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Prime Minister Netanyahu is not listening, despite movements in the region by Israel that resulted from advocacy. The pursuit of what is necessary for the United States to be clear about its stance on the need for the war to end will continue.

As a special envoy, meeting with various people, regardless of their nature, is part of my job to assist Americans. Meeting with Hamas was something that we had discussed beforehand. When you sit in front of them knowing what they've done, it's hard not to think of it, but realizing that every piece of a person is human can be productive. Regarding the American hostages in Gaza, one is alive, and four bodies remain. I think Israel has done a masterful job eliminating enemies of the state. I believe a long-term truce is possible where prisoners are forgiven, Hamas lays down arms and agrees to not be part of the political party going forward. I understand Israel's concern regarding direct contact with Hamas and it's important to know what Hamas realistically wants to end hostilities. Something could come together within weeks and I believe there is enough there to make a deal to get all of the prisoners out, not just the Americans.

I met with Zelensky this morning and advised him to remain grateful and positive, promising to discuss security guarantees later. However, the meeting was a complete disaster, and I question whether Americans will still see him favorably. Based on what I witnessed, most Americans, including myself, wouldn't want Zelenskyy as a business partner. I spoke with President Trump last night, and he was optimistic about reaching a ceasefire and ending the war. I am proud of President Trump for showing the world not to trifle with him. However, Zelenskyy seemed to try and bait Trump in the Oval Office. JD was awesome.

Today was an emotionally difficult day as I visited the places where people were murdered. During my talk with the prime minister, we discussed the three necessary steps for the situation in Gaza. Firstly, it is essential to eliminate those who continue to harm innocent civilians. Secondly, we must reform the education system to prevent the training of future murderers. Lastly, it is crucial to focus on building prosperity in the region. These three actions are imperative for progress and stability.

Without light, there's no path from this darkness. I understand the passion of the people and have been working quietly with the Israeli government to reduce their presence in Gaza. Thank you.

Prime Minister Netanyahu is not listening, despite movements in the region by Israel prompted by advocacy. The pursuit of what is necessary for the United States to be clear about ending the war will continue.

I visited the Gaza Strip with Palestinian Muslim guides. Despite risks, we entered a town and met a young girl. When the locals approached, I stayed to help and gave what I could. Both Palestinians and Israelis deserve peace. I pray they find solace in the Lord Jesus.

I shook hands with a Hamas activist because they treated us well and were considerate. They took care of my mom's needs and were prepared. They provided shampoo and conditioner for women. I didn't ask about what was happening outside.

Today was an emotionally difficult day as I visited the places where people were murdered. During my talk with the prime minister, we discussed the three necessary steps for the situation in Gaza. Firstly, we must take action against those who continue to kill innocent civilians. Secondly, we need to reform the education system to prevent the training of future murderers. Lastly, it is crucial to focus on building prosperity in the region. These three actions are essential for addressing the challenges we face.

Prime Minister Netanyahu is not listening, despite movements in the region by Israel prompted by advocacy. The pursuit of what is necessary for the United States to be clear about ending the war will continue.

Both sides' willingness to make a lasting deal is questioned. One side may not want a deal, while the other side might. Showing too much of our cards can hinder negotiations. A skilled dealmaker could potentially make a deal if Israel is willing. The speaker had a positive meeting with Abbas, who seemed open to making a deal. However, it is believed that Netanyahu never wanted to make a deal. The speaker's perception of the Palestinians and Israelis changed after these meetings.

There were people, including Zionists, who opposed any action unless they were given all of Palestine without effort. However, it was not feasible to relocate millions of people and expect both groups to be satisfied. Recognizing Israel was a difficult decision that required compromise. The Jews wanted to remove all Arabs to the Tigris and Euphrates River, while the Arabs wanted to expel all Jews to the Red Sea. My goal was to find a homeland for the Jews while being fair to all parties involved.

