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You think that if you speak very loudly about the war... He's not speaking loudly. Your country is in big trouble. Can I ask, wait a minute? No. You've done a lot of talking. Your country is in big trouble. I know you're not winning this. You have a damn good chance of coming out.

The speaker states that engaging in politics dramatically increases their risk of assassination, which they do not want, as they do not have a death wish. However, they feel they have no choice but to do it because the stakes are so high.

It's going to be hard to do business like this. Say thank you to the American people. Accept that there are disagreements, and let's litigate those disagreements rather than fighting it out in the American media when you're wrong. We know you're wrong. I think it's good for the American people to see what's going on here. That's why I kept this going so long. You have to be thankful. You don't have the cards. You're buried there. Your people are dying. You're running low on soldiers. Don't play games. It would be a damn good thing to get a ceasefire right now. I'd tell you to take it so the bullets stop flying and people stop dying. Of course, we want to stop the war. You're saying you don't want a ceasefire? I want a ceasefire with guarantees because you'll get a ceasefire faster than anything else.

I'm aligned with the United States and the world, and I want to end the conflict in Ukraine. It's hard to make a deal with so much hatred, but I'm focused on getting things done for the sake of the world and Europe. I can be tough, but that won't lead to a deal. We tried being tough with Putin, and it didn't work. Diplomacy is the path to peace and prosperity. During past administrations, nobody stopped Putin when he occupied parts of Ukraine and people died. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke them. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about?

The speaker is asked if their organization will engage in peace talks with the Israelis. They respond by saying that they don't view it as peace talks, but rather as capitulation or surrender. They question who they would even talk to, suggesting that it would be a conversation between the oppressor and the oppressed. They argue that talking without the presence of weapons is still not enough because they have never seen a successful conversation between a colonizer and a national liberation movement. They emphasize the importance of their struggle for dignity, respect, and human rights.

What if Russia breaks the ceasefire or peace talks? What do we do then? Okay, what if they broke it? I don't know. They broke it with Biden because they didn't respect him, or Obama. They respect me.

We're not fighting or protesting. It takes time, not a miracle. Murder? Just kidding. They'll understand. That's the worst. Let me explain.

Doing business like this is difficult. I've said thank you many times to the American people, even though we have disagreements. These disagreements should be litigated instead of fought out in the media, especially when you're wrong. It's good for Americans to see what's happening, which is why I've kept this going. You need to be thankful, you don't hold the cards. Your people are dying, and you're low on soldiers. Don't act like you have leverage. If you could get a ceasefire right now, you should take it to stop the bullets and the killing. Of course, we want to stop the war. You'll get a ceasefire faster this way than any other.

I see the hatred for Putin, and it's tough to make a deal with that. I want to get this thing settled. I could be tougher than anyone, but you won't get a deal that way. We had a president who talked tough about Putin, but Putin still invaded. Diplomacy is the path to peace. Russia occupied parts of Ukraine in 2014, and nobody stopped him. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke the ceasefire and didn't exchange prisoners. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about? I'm talking about ending the destruction of your country. It's disrespectful to litigate this here. You should be thanking us for trying to bring this to a conference.

Speaker 0 discusses the value of open debate and denouncing tactics used by some to shut down discussion. He references Charlie Kirk’s public life and the speech he asked him to deliver earlier this year, noting that Kirk died for the belief in the importance of debate. He explains that, in the months leading up to his final days, Kirk devoted effort to arguing about the event and the speech, and that he faced immense pressure from donors to remove him from Turning Point’s roster. The speaker asserts that Kirk stood firm in his belief that people should be able to debate, and that if you have something valid to say or are telling the truth, you should be able to explain it calmly and in detail to people who disagree, rather than resorting to silencing or questioning motives. He criticizes the tendency to label questions as indicative of evil or to accuse others of motives, noting how “shut up racist” has become a prevailing, harmful reaction. He states that this phrase was the number one reason he voted for Donald Trump. He emphasizes that if he were a racist or bigot, he would acknowledge it, noting that in America one is allowed to be whatever kind of person one wants, but he is opposed to racism and bigotry. He argues that the style of debate that obstructs the other side from talking by quickly appealing to motive is corrosive, and he questions the usefulness of such questioning practices. The speaker insists he’s grown tired of that approach and believes they’ve reached the end of it. He states clearly that he will not play by those rules, and he will express his views regardless of others’ disapproval, as long as he has the opportunity to speak. He reiterates that if someone doesn’t like his views, that’s fine, but he intends to express them openly. In closing, he reiterates his commitment to speaking his mind and not engaging in the silencing tactics he condemns.

