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The speaker argues that international security is broader than military-political stability and includes global economic stability, poverty reduction, economic security, and civilizational dialogue. He emphasizes the principle that security of each is security of all, recalling Franklin Roosevelt’s idea that “wherever peace is violated, peace everywhere is threatened.” He asserts that two decades ago the world was split ideologically and economically, with security provided by the large strategic potential of two superpowers, and that global confrontation has moved to the periphery of international relations, leaving acute economic and social issues unresolved. He criticizes the unipolar world as not achievable or acceptable, defining it as one center of power and one center of decision-making, a model he says is not democracy and ultimately destructive for both the ruled and the ruler. He notes that unilateral, illegitimate actions have not solved problems and have caused new tragedies and tens of thousands of civilian deaths. He points to the increasing and unchecked use of force in international affairs, the neglect of core principles of international law, and the tendency to resolve issues on the basis of political expediency. The speaker highlights new threats such as weapons of mass destruction and terrorism, arguing for a balanced approach that considers the interests of all international actors. He notes the rapid changes in the international landscape, including the rise of China and India, whose combined GDP (at PPP) surpasses the US, and BRICS collectively surpassing the EU, predicting that economic power will increasingly translate into political influence and strengthen multipolarity. He calls for multilateral diplomacy, openness, transparency, and predictability, with force used only as an exceptional measure and in accordance with the UN Charter, not as a substitute for collective security institutions such as the UN, NATO, or the EU. The speaker defends adherence to international treaties on nonproliferation and disarmament, recalling Russia’s agreement with the US to cut strategic nuclear weapons to 1700–2200 deployable warheads by December 31, 2012, and emphasizes Russia’s commitment to the NPT and multilateral controls on missile technologies. He critiques the proliferation of missile systems in various countries and the existence of new high-tech weapons, including space-based systems, warning that militarization of space could have consequences comparable to the nuclear era. He announces a Russian proposal for a Space Weapons Prevention Treaty and discusses concerns about missile defense deployments in Europe, arguing they provoke a new arms race and distrust. Regarding conventional forces in Europe, he criticizes the Adapted CFE Treaty for insufficient ratification and notes NATO’s expansion near Russian borders, arguing that such expansion reduces mutual trust. He recalls a 1990 NATO secretary-general statement about not placing troops beyond Germany’s borders and stresses that Russia seeks an independent foreign policy with responsible partners to build a fair and democratic world order for all. He also discusses energy cooperation, arguing that energy prices should be market-driven and that foreign capital participates significantly in Russian oil production, with investments in Russia exceeding Russian investments abroad by about 15:1. He mentions Russia’s ongoing WTO accession and criticizes double standards in poverty alleviation, noting how aid and subsidies can perpetuate economic underdevelopment and fuel radicalism and conflict. Finally, he defends the OSCE as a body intended to address security in a holistic way but contends it has been used to serve external interests and to finance NGOs that may interfere in internal affairs. He calls for the OSCE to respect sovereignty and for cooperation based on mutual trust. He closes by reaffirming Russia’s longstanding tradition of independent external policy and expresses a desire to work with responsible, independent partners to build a just, democratic world order that ensures security and prosperity for all.

Two American speakers express trust in Vladimir Putin, with one stating that he found Putin to be straightforward and trustworthy. Another speaker praises Putin for his initial move towards democracy and describes him as very smart. The same speaker also mentions having a good relationship with Putin and states that he kept his word in their agreements. Another speaker acknowledges the challenges faced by the Russian president, including the need for economic restructuring and rebuilding civic society. This speaker believes it is understandable that Putin presents himself as a strong and patriotic leader. Lastly, one speaker expresses confidence in improved cooperation between NATO members and Russia. However, another speaker predicts that Putin will eventually take over all of Ukraine.

