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Speaker 0 and Speaker 1 discuss a historic shift in American public opinion regarding the Israel-Palestine conflict. - Speaker 1 notes that public opinion on who voters sympathize with shifted dramatically in the wake of the current war. In October 2023, Americans favored Israel by 48 points; now, they favor the Palestinians by 1 point. He says he reviewed polls since the question began in the 1980s and that this is the first time Palestinians lead on this question, marking a historic shift away from the Israeli position toward the Palestinians. - He emphasizes that the shift was led by Democrats, moving from Democrats favoring Israel by 26 points to Palestinians by 46 points, describing it as a roughly 70-point swing and stating that, for the first time ever, more Americans sympathize with the Palestinians over the Israelis. - Speaker 0 adds that the shift is “a first that I have seen in my lifetime” and credits independent media and journalists reporting from Gaza for bringing images to social media, including images of civilians and alleged Israeli actions. He asserts that without on-the-ground reporting, people wouldn’t have seen certain images, asserts that journalists were killed by the IDF, and claims those images contributed to waking people up. - He contends that APAC is panicking, citing a new ad and a rebranding as “America first,” and argues Israel has lost the media war and the narrative, including some conservative and evangelical support (referencing Charlie Kirk’s base). - Speaker 1 details a parallel shift within the Republican Party, noting a significant age-based divide. Among Republicans over 50, they sympathize with Israel by 66 points; among those under 50, they sympathize with the Palestinians by 25 points. This creates about a 40-point gap, with younger Republicans leaning more toward the Palestinians than older Republicans. - Speaker 0 adds that Israel has hired pro-Israel influencers—paid about $7,000 per post—targeting the youth to reel back pro-Israel sentiment in the conservative youth vote. He notes these influencers were primarily young, implying a deliberate strategy to mobilize younger voters, while older voters are less in need of such outreach. - The speakers conclude that this combination of media exposure, shifts in party and demographic alignments, and targeted influencer campaigns constitutes a broad, historic realignment in American attitudes toward the conflict.

"Is all over the country, specifically Yale and Columbia. They're getting shut down and overrun by these anti Jew protesters, these pro Gaza protesters, these terrorist sympathizers." "The Democrat party is being radio silent on this." "in the case of Bill Hanna Omar, her actual daughter out there standing in the picket line and protesting us." "It's disgusting, they should be calling it out." "We're pro Israel. We're a pro Jewish people. We're pro America." "they're supporting this Death to America chant by letting this continue on." "Republicans are pro Israel. We're pro America, and we're pro protecting Jewish citizens not only in Israel, but across the world, even here in America."

We have a generational issue with young people supporting Israel less. We need to address this quickly. The divide is not left vs. right but young vs. old. The language used by activists has shifted towards Iranian propaganda. We must act fast to counter this trend.

We have a generational issue with young people supporting Israel less. The next generation is influenced by Iranian propaganda, seen in groups like Students for Justice in Palestine. Their language changed quickly on October 8th, adopting anti-Israel rhetoric. This shift is concerning and needs attention. The focus should be on understanding why young people are swayed by Iran's influence.

This year, ADL's global 100 survey of antisemitic attitudes around the world found a 46% shift. Forty six percent of the adult population, 2,200,000,000 people harbor elevated levels of antisemitism. That's nearly double the rate that we saw a decade ago. For the first time since we started tracking these attitudes in the nineteen sixties, the younger generation is more likely to hold elevated anti Jewish views than their parents or grandparents. The younger generation is more likely to be antisemitic than the older one.

"Presidential campaigns do shape how a party thinks about questions more than midterms, and I think somebody's gonna stand up running for president in both political parties and say, I don't think we should send one more dollar to Israel. I don't think they've been good allies. I don't think they've been good friends. And if someone makes that argument, how do you think they'll be perceived in the Republican Party following the research you did on Kirk's own evolution?" "I think it's gonna be really hard to change young people's minds." "a generation of people who, for a really wide variety of reasons, I think, are very, very hostile to this to the Israeli government, really dislike what they're doing." "the truism in American politics that ultimately in elections, really, nobody cares about foreign policy."