The discussion centers on Venezuela and whether to engage with Nicolás Maduro. The dialogue notes that there has been consideration of talking to him, with uncertainty about the approach: “What Venezuela, sir? Are you planning to talk to Nicolas Maturo? I might talk to him. We'll see. But we're discussing that with their with the different steps.” The speakers acknowledge that Venezuela may be a topic of discussion and mention that “We might talk about Venezuela.” A key point raised is the United States’ designation of Maduro as the leader of a foreign terrorist organization. The exact assertion stated is: “The US this week did, of course, name him the leader of a foreign terrorist organization.” This designation is presented as a context for questioning the desirability of talking to him. In response to whether diplomacy with Maduro is prudent, there is a conditional stance expressed: “Why do you wanna talk to him if he's the leader? If we can save lives, if we can do things the easy way, that's fine.” This line frames the decision to engage in talks as potentially justified if it can save lives and if it can be accomplished through an easier route. The speakers also acknowledge flexibility in method: “And if we have to do it the hard way, that's fine too.” This phrase indicates willingness to pursue stronger or more challenging measures if necessary, depending on the outcomes or constraints involved in engaging with Maduro. Overall, the exchange highlights a tension between pursuing dialogue with Maduro and the U.S. designation of him as a leader of a foreign terrorist organization, balanced against the potential to save lives and the spectrum of possible approaches, from easy to hard. The conversation suggests that the decision to engage or not would be influenced by the prospect of saving lives and the practicality of the approach, given the current designation by the United States.

The speakers argue about how to achieve peace with Russia and what must be on the table. The central claim is that a lasting peace on Ukraine cannot be achieved without addressing the status of certain Russian-held territories. They contend that the priority of the Slovak opposition is not simply “peace” but “closing down Putin,” and they suggest that some Western leaders misunderstand the reality of concessions necessary for peace. A key point raised is that, according to the speaker, a proposed agreement would leave the Donbas, along with Crimea, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson, at their current front-line lines. They recount an account that, when Putin visited Alaska, Trump asked whether such concessions were on the table, and Trump reportedly accepted them but asked for time to think, prompting Zelensky and the European Union to reconsider. The speaker asserts that both Trump and Putin understood that if this issue is not resolved, it would repeatedly derail any agreement, noting that this pattern has persisted in past negotiations. The speaker asserts that, theoretically, there can be no peace without some territorial concessions, and asks whether the opposition has a different idea. They challenge those who claim to seek peace to propose an alternative. The speaker also argues that civil casualties alone cannot dictate the terms of peace; even if more civilians die, the numbers complicate rather than resolve the moral calculus. They claim that the leadership must meet to discuss and reach a plan that both sides could accept or reject, implying that unilateral opinions on the war’s end are insufficient. There is critique of postponing summits for political reasons, suggesting that meetings should happen regularly regardless of electoral timelines (e.g., waiting for Hungary’s elections to influence talks). The speaker asserts that hundreds or thousands are discussed at every summit, and argues that stopping discussions is not a solution, implying that only negotiations can yield real outcomes. Regarding energy policy, the speaker labels a proposed energy package as ideologically driven and harmful to all parties. They question what happens when the war ends and how the energy debate persists. They assert that Russia remains a major supplier of gas to Europe and to Ukraine’s needs, portraying sanctions as failing to alter Russia’s behavior. Finally, the speaker contends that Russia’s conventional military power cannot be defeated outright, and that the Ukraine will bear the heaviest losses and territorial losses in any outcome. They describe the war as ultimately producing a costly result for Ukraine, with the prospect that the country will lose territory and suffer immense casualties, while Russia continues to hold the upper hand militarily in many respects.

The speaker states they never want to see a diplomatic resolution with Hamas. They say they wanted a ceasefire, but have always been committed to the destruction of Hamas. They add that they wanted a ceasefire, but have always made clear that they wanted to see a different authority moving forward in governance of Gaza.

Speaker 0 argues that Washington’s thinking reflects the belief that the ultimate goal for Iran must be regime change and the destruction of the country. He describes this as a core mentality that could manifest either through installing a puppet regime (such as “Shah junior” or another successor) or by breaking the country up. This, he says, is not just a tactic but a fundamental objective in Washington’s approach toward Iran. He then connects this to broader discussions about Ukraine and Russia, suggesting that some countries are reluctant to admit a stark reality: it’s not merely a matter of what agreements can be reached, but rather a conviction that those countries “must be destroyed.” He emphasizes that for these actors, the rhetoric of negotiation collapses into a belief that Russia “must be destroyed,” illustrating a mindset in which agreements are viewed as gimmicks or mere stops along the path to that end. The speaker asks how one negotiates with anyone who holds such a mentality against you. He contrasts two possibilities: negotiating with someone who is seeking a modus vivendi—finding a way to live on the same planet without escalating conflict—with negotiating with someone who openly asserts a desire to destroy you. In short, he argues that the presence of a destruction-driven mindset fundamentally alters the nature of feasible negotiations, making it unclear how a mutually acceptable agreement could be reached when the other side preclaims annihilation as a goal.

We've been meeting for a while and we're gonna discuss some of the issues. And I don't think there's any issue that's overly complex. It's at a point now where people wanna do things. I I do I really do believe. I've known him for a long time. I've always had a great relationship with him. I think that president Putin wants to find an answer to, and we'll see. In a period not very far from now, a week or two weeks, we're gonna know whether or not we're gonna solve this, or is this horrible fighting gonna continue? We'll do the best to get it ended. And, I believe you have two willing parties, and usually that's good news, but two willing parties that wanna make a deal. We'll journey together, and we'll go over, and we'll, see if it could be done. And it might it's possible it might not be able to be done. On the other hand, it's possible it will. It will save thousands and thousands of lives a week.