The speakers discuss their trust in Vladimir Putin, with Speaker 0 expressing confidence in him and Speaker 1 highlighting Biden's past praise for Putin's move towards democracy. Speaker 2 acknowledges Putin's intelligence and positive personal relationship, emphasizing his trustworthiness. Speaker 3 confirms that Putin kept his word in their deals. Speaker 1 explains the challenges Putin faces, including the need for economic restructuring and rebuilding civic society after communism. They also mention historical legacies in Russia's external relations. The video concludes with Speaker 0 expressing optimism about increased cooperation between NATO and Russia.

I'm not aligned with anyone but the U.S. and the world, and I want to get this deal done. Some see my approach as too friendly to Putin, but being overly aggressive won't lead to an agreement. Some say toughness is the answer, pointing to past administrations, but diplomacy is key. We need to engage to end the destruction. I gave you javelins, unlike Obama who gave you sheets. You need to be thankful. Without us, you have no cards. You’re gambling with World War Three and you are not in a good position. With us, you have cards. I empowered you to be tough, but without the U.S., you don't have the resources. Make a deal, or we're out. I don't think Putin broke any deals with me.

It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've had a long and productive relationship, and we've reached a very fair deal that benefits both our countries and the world. This deal involves rare earth minerals, and it represents a significant commitment from the United States. We've also had good discussions with Russia, including a conversation with President Putin, to try and bring the conflict in Ukraine to a close. We need to negotiate a deal to stop the loss of life and redirect resources to rebuilding. The previous administration wasn't even speaking to Russia, but we've initiated talks and see the confines of a deal. If I were president, this war would have never happened. Your soldiers have been incredibly brave, and now we want to bring this to an end. We'll be signing the agreement shortly, and we're hopeful that we're close to a deal.

We admire your fight for your homeland and promise to support you. In 2017, we will push against Russian aggression and make sure they pay a heavier price. Our fight is not with the Russian people, but with Putin. We will take your calls to Washington, inform the American people of your bravery, and make the case against Putin to the world. We believe you will win and will provide whatever you need to succeed. The world is watching because we cannot allow Vladimir Putin to succeed here.

It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've been working closely together for a long time, and we've negotiated a fair deal that will benefit both our countries and the world. I've also had good discussions with President Putin, and we're trying to bring the conflict in Ukraine to a close. Too many soldiers are dying, and we want to see the money used for rebuilding instead. The previous administration didn't engage with Russia, but I believe if I were president, this war would have never happened. We're providing great equipment to Ukraine, and their soldiers have been incredibly brave. We're going to sign an agreement soon, and I think we're close to a deal to stop the shooting. It's an exciting moment, and I appreciate everyone being here.

We embrace change and openness, believing that freedom and security are interconnected. The advancement of human liberty strengthens world peace. There is a clear sign the Soviets can make to promote freedom and peace. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you desire peace and prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and seek liberalization, come to this gate. Mister Gorbachev, open this gate. Mister Gorbachev, tear down this wall.

Presidents, one near the end of his term, the other being Putin seemed indifferent to the American president, who had championed Yeltsin and liberalization and expanded NATO. Putin conveys a huge amount through body language. He tries to show you that he's the alpha male in the room through the way he spreads his legs, through the way he slouches a bit in his chair. And this is not what Clinton was used to when it came to Russia. He was used to having somebody he could relate to, and Putin is a cold fish. And Clinton didn't respond well to him. If mister Clinton was hoping for a foreign policy triumph, he won't get it here.

It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've been working closely, and we have a fair deal to access rare earth resources. We've also had good discussions with Russia and President Putin to try and bring an end to the war. They're losing thousands of soldiers, and we want the fighting to stop so we can focus on rebuilding. The previous administration didn't speak to Russia, but I believe if I were president, this war would have never happened. We're going to sign an agreement, and I think we're fairly close to a deal.