I really pushed hard for this meeting and called a lot of people who know him and were in regular contact with him. I went to see some of those people directly. Please, can you help me get a sit down for five minutes with Benjamin Netanyahu? I probably called or met with six, seven, eight, maybe more people on this question. People in official capacities, people in the Israeli government. I know a number of people in the Israeli government, people in Israel, a friend of mine in California who knows him. I really, really tried. And I did so for two reasons. One, because there was a threat to my family. The Israeli government and Netanyahu himself tried to punish two members of my family. I won’t be more specific, but actually punished two members of my family because he, as he has said in public many times, believes in blood guilt. Amalek, you know, when someone commits a crime against you, you punish not just him, but his family, his bloodline. There’s no idea that’s less Western than that, more anti Christian than that. Christians reject that. Netanyahu doesn’t. That’s why he’s talking about Amalek, and he was going after my family, literally. So I felt very threatened by that. But, moreover, I think it’s bad for my country to have people using that kind of language, round them up, bring them to the camps, gas chambers, Nazis, antisemitism. It scares the heck out of people. It makes people crazy and hysterical. And certainly in my case, none of that is true. I hate collective punishment. I hate attacking people on the basis of their bloodline. I hate antisemitism and anti white racism and all of this or any kind of racism, period. And I’ve said that a lot. So using that kind of language against someone who is not fundamentally your enemy, just, in my case, I want Christians in areas controlled by Israel to be treated with dignity, to have rights. And I don’t want the US government involved in a war, a regime change war with Iran. Those are my priorities and I’ve said them out loud. I have no secret agenda.

During our time in Israel, we spoke to Palestinians, pollsters, Israeli Members of the Knesset, journalists, and people with various viewpoints. We discovered that the security wall is mostly a fence, with only 5% being an actual wall. Palestinians can enter Israel freely as long as they pass through airport-like security. However, Israelis are prohibited from entering certain areas of the West Bank due to safety concerns. We also observed a military hospital treating both Israelis and Syrians, including Syrian women who were victims of ISIS. This experience has led me to question the feasibility of a two-state solution and consider the importance of Israeli control in maintaining peace and security in the region.

I think it's a terrible personal trait. I haven't spoken to him since. Right? Like, I didn't talk to him. Fuck. I thought he wanted to make a deal more than Netanyahu. And I will be honest. I had a great meeting with him, Abbas. Right? I had a great meeting with him, and we spent a lot of time together, talked about many things. And it was almost like a father. I mean, you know, he was so nice. Couldn't have been nicer. And after meeting with Bibi for three minutes, I looked at him and said, you don't wanna make a deal, do you? And he said, well, and the fact is I don't think Bibi ever wanted to make a deal. Why I thought the Palestinians were impossible, and the the Israelis would do anything to make peace on a deal.

I met with Zelensky this morning and advised him to stay positive and grateful. We'll discuss security guarantees later, but the meeting was an utter disaster. I'm questioning if Americans can still trust him. After witnessing today's events, most Americans, including myself, wouldn't want to partner with Zelensky, despite my multiple visits to Ukraine. I spoke with President Trump last night, and he was optimistic about the deal. I'm incredibly proud of President Trump for showing the world that he is not to be trifled with. He was positive about getting a ceasefire and ending the war, but Zelensky seemed to want to provoke Trump in the Oval Office. JD did a great job.