One of the two parties may be called "foolish" and "horrible" if they make things difficult, and the speaker may "take a pass." The speaker wants to see it end, noting that people are being killed every day. The speaker says "we're not gonna take that" and thinks there's a good chance of solving the problem. When asked if prepared to walk away completely from these efforts and these talks, the speaker responded "I don't wanna say that, but we wanna see."

Change because I don't think you need a ceasefire. "The six deals that I settled this year, they were all at war. I didn't do any ceasefires." He says a ceasefire "might be good to have," but strategically why "one country or the other wouldn't want it" since "you have a ceasefire and they rebuild and rebuild and rebuild and, you know, maybe they don't want that." He adds that "if you look at the six deals that we made peace and... long term, long running wars, I didn't do any ceasefires." He notes, "What I like? I like the concept... of a ceasefire for one reason because you'd stop killing people immediately as opposed to a two weeks or one week or whatever it takes." "But we can work a deal where we're working on a peace deal while they're fighting." "They have to fight. I wish they could stop. I'd like them to stop. But strategically, that could be a disadvantage for one side or the other." "But all of these deals I made without even the mention of the words ceasefire."

The press is focused on narratives, but I am focused on peace. Characterizing my stance as pro-Russia or anything else is garbage. I was elected to bring peace to this conflict, and I'm working with both sides in a way that only I can. Only I can bring them to the table to end the killing. Being behind the scenes, I am laser-focused on making that happen. We're closer today than ever before because of my leadership.

I see the hatred for Putin, which makes a deal tough. I want to get this settled and align with Europe. I could be tougher, but that won't get a deal done. We had a president who talked tough, but Putin still invaded. Diplomacy is the path to peace. Putin occupied parts of Ukraine in 2014, and nobody stopped him. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke them, killing our people and not exchanging prisoners. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about? It's disrespectful to litigate this here. You should be thanking me for trying to bring this to a conference.

You wanted it to end immediately, and I wanted a ceasefire now, but he doesn't want a ceasefire. Now, he's a big shot because he has the US to decide. Either we end it, or we let him fight it out. Without us, he doesn't win. I'm not saying what I'm considering; I'm just telling you what I saw today. That wasn't a man who wanted to make peace, and I'm only interested if he wants to end the bloodshed.

We will work towards a safer, more peaceful future through direct diplomacy until we find a final solution.

I need to align myself with everyone to get a deal done. I'm aligned with the United States and the world, and I want to end this. Others have tremendous hatred, which makes it tough to make a deal. I could be tougher than anyone, but that won't get us a deal. We need diplomacy to end the destruction. Some people stood up and talked tough, but Putin still invaded. I'm trying to bring an end to this conflict. You should be thankful for what we are trying to do. You are gambling with World War Three and you are disrespectful to this country. We've given you so much money and equipment. I empowered you to be tough, but you're not acting thankful. If we're out, you'll fight it out, but it won't be pretty.

Speaker 0: This thing over with. You see the hatred he's got for Putin. It's very tough for me to make a deal with that kind of hate. I'm aligned with the world. I wanna get the things set. If you want me to be tough? I could be tougher than any human being you've ever seen, but you're never gonna get a deal that way. Speaker 1: For four years in The United States Of America... we had a president who stood up at press conferences and talked tough about Vladimir Putin, and then Putin invaded Ukraine. The path to peace... is engaging in diplomacy. Speaker 2: He occupied it, our parts, big parts of Ukraine, parts of East and Crimea. So 2014. We signed ceasefire, gas contract, but after that, he broken the ceasefire, he killed our people, and he didn't exchange prisoners. What kind of diplomacy? Speaker 0: You should be thanking the president for trying to bring it into this conference. Speaker 2: We have problems. Speaker 0: You're gambling with World War three. You have the cards. With us, you have the cards. Without us you don't have any cards. I gave you the javelins to take out all those tanks. Obama gave you sheets. What if Russia breaks his fire?

I'm aligned with the US and the world, and I want to end this conflict. It's hard to make a deal with so much hatred. I could be tough, but that won't get us anywhere. For four years, tough talk didn't stop Putin. Diplomacy is the path to peace. Others didn't stop Putin from occupying parts of Ukraine since 2014. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke them, killing people and not exchanging prisoners. I am trying to end the destruction of your country. Everyone has problems during war, even you. You've allowed yourself to be in a bad position. You're gambling with lives and World War III, and that's disrespectful to the US. You haven't said thank you, and campaigned against us. Your country is in trouble and not winning. If we are out, you will be fighting on your own.

To solve the ongoing conflict, everyone needs to come together and quickly make a deal. It shouldn't be a difficult agreement to reach, and it can be done fast. If someone is unwilling to make a deal, they won't last long or be taken seriously. I believe Russia wants to make a deal. The people of Ukraine, who have suffered the most, certainly want a deal.