Democrats are going to what Jewish Democrats or Jews in general are going to have to make a decision." "Until you crush the cultural Marxist lens of which they view the world, you will never actually be able to build support for Israel." "You cannot subsidize support and play footsie with cultural Marxism and have a future for the state of Israel, so you have to choose." "And Jews have been some of the largest funders of cultural Marxist ideas and supporters of those ideas over the last thirty or forty years." "Stop supporting causes that hate you." "Until you cleanse that ideology from the hierarchy and the academic elite of the West, there will not be a safe future." "Until you shed that ideology, you will not be able to build the case for Israel because they view Israel as an oppressor."

"But I also wanna point out that we have a major, major, major generational problem." "All the polling I've seen, ADL's polling, ICC's polling, independent polling suggests this is not a left right gap, folks." "The issue in The United States' support for Israel is not left and right." "It is young and old." "The numbers of young people looking to cabazes, you know, massacre was justified as shockingly and terrifyingly high." "We really have a TikTok problem, a Gen Z problem that our community needs to put." "It's the wrong game." "Last week, I'll just say, we saw a dramatic change in the language of the activists here in America on October 8."

The issue is a lot of the personnel problems are still there, but at a more subtle. "An ambassador Huckabee, to me, is still part of that same grouping in terms of the damage it can do in our foreign policy." "There were tweets from several weeks ago where he was attacking The UK prime minister, ambassador was." "we're burning diplomatic capital left and right. Australia, The UK, Canada, with all these US allies considering recognizing the Palestinian state, and we're going out there attacking them one by one on behalf of Israel." "I’m for moving in a bunch of different radical directions, like banning high interest loans." "But what I'm not in favor of is moving in radical directions on behalf of a foreign country whose interests are not the same as ours."

He's using The United States, its economy, and its military power for his own ends. What's remarkable to me is how effective he's been at that and how contemptuous he is. "80% of Americans this is an old one. 80% of Americans support us." "BB is completely evil and completely destructive." "He's hurting The United States and he's destroying his own country and I think he imperils the world." "They're gonna try and blow up Al Aqsa Mosque" "to build the third temple, and then you've got global war." "No, I am way, way more angry at my leaders than I am at Netanyahu. Much it's not even close." "Ted Cruz says right into the camera, I was elected. My main goal was to help Israel." "Where's our self respect?" "anti Semitism very often is a way to pass the buck." "It's their fault." "Why are we allowing this?"