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Significant human rights violations against Christians have occurred in both Sunni and Shia controlled areas in Syria, which has a 10% Christian population. The situation could worsen, especially with Bashar al-Assad's regime having killed hundreds of thousands, but he is now gone. The Iranian influence in the region is declining, with key proxies like Hamas, Hezbollah, and Assad no longer in power. Turkey is making incursions into Northern Syria, while Israel maintains control over the Golan Heights, preventing terrorist threats. The Syrian government has weakened, leading to a power struggle among various factions, including the Kurds. The collapse of the Russian-Iranian alliance in Syria highlights their internal weaknesses. President Biden noted that neither Russia nor Iran can effectively support a regime in Syria anymore, which reflects their diminished capabilities. Overall, while the situation remains complex, the decline of these powers could be seen as a positive development.

The Trump administration quietly lifted sanctions on individuals like Abu Mohammed al-Jahlani, a former Al Qaeda affiliate, to facilitate cooperation with Israeli and American demands, such as normalizing ties with Israel and removing Palestinian factions. This is described as a "Faustian bargain" that will harm Syrian minorities. The administration also delisted warlords Abu Hamshah and Saif Abu Bakr, previously accused by the US Treasury of kidnapping, extortion, sexual violence, and involvement in the massacre of over 1,500 Alawites. The speaker claims that while Western media promotes the idea that Syria's diversity is being preserved, Christians are being persecuted. The speaker alleges that the goal is to erase Syria's secular identity, cleanse minorities, and establish a compliant, ultra-religious state. The speaker concludes that this policy is a betrayal and complicity, repeating the mistakes made in Afghanistan, and warns of future blowback.

Excitement surrounds the recent toppling of Assad in Syria, but the situation is concerning. The group that ousted him, Hayat Tahir al Sham, is led by Abu Mohammed Al Julani, a former Al Qaeda leader. After being imprisoned in Iraq, Julani was sent to Syria to establish Jabhat al Nusra. He later distanced himself from ISIS, aiming to create an Islamic state in Syria rather than a global caliphate. His rule in Idlib resembles that of the Taliban, with accusations of silencing dissent and imposing strict laws. Julani's original name is Ahmed Hussein Alshara, and he seeks to liberate a broader region known as al Sham, including Lebanon, Jordan, and Israel. Turkey's Erdogan supports the rebels, posing a new threat as he aims to lead Sunni Muslims against Western civilization. Under this new regime, minorities, particularly Christians and Kurds, may face persecution.

Reports indicate a gas or chemical attack in Syria, resulting in numerous casualties, including children. U.S. military analysts believe Bashar al-Assad's regime is responsible. However, there is skepticism about the evidence supporting this claim, as no inspectors were on the ground to confirm the use of chemical weapons. The conversation shifts to the implications of U.S. military involvement, with concerns about training groups that may align with Al-Qaeda. Questions arise about the motivations behind U.S. actions, particularly regarding support for Islamist movements against regimes that protect religious minorities, like Assad, who has historically safeguarded Christians in Syria. The discussion emphasizes the need for critical questioning of government narratives and the consequences of foreign policy decisions.

Lebanon used to be the only majority Christian country in the Middle East, known for its open-mindedness, multiculturalism, and high-quality universities. By the 1970s, the Christian majority shifted due to the growth of the Muslim population, who are allowed to marry up to four wives. As Muslims became the majority, violence against Christians increased. By 1974, it became unsafe for Christians to travel due to checkpoints where they were targeted. In 1975, civil war erupted after an attack on a church. Muslims, supported by oil money, aimed to use Lebanon as a base against Israel. Lebanon, once nearly 70% Christian, saw its demographics change within thirty years. Despite a fair division of government posts after independence, the new Muslim majority became intolerant and began massacring Christians, believing they now had the power to dictate the rules.