Speaker says Democrats and Jews must decide: "Until you crush the cultural Marxist lens of which they view the world, you will never actually be able to build support for Israel." He adds, "You cannot subsidize support and play footsie with cultural Marxism and have a future for the state of Israel." He contends, "Jews have been some of the largest funders of cultural Marxist ideas and supporters of those ideas over the last thirty or forty years. Stop supporting causes that hate you." He warns, "If you train a generation of you everything through an oppressor oppressed lens, they will apply that lens to the Israel Hamas conflict." He argues, "Until you cleanse that ideology from the hierarchy and the academic elite of the West, there will not be a safe future." He concludes, "Israel will be in jeopardy as long as the Western children, children of the West, are being taught with primarily Jewish dollars subsidizing it to view everything through oppressor oppressed dynamic."

The speaker discusses how the TikTok ban bill was introduced by a congressman who received significant contributions from Zionists, Google, and Palantir. They suggest a connection between the Israel lobby and the bill, as well as Zionists potentially buying TikTok. The speaker highlights censorship of pro-Palestine content on TikTok and the generational divide in support for Israel. They emphasize a "TikTok problem" for Zionists and the need to focus on the next generation. The speaker questions the government's narrative and suggests a focus on China.

"But October 7 in the Hamas raid in Southern Israel changed minds on this app. Explain how." "over 60% of the content that is pro Hamas, pro Palestine content, it's actually generated in Bangladesh, Malaysia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and then it is actually amplified in TikTok users' feeds in The United States." "the majority of the anti Israel content, it's actually generated and created overseas, and then the algorithm is tailored to push that content here in America." "it's not actually generated here in The United States. It's not a reflection of the sentiment here in The United States." "But think about the fact that in Israel, they have TikTok, and in Israel, they have manipulated the algorithm to show 90% of the sentiment is for pro Hamas in Israel." "Do you really think that Israelis after October 7 feel that that is the case?"

Speaker argues that 'you and the Likud party are cut from the same ideological cloth as Trump and the GOP in America.' They reference 'Charlie Kirk's assassination, who was a big mentor of mine' and say 'Evangelicals, from all my research, evangelicals are the reason that Israel has been supported in public sphere outside of just Jews.' They note 'So with Charlie's assassination and with the kind of trajectory that we see with, like, Candace Owens and Tucker Carlson.' They ask 'what's another game plan if we lose evangelical support for the state of Israel.' 'What's our backup plan to be strong, like outside of the diaspora?'

"Here's what Democrats are going to what Jewish Democrats or Jews in general are going to have to make a decision." "Until you crush the cultural Marxist lens of which they view the world, you will never actually be able to build support for Israel." "You cannot subsidize support and play footsie with cultural Marxism and have a future for the state of Israel, so you have to choose." "And Jews have been some of the largest funders of cultural Marxist ideas and supporters of those ideas over the last thirty or forty years." "Stop supporting causes that hate you." "Until you cleanse that ideology from the hierarchy and the academic elite of the West, there will not be a safe future." "Until you shed that ideology, you will not be able to build the case for Israel because they view Israel as an oppressor."

Speaker 0: 'you and the Likud party are cut from the same ideological cloth as Trump and the GOP in America.' 'Evangelicals, from all my research, evangelicals are the reason that Israel has been supported in public sphere outside of just Jews.' 'what's another game plan if we lose evangelical support for the state of Israel.' 'What's our backup plan to be strong, like, outside of the diaspora?' Speaker 1: 'Christian influencers.' 'The woke reich.' 'We have to fight back.' 'the weapons change over time. You can't fight today with the swords.' 'the most important ones are the social media.' 'the most important purchase that is going on right now is class Followers.' 'Five followers.' 'Followers. TikTok. Number one.' 'X. X. That's Successful. Good.' 'We have to talk to Elon. He's not an enemy. He's a friend.' 'Are we gonna succeed with everyone? No. Will there be a strong counterpoint? Yes.'