The speaker announces plans to open Venezuela for foreign investment, describing a $1,700,000,000,000 opportunity across multiple sectors. The opportunity is not limited to oil and gas, which are highlighted as huge, but also spans mining (including gold), infrastructure, and power. The speaker emphasizes that the opportunities will touch the entire energy value chain, stating that they will open all upstream, midstream, and downstream activities to all companies. In addition to energy, the speaker identifies opportunities in technology, AI, and tourism. They note that Venezuela has 2,800 kilometres of pristine Caribbean coastland ready to be developed, suggesting significant potential for coastal or tourism-related projects. A central part of the plan is to establish a favorable environment for foreign investment. The speaker asserts that they will bring rule of law, open markets, and security for foreign investment. They also mention a transparent massive privatization program that is waiting for investors, implying a broad and clear path to privatizations as part of the reform agenda. Key points highlighted include: - A $1.7 trillion opportunity encompassing oil and gas, mining (gold), infrastructure, and power. - The energy sector potential described as DRIP with 17 gigawatts of opportunity that needs rehab, indicating substantial modernization and development needs. - Broad openness to investment across the entire oil and gas value chain: upstream, midstream, downstream. - Additional growth areas in technology, AI, and tourism. - 2,800 kilometres of Caribbean coastline ready for development. - Commitments to rule of law, open markets, security for foreign investment, and a transparent privatization program designed to attract international investors. The overall message is that Venezuela is positioning itself as a major, diversified investment destination with a comprehensive framework to protect and promote foreign investment, underpinned by large-scale privatization and development of a broad range of sectors.

I believe our role, including sanctions and threats, partly forced Yanukovych from office. We've been very involved in supporting the new government in Ukraine. The clear US position has aided this regime change. If this is a peaceful transition, the US will be seen as a great friend. This is about supporting Ukraine in determining its future. While some see this as a US-Russia conflict, it's about supporting Ukraine's wishes. The US has an economic interest too. We're negotiating a trade agreement with Europe. With Ukraine potentially joining the EU, it could mean billions in economic opportunities for the US. We shouldn't hide this interest.

Glenn opens by noting a year has passed since Jeffrey Sachs urged Europe to adopt a realistic foreign policy that understands Russia, Europe, and the United States, and to avoid being invaded by the U.S.—even suggesting Trump could land troops in Greenland. Glenn asks how to read the current situation, including Davos and Europe’s anger at U.S. hostility, and the revived emphasis on international law. Jeffrey Sachs responds with a version of the “ride on the back of a tiger” metaphor from Kennedy, arguing Europeans forgot that the United States is an imperial power that has acted brazenly and brutally for about twenty years. He lists U.S. actions: invasions, regime changes, and reckless interference in Ukraine, and U.S. complicity in Israel’s wars across Africa and the Middle East, along with involvement in overthrowing Ukraine’s Yanukovych and other interventions. He claims Europeans were silent or complicit as the United States bombed Iran, kidnapped its president, and pursued Greenland, calling the Greenland push a grotesque power grab by Trump. He asserts New York Times recognition of U.S. imperial tendencies and says Europe’s naivete and hypocrisy are evident. He states: “The United States is thuggish, imperialistic, reckless, and that The U. S. Has left a large swath of the world in misery. Europe has been mostly compliant or complicit.” He urges Europeans to understand what the United States is about, to stop Russophobia, and to keep lines of communication with Russia open; he argues Europe’s Russophobia made it boxed in with little diplomacy with Russia or the U.S. Glenn adds that Europe’s stance mirrors a Cold War-like unity against Russia, but that the current reality differs: the U.S. does not view Russia as its main adversary, and Russophobia deepens Europe’s dependence on the U.S. Glenn notes mixed reactions at Davos, including Canada’s Prime Minister Mark Carney signaling a shift away from a rules-based order that privileges the West, and Macron’s private message to Trump seeking a cooperative stance on Syria, Iran, and Greenland. He remarks that NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg praised NATO while Trump hinted that the real enemy is within NATO, highlighting the chaos. He asks if this signals a decline of the U.S. empire or NATO. Sachs discusses Carney's stance as significant: Carney’s trip to China and a dialogue with Beijing indicating diversification with China, including a Canadian-Chinese investment plan. He credits Carney with being a rare straightforward statesman and notes instability ahead. Trump’s Davos retreat from threats (notably Greenland) may have been influenced by stock-market declines, according to Sachs’ theory. He mentions a possible European concession about U.S. sovereignty over parts of Greenland, though he doubts any negotiation has been meaningful. He cites Scott Bessent’s Fox Business interview as revealing: sanctions on Iran are a form of economic statecraft designed to crush the Iranian economy, with Iran’s currency collapse and bank failures cited as evidence; Sachs condemns this as a violation of international law and UN Charter, and calls Bessent’s pride in wielding currency-destabilization as alarming. He points to sanctions against Cuba and a broader pattern of “thuggish gangster behavior” by the U.S., noting Europeans’ silence on Iran and other regimes until it backfires on them. Sachs argues Europe’s Russophobia is self-destructive, and he emphasizes that diplomacy remains possible if Germany, France, and Italy adopt a rational approach. He criticizes Germany for duplicity in NATO enlargement and Minsk II, blaming Merkel for dropped commitments, and notes that Italy shows less Russophobia and could shift toward diplomacy. He believes Central Europe and some leaders (e.g., Orban, Czech and Slovak figures) favor diplomacy, but German leadership has been weak. He stresses that Europe must avoid dismemberment and choose diplomacy with Russia, warning that continued war policy will leave Europe isolated. He closes with optimism that there remains a path forward if key European powers act differently. Glenn thanks Sachs for the discussion and ends.