Terrorists attacked Israel, impacting Orthodox Christians deeply as Gaza is considered the holy land. The alliance between Israel and the United States raises concerns, especially given the perception of Jesus Christ by many in America. My church is filled with immigrants who were displaced from the Holy Land in 1948 and again two decades later. Jewish soldiers forcibly entered their homes, threatening them with violence if they remained.

We allied with Al Qaeda and ISIS, using them against the Syrian government. Terrorists from 100 countries joined them, engaging in organized rape and creating slave markets. They were allowed to kill husbands, own wives and children, and rape widows and young children. This led to a horrific campaign of violence and exploitation in Syria.

In this discussion, the central thread is that Christian communities across the Middle East have borne the brunt of foreign and domestic policies, particularly under U.S. and Israeli actions, while Christian voices in the West have often been quiet or polarized by political loyalties. Key points raised by Speaker 0 include: - A long-standing pattern in American foreign policy where Christians suffer disproportionately in wars the U.S. funds or supports, with Iraq’s ancient Christian community devastated (nine out of ten Christians fled or were killed as a result of the occupation). Similar silences surrounded Christian killings in Syria and, more recently, the treatment of Christians in Ukraine, Gaza, the West Bank, and Israel. - In Ukraine, the U.S. government sent more than $100 billion; in Gaza and the broader Middle East, Christian communities have faced severe hardship. A Greek Orthodox church in Gaza was hit by an airstrike in October, with at least 17 dead that day. The broader pattern includes earlier violence such as the destruction around the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem and the lack of vocal Christian clergy in the U.S. who spoke up at the time. - The use of humanitarian aid or policy toward the Middle East is perceived as biased by many Christian communities in the region, who feel their own suffering is being ignored if it does not align with American political aims or with Evangelical support for Israel. Reverend Munther Ishak, pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Bethlehem, provides on-the-ground perspective: - The Christian communities in the West Bank, Gaza, and Israel proper are facing unprecedented fragmentation and decline. In Gaza, eight to 100 Palestinian Christians remain in the territory, with any death impacting the community deeply. Members of Ishak’s church have family in Gaza who cannot visit due to restrictions, and Bethlehem’s Christian population is shrinking as relatives move abroad for safety and livelihoods. - Ishak describes American political dynamics as problematic: some U.S. lawmakers—reflecting the religious right or certain partisan positions—express views that directly affect Palestinians, including Christian communities. He cites examples of pastors advocating destruction of Gaza and questions whether such calls align with Christian ethics, noting the harm to Christian witnesses in the region. - He emphasizes that much of the money flowing from churches to the region funds Israeli military actions and settlement-building on land confiscated from Palestinians, including Palestinian Christians. This financial support, he argues, undermines humanitarian efforts and peace initiatives, and damages the Christian presence in the Holy Land. - The reality of life under Israeli occupation is harsh in both Gaza and the West Bank, with land seizures, travel restrictions, and a fragile, often dangerous existence for Palestinian Christians. In East Jerusalem, Christians face repeated, sometimes violent incitement; evangelism is restricted, and some churches feel a systematic effort to “empty Jerusalem of Christians.” - Ishak argues for recognizing the humanity and political rights of Palestinians, including Palestinian Christians, and for a two-state or other peace solution. He criticizes the conflation of biblical chosenness with unconditional political support for Israel, warning that such stance compromises Christian witness and undermines the possibility of peaceful coexistence. - He calls on American Christian leaders to listen to Palestinian Christian voices, to advocate for peace and justice, and to avoid simplistic, polarizing positions. He contends that war does not align with the teachings of Jesus and urges Christians to pursue nonviolent, principled paths to end the occupation and to protect Christian communities in the Holy Land. The overall message is a plea for attentive, principled engagement from American Christian leaders and policymakers: listen to Palestinian Christians, reassess unconditional support for political allies, and pursue peaceful, just solutions that protect all communities and sustain Christian witness in the region.