Rula and Mario discuss the broader and regional dimensions of the Israel-Palestine-Lebanon conflict, focusing on the perception of Israel’s actions, Iran’s role, and the future of Lebanon and the wider Middle East. - Rula frames the war as centered on the greater Israel project, describing the military occupation, domination, and violence in Palestinian, Lebanese, and Syrian territories as the core issue. She argues Israel is an occupying power under international law and questions the rationale of asking Palestinians and Lebanese to disarm while occupation persists. - Mario challenges the view that Israel as a single, unified actor always seeks expansion, noting that in Lebanon, Hezbollah’s presence arises from past Israeli actions and that some Israelis want coexistence with Lebanon. He contends there are variations within Israeli society, with some advocating for annexation or permanent conflict, while others prefer coexistence or diplomacy, though he acknowledges a radicalized current in Israeli politics. - The conversation moves to Iran’s role and regional dynamics. Mario argues the conflict has become regional and global, with Iran signaling willingness to act ruthlessly to mirror US and Israeli actions, and with other powers (Gulf states, China, Russia, the US) shaping the war’s scope. He asserts Israel’s strategic goals diverge from American goals, claiming the war serves the Greater Israel project and that Netanyahu has long pursued this vision, aided by a perceived, multi-decade alignment with American power and money from pro-Israel donors. - Rula emphasizes the internal Israeli political and social landscape, citing the Gatekeepers documentary as evidence that Israeli leadership has used Hamas and other actors as strategic tools, and she argues that the state’s actions are guided by a broader ideology (which she attributes to a form of Jewish supremacism) rather than conventional security concerns. She contends that Israel’s security narrative relies on perpetual conflict, and she asserts the United States has become financially and politically subservient to pro-Israel interests through campaign financing and lobbying. - The dialogue addresses US and international responses. Mario notes the US and Western support for Israel, while acknowledging criticisms of American influence. Rula counters by pointing out that US actions, such as sanctioning international courts to shield Netanyahu from war crimes prosecution, reflect a deep, structural alignment with Israeli policy. They discuss how this alignment influences regional dynamics, including the US response to challenges from Iran, Syria, and Hamas. - On Lebanon specifically, they debate whether Israel intends to annex parts of Lebanon or seek coexistence with Lebanese authorities and Hezbollah. Rula argues that Israel historically aimed to push toward annexation or subjugation of Lebanon, driven by a broader Greater Israel agenda, while Mario suggests Israel may prefer coexisting arrangements similar to Egypt and Jordan, though she counters that such coexistence would still come with coercive power dynamics and that Israeli policy has repeatedly demonstrated willingness to decimate Lebanon’s infrastructure and Hezbollah targets when framed as security operations. - The discussion covers ceasefires and ceasefire violations. They note that Hezbollah reportedly agreed to disarm and withdraw from certain areas, but ceasefire breaches occurred on both sides, including Hezbollah rocket fire and Israeli strikes. They debate who has honored or violated agreements, with Rula asserting that Israel breached ceasefires multiple times and Mario emphasizing parallel violations by Hezbollah. - They touch on the humanitarian and civilian toll, highlighting Lebanese displacement, destruction in Lebanon similar to Gaza, and the long-term risk of further fragmentation in the Middle East. Mario and Rula acknowledge Lebanon’s multi-sectarian society and express a lament for its potential loss of stability and coexistence. - Towards the end, they reflect on Israeli societal attitudes, referencing nationalist and supremacist sentiments inside Israel, including debates over Palestinian and Arab citizens, and they discuss the relative popularity of hardline policies among Israelis, contrasted with poll data that vary by source about two-state solutions or diplomatic options. - The exchange closes with mutual appreciation for the dialogue, a hint of residual mistrust in negotiated outcomes, and a light aside about a potential inquiry to an Israeli spokesperson about unpaid propaganda work, signaling ongoing attempts to scrutinize public messaging. Key points reiterated: - The war seen as part of a broader Greater Israel project, with occupation central to the conflict. - Iran and regional powers are pivotal in expanding the war beyond the Middle East. - Israeli internal politics, donor influence, and demographic shifts shape policy and willingness to pursue or resist further conflict. - Hezbollah and Lebanon are central but contested elements in debates about annexation versus coexistence. - Ceasefire dynamics reflect mutual distrust and ongoing violence on both sides. - There is a strong emphasis on the need to address underlying crises and the danger of perpetuating permanent warfare, with appeals to listen to diverse Israeli voices and to consider the humanitarian consequences for Lebanon and Palestinians.

There were people, including some Jews, who opposed any action that didn't give them all of Palestine. However, it was not feasible to relocate millions of people and expect everyone to be satisfied. Despite objections, we took gradual steps and things are progressing. Recognizing Israel as a state was not an easy decision, as it required compromising with the Arabs and dividing Palestine. The Jews wanted the Arabs gone, and the Arabs wanted the Jews gone. I aimed to find a homeland for the Jews while being fair to the Arabs. However, in such situations, the people you help the most often become the most angry with you.

