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We received kind treatment from Russia. There wasn't much in return. I hope this marks the start of a relationship that can end the war.

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Checklist for summary approach: - Identify core positions: whether Russia views current tensions as war, and its stated objectives. - Track key diplomatic milestones and proposals: Minsk, Istanbul, security guarantees, doctrine on NATO. - Capture stated justifications for actions: language rights, minority protections, UN Charter references, self-determination. - Note referenced U.S./NATO actions and perceived aims, plus Russia’s response signals (including hypersonic test). - Highlight backchannel diplomacy and statements about negotiations, including who may negotiate and under what terms. - Preserve notable claims about casualties, rhetoric around “massacres,” and contentious episodes (Bucha, Navalny). - Exclude evaluation or commentary; reproduce claims as presented. - Maintain chronological and thematic flow to reflect interview emphasis. - Keep to 556–695 words; translate if needed (English here). Summary: Lavrov states that Russia would not describe the relationship with the United States as a war, expressing a desire for normal relations with all countries, especially the United States, and noting that President Putin respects the American people, history, and achievements, while hoping for cooperation “for the sake of the universe.” He argues that Washington’s support for Ukraine amounts to active participation in a conflict with Russia and characterizes the fighting in Ukraine as a “hybrid war,” asserting Ukrainians could not use long-range, modern weapons without direct American servicemen. He contends that Western officials have suggested that “the attack is the best defense” and warns that statements by Pentagon/NATO figures about limited or even nuclear-echo threats are dangerous, insisting that red lines are being moved and that Russia did not start the war, only a “special military operation” designed to end Kyiv’s actions against Donbas. He emphasizes Russia’s readiness for peaceful solutions based on Russia’s security interests, and the protection of Russian-speaking people in Ukraine—specifically their language, religious rights, and education—rights which he says have been eroded by Ukrainian legislation since 2017 (including bans on Russian education, Russian media, Russian language, and later restrictions on the Ukrainian Orthodox Church). He invokes the UN Charter and international law, arguing that true respect for the Charter requires consideration of the right to self-determination and equal state sovereignty. He contends that referenda in Crimea led to reunification with Russia after Crimeans rejected Kyiv’s coup in 2014; Donbas, initially labeled terrorists by Kyiv, was fought over until Minsk agreements were signed in 2015, which he says were sabotaged by the post-coup Ukrainian government. He asserts that Minsk envisaged territorial integrity for Ukraine minus Crimea, with Russian language rights and local self-governance in certain Donbas areas, plus economic ties with Russia, and emphasizes that Russia offered security guarantees to Ukraine—ultimately rejected when negotiations shifted to Istanbul in April 2022. In Istanbul, Lavrov says the Ukrainian delegation proposed “principles” for peace, which Russia accepted, including non-bloc status for Ukraine and collective security guarantees that would exclude NATO. He notes Boris Johnson’s alleged encouragement to continue fighting and claims the West has pursued a line of conduct that excludes meaningful negotiation, with Zelenskyy later banning negotiations by decree and advancing a “peace formula” and a “Victory Plan.” Russia’s position remains that no NATO bases or foreign troops on Ukrainian soil are acceptable, and that any settlement must reflect the realities on the ground, including updated constitutional changes in Donetsk, Lugansk, Kherson, and Zaporozhye after their incorporation into the Russian Federation. Lavrov characterizes Western sanctions as unprecedented and says Russia must become more self-reliant, seeking cooperation with non-hostile states to counter sanctions. He argues that Western leaders aim to preserve a “rules-based” order that ensures U.S. dominance, pointing to NATO’s Indo-Pacific ambitions and ongoing security strategies that extend beyond Europe. He insists Russia seeks no war with anybody but warns against a presumed willingness in the United States to risk nuclear escalation, stressing that a limited or even threatened nuclear exchange would be catastrophic. He notes that backchannel communications exist but that there has been little meaningful dialogue with the Biden administration, and he observes Western fatigue with the Ukraine issue, while maintaining that Russia seeks a negotiated settlement grounded in Istanbul’s principles and in recognition of Russia’s security concerns, the rights of Russian-speaking populations, and an end to NATO expansion on Russia’s borders.

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Diplomacy is difficult but necessary to avoid nuclear war. The U.S. is running out of options with Russia because it underestimated the Russian economy and civilization. Some U.S. Senators believed Russia was merely a gas station with nuclear weapons, which was an absurd assessment. Sanctions were levied, and Russia was cut off from SWIFT, but ultimately, the U.S. hurt itself more than it hurt Russia. The speaker is not endorsing the Russian economy or civilization, but stating that the U.S. did not understand it.