In the conversation, Syed Mohammed Marandi, a professor at Tehran University and former adviser to Iran’s nuclear negotiation team, addresses multiple interwoven geopolitical issues, centering on Iran, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and the broader strategic rivalry with the United States and its allies. Syria and ISIS release - Marandi asserts that the Damascus regime, described as al-Qaeda/ISIS-aligned factions, would not tolerate Kurdish forces backed by the United States. He notes prior violence against Alawites, Christians, and Druze as context for the current disturbing images from Syria. - He argues the United States is not a reliable partner for its allies, pointing to past episodes such as Obama’s refusal to support Arbil when ISIS threatened the Kurdish government, and Soleimani’s rapid military response to save the city. - He states that ISIS prisoners have been released in Syria, implying that thousands of ISIS members are now free and could destabilize Syria and possibly Iraq. He emphasizes that both Jolani (an ISIS-linked figure) and the Kurdish groups in northeast Syria are allied to the United States, making it unclear who released the prisoners but suggesting that those actors are aligned with the U.S. - The broader implication is that the release increases instability in Syria and potentially across the region. Border security and spillover fears - The discussion turns to Iraq’s border with Syria, with Marandi weighing whether U.S.-backed jihadist forces might spill into Iraq or Lebanon. He suggests a likelihood that ISIS/Al-Qaeda remnants could be used to pressure Lebanon and Iraq to prevent closer Iranian influence. - He notes that Iran’s potential responses could include its missile and drone capabilities, should security worsen on a front involving its allies in Lebanon and Iraq; however, Iran currently refrains from large-scale involvement in Syria but would consider action if threats to Iran or its allies escalate. Regime change, fragmentation, and U.S.-Israel aims - The conversation shifts to Iran post-riots, with questions about U.S./Israel strategies for regime change. Marandi contends the plan is to destabilize and fragment Iran, not to establish a unified post-regime scenario. - He cites alleged Israeli and Western involvement in organizing riots as evidence of a broader conspiracy to create chaos and justify military action. He claims Mossad and other intelligence agencies were on the ground, and public statements from former CIA officials acknowledged Israeli involvement. - He describes the riot phase as highly organized, with foreign funding (including Bitcoin), online recruitment, and careful targeting of police and infrastructure. He portrays the protests as initially legitimate grievances that devolved into violent chaos fueled by external coordination, with widespread destruction and deaths, including the killing of police officers. - In contrast, he highlights large pro-government demonstrations, especially a national day of demonstrations that he says showed widespread popular support for the Islamic Republic and condemnation of rioters. He points to extensive media coverage highlighting peaceful protests, while arguing that the riot narrative dominated Western coverage. Internal Iranian dynamics and public opinion - Marandi emphasizes the fragmentation among Iranian opposition groups: MEK, monarchists, Takfiri remnants near the Pakistan border, and Kurdish separatists, all of whom he asserts lack credible popular support. - He argues that even if the regime were at risk, fragmentation would prevent any single faction from stabilizing the country post-regime change. He suggests this aligns with his view of broader Israeli aims to weaken and fragment Iran and neighboring states, as seen in Syria and Iraq. Military capability and deterrence - He asserts Iran’s substantial missile and drone capabilities and asserts that Iran could defend allies in Lebanon and Iraq if needed. He notes Iran’s long-term preparedness against U.S. threats, including underground bases and extensive drone/missile stocks. - He contends that if war occurred, it would have wide regional and global economic consequences, potentially destabilizing oil markets and prompting broader geopolitical upheaval. He argues that U.S. restraint may be influenced by the risk of a global economic meltdown. Russia, China, and Starlink - Regarding technological assistance for countering communications, he mentions rumors of Russian or Chinese involvement in aiding Iran's internet disruption and Starlink-related issues, acknowledging uncertainty but highlighting a growing trilateral closeness among Iran, Russia, and China in the face of U.S. pressure. media narratives and leadership - He criticizes Western media for portraying protests as peaceful, while Israeli claims and cyber/disinformation around the events are presented as demonstrations of foreign involvement. He maintains that internal Iranian unity—visible in large-scale demonstrations—contrasts with the portrayal of a fractured nation. - He closes by suggesting that while some European leaders may align with U.S. policies, the overall strategic outlook remains uncertain, with a warning that Trump’s approach could escalate tensions rather than yield stability.