The Alaska Summit reinforced my belief that while difficult pieces within reach, I believe that in a very significant step, President Putin agreed that Russia would accept security guarantees for Ukraine, and this is one of the key points that we need to consider. We're going to be considering that at the table, also, like who will do what, essentially. I'm optimistic that collectively we can reach an agreement.

We believe our sanctions and the threat of more sanctions played a role in Yanukovych leaving office. We've been actively involved in supporting the new government, and the US has been seen as a friend in helping this transition happen peacefully. This is about supporting Ukraine in determining its own future. While it might seem like a US versus Russia situation, it's about supporting Ukraine's wishes. The US also has an economic interest, as Ukraine's potential inclusion in the EU could greatly benefit our trade agreement with Europe. Yanukovych lost legitimacy by using force against peaceful protests. Foreign leaders were there to stand up for the right to protest. While some radical elements exist within the opposition, the movement largely rejects those ideas. We're confident the new government will be inclusive, and we'll work to ensure those radical elements don't dominate.

We didn't have these problems before. I had no inflation, and the economy was great. Now, prices are high, and you couldn't even buy bacon. The price of eggs was also very high when I inherited the situation. But now, the price of eggs has come down a lot. Interest rates have come down, and gasoline prices have come down. It's all coming down. It's a beautiful thing. We're doing it the right way. I have tremendous confidence in this country and its people. Much more confidence than if I just sat back for four years and enjoyed myself in the Oval Office.

"Our position is that we're going to have an operation that works." "We want Russia to be involved in it." "We made some progress today consistent with both of our objectives with neither side giving up the things that were most important to it." "We made some progress today on that, and we recognized that some of the things that needed to be decided, neither of us could in good conscience decide without giving our military leaders the chance to work through that." "So we agreed that this week this week, our military leaders would be keep working." "That is all I can tell you." "The more we say about it, the worse it'll be." "We are moving toward peace." "The first and most important thing is make peace in Bosnia." "That has not been done yet." "There is no relationship between two"

Speaker 0 states he wanted Ukraine, not Russia, to join NATO. He felt Ukraine needed to be in the EU and NATO. Speaker 1 brings up that Secretary of State Baker primed Gorbachev in the early nineties not to expand NATO. Speaker 0 responds that times change and the United States must be flexible and adjust to the times, which is why there is strong support for Speaker 1's country now. Speaker 1 says it doesn't matter what Baker primed Gorbachev with in the past, and that we have to see what is going on now.