The speaker discusses how the TikTok ban bill was introduced by a congressman with significant contributions from Zionists and tech companies. They suggest a connection between the Israel lobby and efforts to buy TikTok. A clip from the ADL chief highlights a generational divide in support for Israel. Pro-Palestine content on TikTok is censored, indicating a bias. The speaker questions the government's narrative and emphasizes the importance of addressing the TikTok issue.

Polling indicates that support for Israel in the United States is divided by age, not political affiliation. Young people are expressing shockingly high levels of support for the Hamas massacre being justified. There is a Gen Z and TikTok problem that requires immediate attention from the Jewish community. Activist groups like Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace adopted Iranian propaganda-like language rapidly after October 8th, with toolkits referencing "Zionist entities." This shift suggests a deeper issue involving Iran's propaganda infiltrating American activism, differing from previous interactions with groups like NIAC. The focus should be on the younger generation and the influence of Iranian narratives.

There is a generational divide in the US regarding support for Israel, with younger people showing high levels of support for actions like the Gaza massacre. The speaker emphasizes the need for the Asian community to address this issue quickly, as groups like Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voices for Peace have shifted their language to align with Iranian propaganda. This change was observed on October 8th, with a rapid shift in messaging. The speaker calls for urgent action to address this issue.

The speakers critique how Holocaust education operates in today’s media landscape and its unintended effects. They reference a remark by a woman (Hurwitz) who said that “the real problem with all this Holocaust education is that now people are pissed off when we try to do it,” highlighting shock at the idea that someone would voice such a sentiment aloud. They confirm the quote with “Yeah. Here it is right here. Yep.” They argue that in the 1990s a young person wouldn’t easily find Al Jazeera or Nick Fuentes, but today “those media outlets find them” on their phones. This has coincided with a shift to a post-literate media environment: “less and less text, more and more videos.” TikTok is described as “smashing our young people's brains all day long with video of carnage in Gaza,” making it hard to have sane conversations with younger Jews because any message is filtered through a “wall of carnage.” Data, information, facts, and arguments are perceived as being drowned out by emotional imagery, and speakers acknowledge that people “are seeing in their minds carnage” and may call their rational arguments obscene. The dialogue emphasizes vivid images of dead children, noting that “these dead babies” have an emotional effect on people, and that facts alone seem insufficient against the visceral response. One speaker remarks that the emphasis on such imagery is powerful and difficult to counter with reason. A part of the discussion pauses to consider statistics and argues that Hurwitz’s argument lacks a clear statistical basis, instead presenting a visual argument through images of dead children. The speakers insist that the response is not a result of rational persuasion; one person insists, “It wasn't a choice I made with my brain. It was a choice I made with my heart, you idiot,” and asserts that genocide cannot be rationalized. The group reflects on how the “very smart bet” of Holocaust education serving as antisemitism education may be breaking down in the new media environment. They acknowledge that education about the Holocaust is “absolutely essential,” but contend it may confuse some young people about antisemitism, particularly when young viewers see “powerful Israelis hurting weak, skinny Palestinians” on TikTok. The implication is that the historical lesson (strong vs. weak oppression) could be misinterpreted as a justification to “fight Israel,” aligning antisemitism with the trope of anti-black racism in some perceptions. There is a stark contrast drawn between captives who “can’t leave” and those with the power to act, underscoring a perception of oppression and lack of mobility. The discussion uses strong metaphors, including comparisons to a “giant game of Saw,” to describe the perceived moral torture of the situation. Towards the end, the speakers acknowledge that the overarching topic across conversations—whether in Charlie Kirk’s letter to Netanyahu, CBS News, or related discussions—is “we're losing.” They acknowledge that “we get back to winning” is a recurring concern, indicating an awareness of a struggle to regain a strategic or communicative advantage in the discourse.

Opinions had evolved. And let's face it, Charlie was like an unofficial spokesperson for the youth of America, in particular, conservative youth. And I don't know if people have checked, but they no longer support Israel. Everybody under 30 is against Israel. Charlie was 31.