I'm here with Dexter Van Zyl, an expert on anti-Christian violence, to discuss the absolutely barbaric atrocity that took place in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where 70 Christians were beheaded in a church. This is happening in a country of 105 million people that is in conflict with Rwanda over territory in Kivu. The violence was perpetrated by an organization affiliated with ISIS. Some people argue that this organization is working on behalf of Rwanda because Rwanda covets and is taking control of the Congo's mineral resources. Why is no one reporting this? Why does no one seem to care?

It makes me sad and enraged to see Protestant Christian churches in the US ignoring the murder and oppression of Christians in the Middle East. I'm triggered by the lack of outrage, especially when churches are attacked. US tax dollars shouldn't fund the murder of Christians, and religious leaders need to take a stand. I'm also concerned about regime change wars. Syria isn't some remote country; it's strategically vital. If you're going to intervene, you need to replace the old regime with something better. We haven't done that, and I can't believe we keep making the same mistake. Why was I supposed to hate Assad? Now he's gone. The media just blindly adopts political strategies as moral imperatives, like The New York Times doing the bidding of the CIA.

There's a massacre in Syria targeting the Druze community; they are silencing us. The Syrian president was an ex ISIS terrorist on the wanted list, aiming to rid Syria of minorities, including Christians and Druze, calling us Kafar. The media says Israel attacked Damascus and is defending itself, but the claim is Bedouin attacked the Druze and the Druze defend themselves. We are being massacred by supposed ex-jihadist from the government army. Without Israel's protection, we would have been wiped out. They are stealing our phones, making false videos and posts, pretending to be Druze, and creating false propaganda while killing elderly and children. Neighboring cities are poisoning the water. Many are on the run. Please spread the word; lives are at stake.

There were significant human rights violations against Christians in Syria, in both Sunni and Shia controlled areas. The potential for things to get worse is there, but the upside is that the Iranian crescent is dead, meaning the Iranian regime is in real trouble because their biggest proxies like Hamas, Hezbollah, and Assad are gone, and Shia influence is waning. Turkey is encroaching on Northern Syria to create a buffer zone, while Israel controls the Golan Heights and has moved into a buffer zone at Mount Hermon. The Syrian government has abdicated to a rebel alliance. Russia and Iran are weak, as evidenced by the collapse of their alliance in Syria, indicative of their interior weakness. This is a direct result of blows Ukraine and Israel delivered. Net net, this is probably a good thing, but there are no great things in the Middle East.

In 2016, President Assad told me they changed citizenship laws due to children of Syrian women impregnated by terrorists. The new law allowed these children to have Syrian citizenship instead of being sent to their ISIS fathers. This highlights the cruelty of war and the inhumanity imposed on people for political gain, like overthrowing governments or seizing resources. This policy is evident in the current administration's stance against Russia.