George spoke with Professor Saeed Mohammad Marandi, Professor of English Literature and Orientalism at the University of Tehran, during funeral commemorations for Ayatollah Khamenei. George noted that he had watched the crowd and seen “the red flag of revenge” being hoisted, asking what it means. Marandi said the crowd was unprecedented even by comparison with massive Iranian rallies for figures such as General Soleimani, Imam Khomeini, and President Raisi. He described leaving home almost three hours before prayers but being stuck with hundreds of thousands of people and unable to reach the prayers, saying the gathering involved “many millions” and that the crowd could not move. Marandi said emotions had been running high since the previous day and that crowds kept coming and going. He said he had gone to the Mosalla for the prayer again after visiting with friends mentioned by George. He described tomorrow’s funeral procession going from the east of the city to the west with “the martyrs, Ayatollah Khamenei and his family members,” including Khamenei’s granddaughter and a one-year-old son-in-law and other family members who were described as “martyred,” stating they were not husband and wife. He said the event would likely be “the largest funeral in history, human history,” and that it was sending a message to the United States and the Israeli regime. Marandi said people he spoke to emphasized demands for revenge, pointing to posters and banners “demanding revenge,” and said Iranians felt an urgent need to punish aggressors and those who murdered loved ones, including children at “Minab school and hospitals and elsewhere.” He said he did not know what revenge would ultimately lead to, but said it showed anger toward the United States, “the Trump regime,” and the Israeli regime. He also said Western estimates were often smaller than what he described as “many millions,” and that he believed there was increasing acknowledgment in the West of how massive the crowds were. George responded with reported figures: Tehran metro recorded seven million journeys, and Reuters reported nine million at the actual funeral. Marandi agreed that it was the biggest crowd and funeral in human history, and discussed Donald Trump’s remarks that he had been told people didn’t like him. Marandi referenced prior U.S. admissions that the U.S. was running out of fuel and argued that if senior intelligence officials met with Trump, then either the officials were lying or intelligence was misleading, while Western media repeatedly described Iran using the framing of “the regime” while not applying the same label to other countries. George asked about consequences for neighboring states, and Marandi replied that Saudi Arabia sent a delegation that behaved respectfully at the funeral, saying it was a lesson for neighbors. Marandi said ordinary Iranians had noticed Saudi Arabia allowing U.S. refueling for Israeli aircraft and Saudi aircraft to bomb Iran and kill Iranian children. He said Iranians wanted regional change and sovereignty from “the empire,” and claimed Iran was conducting one-on-one negotiations with Persian Gulf countries involved in the war. He said there were signs of restraint during ceasefire violations, describing that Iran bombed U.S. bases in Bahrain and Kuwait but did not bomb Saudi Arabia or Qatar or the Emirates, and said this implied reasons and possible agreements. He added that when Iran broke the blockade on Yemen, Saudi actions against an Iranian passenger plane were mentioned, suggesting uncertainty about which way things would go. George suggested that the demonstrations in Tehran could improve negotiations and asked how optimistic Marandi was that negotiations would end war rather than return to it. Marandi said he was “not terribly optimistic,” arguing that “the nature of empire” cannot reform itself and collapses as it pursues failing models. He said the funeral would also go to Iraq and that crowds there would be another show of force. He said Iranians were counting on “leverage” through “trade of hormones” and patience, but if patience ran thin they would pressure the United States. He said Israel’s leadership and the Israeli economy would not want a deal, and referenced Joe Kent’s resignation statement that Iran was not pursuing a nuclear weapon and that the war was about “the Zionist lobby and the Israeli regime.” Marandi argued that the main potential driver for change would be Iran’s strength, with the show of force part of it, and suggested that U.S. economic problems could influence U.S. decisions regarding Netanyahu. He said differences between Netanyahu and Trump were real, while acknowledging Zionism’s power in U.S. politics, concluding that he would not bet on peace.

I grew up in a world centered around politics and Israel. Good morning, APAC. I will meet with Prime Minister Netanyahu today, and President Obama will meet him tomorrow. He once referred to me as the first Jewish president. We must stand up for Israel and the rights of the Jewish people. I could easily be elected prime minister in Israel. When Israel faces anti-Jewish hatred, it is anti-Semitism. I am a Zionist, and we need to support Israel. We are committed to making Israel great again. This is serious; we must save Israel.

I had to compromise to recognize Israel, dividing Palestine to find a homeland for Jews while being fair to Arabs. Despite opposition from both sides, I, as US president, followed through with what I believed was right with Congress support. Many Jewish people were against me because they wanted all of Palestine. They didn't want to drive all Arabs into the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers.

Speaker 1 said he would not provide details of his conversations, despite having “a lot” of them. He responded to the claim that the president confirmed he said “you’re effing crazy” by framing the situation not as a crisis, and said that they have always found a way to work through disagreements. He stated that he and the president share common goals: to finish the nuclear program in Iran, and to ensure Iran does not pose a threat to Israel, the Middle East, and America. He said these shared goals include preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them “not only to Israel and to every capital in Europe, but to every city in the United States.” He said their work aims to “expand the circle of peace,” referencing the Abraham Accords, and described their relationship as based on friendship. He said that while they sometimes have tactical disagreements “as in the best of families,” they find a way to resolve them and continue acting together, including disagreeing in the morning and having common action by the afternoon.

I met with Zelensky this morning and advised him to maintain a grateful and positive attitude, promising to discuss security guarantees later. However, the meeting was an utter disaster, leaving me questioning whether Americans can still see him as a reliable partner. Based on what I saw today, most Americans, including myself after nine trips to Ukraine since the war began, would hesitate to partner with him. I spoke with President Trump last night, and he was optimistic about a potential deal. I'm incredibly proud of President Trump for demonstrating his strength. He was positive about getting a ceasefire to end the war, but Zelensky seemed to be trying to provoke Trump in the Oval Office. JD was awesome.

Benjamin Netanyahu is in Washington DC at 3 AM, waiting to meet with Steve Witcalf, the US envoy to The Middle East.