There is a major generational problem regarding support for Israel in the United States. Polling shows that it is not a left-right divide, but rather a divide between young and old. Shockingly, a high number of young people justified the recent massacre. This highlights a problem with TikTok and Gen Z that our community needs to address urgently. We have been focusing on the wrong divide between left and right. The real issue lies with the next generation and how they are falling in line with Hamas and their accomplices. Activists in America dramatically changed their language on October 8th, aligning with Iranian propaganda. This shift was swift and concerning.

Why is it that Jewish people in this country get blamed for what a nation on the other side of the world is doing constantly? He cites incidents: 'a couple weeks ago, we had, an individual show up at a synagogue in San Antonio with a knife, yelling at the people who came out of services, f all you Jews, go back to your country.' We had a Jewish man assaulted in broad daylight in San Francisco. He continues, 'Anti Zionism, I've long said is anti Semitism. I was wrong. Anti Zionism is genocide.' 'And what I mean is if you so dehumanize Zionists, by the way, every Jewish person is a Zionist.' 'So the idea that our national anthem would be the Hatikva, would be the hope. I should say our. It's the Israel's national anthem.'

This year, ADL's global 100 survey of antisemitic attitudes around the world found a 46% shift. Forty six percent of the adult population, 2,200,000,000 people harbor elevated levels of antisemitism. That's nearly double the rate that we saw a decade ago. For the first time since we started tracking these attitudes in the nineteen sixties, the younger generation is more likely to hold elevated anti Jewish views than their parents or grandparents. Let me repeat that. The younger generation is more likely to be antisemitic than the older one.

- Speaker 1 argues that many people involved in certain activities are motivated by bounties and money, suggesting that some might be doing it for personal gain rather than ideological reasons. They say: “a lot of these people are just sacks of shit that are going for a bounty,” and imply that some individuals could be MK Ultra, calling it “kinda cooler” than being a mercenary for a bounty. - They discuss the idea that bounties are paid by various actors, mentioning “billionaires and shit” and suggesting that “this works both ways.” They imply that anti-Israel sentiment could also be tied to people being paid. - The conversation shifts to media manipulation, attributing influence to Larry Ellison as a “shadow president” who is allegedly buying up the media. They imply this is to control the narrative after a crisis, describing the media consolidation as a response to a failure to manage public perception. - The speakers claim that the reason for frantic media buying is a loss of the next generation of trauma-absorbing minds, alleging that on TikTok, “these psychopaths bragged about crimes they did to people.” They assert that young people (referred to as “Zoomies” or “the next generation”) in America and elsewhere were exposed to woke programming, which the oligarchs allegedly fear will backfire on them. - They claim that Israel has not had woke programming for the last twelve years, using that as a marker to identify who is involved in the propaganda, stating Israel lacks awareness of sensitivities around gender issues and that this helps identify participants in the propaganda. - The discussion moves to a broader media and censorship critique, with Speaker 1 predicting that Barry Weiss being put in charge will not go well, referencing a town hall as evidence of a poorly received event. - The conversation also touches on personal safety concerns related to speaking out, noting that talking about these topics can lead to danger, including the potential for being killed. They reference Charlie Kirk and a Pegasus hack incident as examples of such risks, and mention a Bohemian Grove reference in relation to Jimmy. - Overall, the dialogue weaves together themes of bounty-driven participation, MK Ultra speculation, media consolidation by influential figures, the perceived weaponization of woke politics, generational media influence via TikTok, and personal safety concerns for public commentators.

I did not say that reducing the federal budget would increase antisemitism. I said that constant threats to cut money to the Office for Civil Rights in the Department of Education prevent the federal government from adequately investigating antisemitism and other hate crimes on college campuses. One way to stop antisemitism is to actually fund those designed to investigate it. I saw protesters against the war in Gaza using some antisemitic slogans. It is difficult for the federal government to adequately address antisemitism. It is possible to feel compassion for the Palestinian people without hating Jews. What I've seen on college campuses is a pushing of a Marxist framing. We're allowing ideology to drive violence, which erodes society. What has to happen on college campuses is deradicalization. Until you admit that there's a radical ideology, you cannot fight it.