Speaker 0: Congressman, pleasure to speak to you. There's a topic you've been very vocal about that I think more people around the world should pay attention to. There's obviously a war in Gaza. There's the war in Ukraine. A lot of heartbreak going on around the world. But what's happening in Nigeria, it's been happening for a long time, is beyond imagination. The only comparison I can make that to to what's happening there is what's happening in in Congo, which I've covered extensively. You know, I interviewed president Kagame in Rwanda talking about the genocide there and then the the decades of war in Congo. But, yeah, the world seems to be turning a blind eye to what's happening in Nigeria. Can you just elaborate more on what you've seen and what what brought your attention to the issue? Speaker 1: Well, Mario, that's a good way to put it, turning a blind eye to it. This has been going on for actually quite a while in Nigeria, and it's the persecution and the ethnic cleansing of Christians in the country of Nigeria by Islamic extremists. And there's really about three different groups here that are to blame. One would be Boko Haram. We all are generally kind of familiar with Boko Haram. You have IS. West Africa, more ISIS aligned. And then you have this tribal people, most of them involved in cattle herdsmen called the Fulani. And they have, as of recent, been doing a lot of the killing, and there's been a lot of more focus on that, at least on my end and some folks here in congress. But all three are to blame for this, and to me, the government of Nigeria is to blame for this as well. But if if I could just highlight just some of the numbers here real quick. Since 2009, the estimates are in between fifty thousand and as much as a 100,000, it's been reported, have been murdered Christians in Nigeria. I mean, is an astounding number that nobody is talking about. Speaker 0: Genocidal numbers. Speaker 1: Genocidal numbers. And in that same time period, we've had over 19,000 churches attacked or destroyed. And nobody seems to really care about this, but this is something as a Christian myself, as a Catholic, this is something I care deeply about. My brothers and sisters in Christ are suffering and being martyred in this country of Nigeria, and I'm trying to raise the alarm here in The United States and say we have to do something. And just this year alone, 7,000 Christians have been murdered in Nigeria. That's thirty five a day are being killed, and we had fifty four of them were murdered on Palm Sunday. We had a priest kidnapped and murdered on Ash Wednesday, and nobody seems to care or talk about this at all, which is why you know, thank you for giving me this platform to be able to talk about this. But this is so alarming, so concerning, And I think there's a real question of what type of ownership does the government of Nigeria have culpability in this. And I you know, to me, there has to be some type of collusion of some sort, particularly as it relates to the Fulani, who are not a terrorist organization, but are Muslim ethnic group that lives in kind of that middle band of the country where we see a lot of these clashes happening. The government has been trying to stop Boko Haram, but part of that is also the security assistance programs that The United States has with Nigeria in the effort and the promise that they would try to prosecute conflict against Boko Haram and and their presence in that country. Now they still exist. Just last month, there was an attack on a village by Boko Haram that killed nearly a 100 people. Thousands fled. The air force of Nigeria did some airstrikes that killed about 30 members of Boko Haram, but this is not nearly enough. And now just a couple weeks ago, there was an attack on Christians. 15 were murdered. They flagged this. This is in the Borno state. Flagged this for the government, and the government reported it, and I'm not joking, as fake news. This is not a real threat, and then 15 more Christians lost their lives. So certainly, the government of Nigeria is not doing enough. I think they're complicit in this in their absence in that area in protecting these Christians. Speaker 0: Let's talk about who Boko Haram is, especially people that weren't, you know, following politics back during the war on terror. They've been around for a while. I think it was in 2014, they had they controlled a lot of land in Nigeria, and I think neighboring countries as well, if I remember correctly, and everyone was talking about Boko Haram, and then their leader got killed with clashes with Nigerian military. But they've committed a lot of atrocities over the years. They've lost most of their territories. From what I understand now, there is also under Barack Obama's presidency, and there's been a lot of that's when that's when their peak was. I was going through now some of the notes I've got. But now they're living in, like, islands, Lake Chad Islands and Sambisa, Forest Haida. So first, why are they killing Christians? What is their end goal? And two is how are they still around after all these years? Speaker 1: Well, I mean and that's a good question. Look. We see this same type of persecution and killing of Christians in many Muslim majority or Muslim ruled countries. This is something that seems to be persistent throughout the Muslim world. Now Boko Haram, in particular, they're more Al Qaeda affiliated, so they do have political goals in terms of taking over at least part, if not in whole, the country of Nigeria and cleansing the Christians of that country. You might recall, and this was back about a decade ago now, where there was 276 schoolgirls kidnapped. Speaker 0: I remember the story. Speaker 1: The Obama administration actually saying something about this. Just to be clear, 82 of those girls are still remain missing. And, you know, we're talking a lot right now about the murders and the martyrs of the martyrdom of the Christians that are in that country, but there is systemic rape and kidnapping and enslavement of the Christian population as well. So it's it's not just singular and just the killing of them. I mean, they are being tortured and kidnapped and disappeared on a daily basis as well. So that's also part of this that is happening. And Speaker 0: Have you looked into why, congressman? What is why is it that hate towards Christianity in Nigeria? And you mentioned some other countries as well. I know this is mainly the extremist Islamic factions that are that have that ideology, kind of similar to what we saw with ISIS a few years ago to this day, really. But why do they have that hate to go there and kill fellow humans just because they have another religion? Speaker 1: Well, I I think I'll as I mentioned, Boko Haram is more closely aligned with Al Qaeda. IS West Africa is more ISIS affiliated. And then you have this tribal people, most of them involved in cattle herdsmen called the Fulani. And then you have this tribal people, most of them involved in cattle herdsmen called the Fulani. And they have, as of recent, been doing a lot of the killing, and there's been a lot of more focus on that, at least on my end and some folks here in congress. But all three are to blame for this, and to me, the government of Nigeria is to blame for this as well. But if if I could just highlight just some of the numbers here real quick. Since 2009, the estimates are in between fifty thousand and as much as a 100,000, it's been reported, have been murdered Christians in Nigeria. I mean, is an astounding number that nobody is talking about. Speaker 0: [No further content here to summarize.]