In America, more people are going to work than ever before. Interest rates are low, leading to more families buying new homes and working harder than in the past 4 years. Inflation is also lower, giving people confidence in the future. Under President Reagan's leadership, America is proud, strong, and improved. Why would we want to go back to where we were less than 4 years ago?

In 1990, Gorbachev made a deal to dismantle the Warsaw Pact in exchange for NATO not moving eastward. This deal was deeply discussed and negotiated, leading to the reunification of Germany. The speaker believed in this deal and in Gorbachev.

Speaker is saddened about Russia, arguing the fundamental blunder was the expansion of NATO in the mid eighties and early nineties. He cites the Germany reunification talks: Gorbachev and Jim Baker discussed 'no NATO troops in what was in East Germany' and 'NATO if you agree to reunification of Germany in NATO, no expand NATO will not expand one inch further east.' The first Bush administration kept its promise; Russians liked that. Clinton expanded NATO in his first term. He cites Strobe Talbot's article on why expand NATO. A Russian politician asked, 'Russians might not be able to understand puts and calls, but they certainly understand tanks.' He says expanding NATO 'kicked them when they were down' and was a 'blunder of monumental proportions.' He argues a 'strategic partnership' on 'common threats over the long term' could have worked; 'Russia would be back.' We've lost a partner that could have been enormously important over the long term.

President Putin wants to see that as much as I do. So, again, mister president, I'd like to thank you very much, and we'll speak to you very soon and probably see you again very soon. Thank you very much, Vladimir. And next time in Moscow. Oh, that's an interesting one. I don't know. I'll get a little heat on that one, but I, I could see it possibly happening. Thank you very much, Vladimir. And thank you all. Thank

Speaker 0 initiates by linking events in Venezuela and Israel to broader regional dynamics, including Iran, and asks the ambassador for his reaction to the military and law enforcement operation in Venezuela. Speaker 1 responds that his first reaction was to praise the lord and thank president Trump. He explains that many people may not connect the issue to the Middle East, but asserts that Hezbollah is very active in Venezuela. He states there has been a twenty-year partnership between Iran and Venezuela under two previous dictators, describing the ties as deep. He claims Hezbollah operates in 12 different countries throughout South America. He emphasizes that this is not just a threat in the Western Hemisphere but also a threat to the Middle East. He argues that the president’s action against Venezuela addresses narco-terrorism and the deaths of Americans from drugs, and he contends that it will “make life for those of us living in The Middle East much better, much safer” by taking Maduro out. He connects this to Hezbollah’s activity, saying Hezbollah is active in Venezuela and targeting Jewish people all over South America, and that those tentacles can reach into the United States. He concludes that this development is good news for America and for the world.

Two speakers, one being former President George W. Bush, express trust in Vladimir Putin, praising his straightforwardness and trustworthiness. Another speaker, possibly Joe Biden, acknowledges Putin's intelligence and their good relationship, stating that Putin kept his word in personal agreements. Another speaker highlights the challenges Putin faces as the President of Russia, including the need for economic restructuring, rebuilding civic society, and overcoming historical legacies in external relations. The transcript ends with a statement expressing confidence in a new level of cooperation between NATO members and Russia.

Speaker 0 outlines three outcomes: (1) there will be a NATO-Russia agreement that all the leaders will support; although they disagree on expansion, they agree that there must be a partnership between NATO and Russia going forward into the future. (2) the notion that Russia should play a larger role in international economic institutions, and that if certain internal changes are made, which president Yeltsin has already announced his support for, then The United States will make a more vigorous effort to facilitate investment in Russia. (3) they resolved a number of roadblocks relating to START II and other related issues which permitted us to say that president Yeltsin would seek a prompt ratification of START II and we would together support guidelines for START III, which we would hope could be negotiated quickly after that, which would reduce the Cold War arsenals by, over 80% from their Cold War height to more or less 80%. These are dramatic and very substantial results. Speaker 1: Just a moment. you've touched on a very current issue which has to be clarified all the way. well, you understand, of course, why is it that the state DOMA has not yet ratified START two?