In a field report from the Holy Land, Tucker Carlson and his team explore the lived experience of Christians in a region where religion, politics, and funding intertwine. The segment frames Christendom’s presence as both historical and fragile, shaped by borders, custodianship, and shifting demographics. - The setting and question: Carlson pulses between Nazareth and Jerusalem-adjacent areas, noting that the Holy Land lies within Jordan—a predominantly Muslim monarchy that funds much of the region’s religious and cultural life. The central question is how Christians are faring: thriving or suffering? The host asserts that in Israel, Christians are not thriving; their numbers are shrinking in absolute terms and as a share of the population, especially since the Gaza War and the rise of extremism. Clips circulating online purportedly show Christian clergy in Jerusalem spat upon by Jewish extremists, raising concerns about anti-Christian hostility that US funding seems to overlook or deny. - The Archbishop of Jerusalem (born in Nazareth) speaks frankly about decline and exposure to oppression: he says Christians in the Holy Land have been here for two thousand years, but today they are in a period of decline. Since 1948, many Christians fled or were expelled; the Christian population halved, with subsequent declines after 1967. He emphasizes Jerusalem as the spiritual capital of the Christian faith, but notes the thinning presence and the difficulties of sustaining communities, particularly in Nazareth and the Galilee, where emigration has increased in two recent decades. - Refugees and the Christian presence: The Archbishop notes that many Palestinian refugees from the 1948 creation of Israel were Christians, contradicting the stereotype that Palestinian refugees are predominantly Muslim. He gives an example of Beirut’s All Saints Anglican community, which is 90% Palestinian Christians from Galilee, illustrating long-standing Christian diaspora within the region. Bethlehem is highlighted as a site of economic and religious pressure due to the separation wall and movement restrictions; the Christian population in Bethlehem has fallen from about 100,000 to under 30,000. He attributes some of these declines to limited aid, both domestically and from Western churches, and to concerns that donations can end up in the wrong hands. - Aid and funding dynamics: The Archbishop argues that while Western churches provide some support through bodies like the American Friends of the Diocese of Jerusalem, a disproportionately large share of Western Christian aid flows to Jewish settlements rather than to Nazareth or Bethlehem. He contends that money from the West can be linked to settlement expansion and land confiscation in Christian areas, creating moral tension for Western Christians who fund the region. He cites Jordan’s King Abdullah as a donor who has funded repairs to sacred sites such as the Nativity and the Holy Sepulchre, illustrating a different model of custodianship and interfaith stewardship. - Custodianship and Jerusalem’s status quo: The Jordanian king is described as the custodian of holy sites in Jerusalem, including Al Aqsa and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, a framework the Archbishop says maintains a shared space for Christianity, Judaism, and Islam. He argues that handing custodianship entirely to the Israeli government would produce exclusivity and degrade the three-faith balance that has historically preserved access to sacred sites. - Practical realities for worship and safety: The Archbishop details routine security constraints around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, especially on Holy Saturday during Holy Fire, where Israeli police restrict attendance and limit pilgrims, sometimes to a fraction of typical numbers for “safety reasons.” He notes that similar restrictions affect other holy sites and events across Israel and neighboring areas, including Orthodox and Jewish observances. He references efforts to engage U.S. diplomats, like Ambassador Mike Huckabee, to address these access limits, though without consistent success. - Everyday threats and incidents: The Archbishop describes spitting at clergy as a recurring, if not constant, problem in Jerusalem, tied to fringe groups and to a broader climate of secular or religious animus. There is talk of vandalism and intimidation directed at Christian sites, with limited legal recourse because spitting and harassment are not consistently criminalized in the way the clergy and authorities would hope. - The West Bank and Jordan as a model: The Jordanian Christian interlocutor (Speaker 3) frames Jordan as a regional model for coexistence, arguing that Christians in Jordan feel integrated with Muslims and receive constitutional protection and equal rights. He highlights three pillars of Jordan’s Christian flourishing: constitutional equality, political and social stability, and Hashemite leadership that prioritizes interfaith dialogue, meritocracy, and mercy. He notes Christian representation across government and business, suggesting that, despite being a minority (roughly 3%), Christians are disproportionately represented in leadership roles, which he sees as evidence of a functioning model for minority resilience. - Refugees as a regional test: The Jordanian interlocutor emphasizes Jordan’s long history of hosting refugees from Jerusalem, Gaza, Syria, and Iraq, framing Jordan as a nation built on refugee experience and humanitarian responsibility. He stresses that stability in Jordan—economic, political, and social—depends on leadership, constitutional rights, and the willingness of the international community to sustain support, particularly given donor fatigue and shifting attention from the US and other partners. - A plea to Western Christians: The interview closes with a call for American Christians to engage directly with ancient Christian communities in the Holy Land, to listen to their experiences, and to support stability and coexistence without reducing faith to political slogans or demonizing one group. The Archbishop concludes with a hopeful vision: Jerusalem should belong to all people, a sacred center for Christians, Jews, and Muslims alike. In sum, the conversation juxtaposes narratives of Christian decline and resilience, heavily weighted by political context, funding flows, and interfaith custodianship. It presents Jordan as a contrasting, stabilizing model for minority Christian life in the Middle East while insisting that Western Christian communities rethink their engagement and support for Christian communities in the Holy Land.

It makes me sad and angry to see Protestant Christian churches in the US ignoring the murder and oppression of Christians in the Middle East. It outrages me that US tax dollars might be used to harm Christians. I'm also concerned about the lack of understanding of the region; Syria isn't some remote place—it's strategically vital, right in the heart of everything. I'm against regime change in general, but if we're going to do it, we need to replace the old regime with something better and more stable. After all this, why was I supposed to hate Assad? Why did the media adopt a political strategy to hate him as a moral imperative? It felt like the media was doing the bidding of powerful groups, treating a political strategy as a moral obligation.

If you're on Twitter, be warned: gruesome videos from Syria are circulating, a result of CIA intervention and tax dollars funding "moderate rebels." These rebels are now attacking minority communities that Bashar al-Assad used to protect. Figures like Barry Weiss, John Bolton, the Bushes, Obama, and Hillary Clinton bear responsibility, as this was their CIA project under the Obama administration, aimed at turning Syria into another Libya. They achieved their goal: a failed state with torture and human sacrifice. This could have been prevented, as past interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya failed. The situation worsened after Trump's election. Biden gave the green light before Trump took office. The CIA approached Trump in 2016 to overthrow Assad, but he refused. The corporate media and establishment are also culpable in this disaster.