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I'm aligned with the United States and the world, and I want to end the conflict in Ukraine. It's hard to make a deal with so much hatred, but I'm focused on getting things done for the sake of the world and Europe. I can be tough, but that won't lead to a deal. We tried being tough with Putin, and it didn't work. Diplomacy is the path to peace and prosperity. During past administrations, nobody stopped Putin when he occupied parts of Ukraine and people died. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke them. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about?

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China and the United States have the potential to collaboratively address global issues. It's crucial for both nations to work together. I had a long-standing friendship with him, and we spent countless hours discussing various topics. He is truly remarkable. Have you had a chance to talk to him in private? The press often disapproves of my casual remarks, but I find him to be an extraordinary individual. Did you discuss the trailer from last week?

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What if Russia breaks the ceasefire or peace talks? What do we do then? Okay, what if they broke it? I don't know. They broke it with Biden because they didn't respect him, or Obama. They respect me.

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I don't think Putin can be trusted in negotiations. I believe he is a war criminal who should be imprisoned for life, or face execution. Regarding the exclusion of Ukraine and Europe from Russia-US negotiations, I'm unsure of the exact plan, but there might be a strategic reason. However, any significant peace talks that aim for a fair resolution must include Ukrainian participation and careful consideration of European interests. Again, Putin is a war criminal and should be in jail for the rest of his life, if not executed.

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I know Putin well, and we had a remarkably good, blunt relationship. I'd describe it as brutally blunt. While never physical, I believe in being brutally honest with people in private. It's also important to avoid embarrassing them publicly if you want their cooperation. In my experience, most leaders appreciated my honesty about our interests and objectives. They also valued discretion when possible. Putin, specifically, never reneged on a personal agreement he made with me. Behind closed doors, he kept his word and could be trusted.

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In 2022, during the last contact with the previous administration, I tried to convince my former American colleague that the situation should not be brought to the point of no return regarding hostilities, and to accept it back then. That's a big mistake. Today, Trump says that if he was the president back then, there would be no war, and I am quite sure that it would indeed be so. I can confirm that. I believe that me and President Trump have built a very good, business-like and trustworthy contact, and I have every reason to believe that moving down this path, we can reach the end of the conflict sooner.

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I found it interesting that Putin didn't criticize Joe Biden or NATO during our conversation. As an American, it would feel strange to badmouth the American president to a foreign leader, even if I have doubts about Biden's presidency. It just doesn't sit right with me. Maybe I'm just old-fashioned.

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I see the hatred for Putin, which makes a deal tough. I'm aligned with the world and want to end this. I can be tough, but deals don't happen that way. For four years, we had a president who talked tough, but then Putin invaded. Diplomacy is the path to peace. We need to engage in diplomacy like President Trump is doing. Russia occupied parts of Ukraine, and nobody stopped him. We signed ceasefire deals, but Russia broke them. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about? It's disrespectful to litigate this in the Oval Office. You have manpower problems. You should thank the president for trying to bring this to a conference. Don't tell us what we're going to feel; we're trying to solve a problem. You're gambling with World War III and disrespecting this country. Have you even said thank you? Your country is in big trouble.

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I'm fascinated by authoritarian leaders, but I'm not smart enough to be a dictator. Some have called me a moron, and that's pretty accurate. Despite that, can a moron still be useful? I think the answer is yes. Vladimir Putin understands this dynamic very well.

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I see the hatred for Putin, and it's tough to make a deal with that. I want to get this thing settled. I could be tougher than anyone, but you won't get a deal that way. We had a president who talked tough about Putin, but Putin still invaded. Diplomacy is the path to peace. Russia occupied parts of Ukraine in 2014, and nobody stopped him. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke the ceasefire and didn't exchange prisoners. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about? I'm talking about ending the destruction of your country. It's disrespectful to litigate this here. You should be thanking us for trying to bring this to a conference.

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Glenn opens by noting a year has passed since Jeffrey Sachs urged Europe to adopt a realistic foreign policy that understands Russia, Europe, and the United States, and to avoid being invaded by the U.S.—even suggesting Trump could land troops in Greenland. Glenn asks how to read the current situation, including Davos and Europe’s anger at U.S. hostility, and the revived emphasis on international law. Jeffrey Sachs responds with a version of the “ride on the back of a tiger” metaphor from Kennedy, arguing Europeans forgot that the United States is an imperial power that has acted brazenly and brutally for about twenty years. He lists U.S. actions: invasions, regime changes, and reckless interference in Ukraine, and U.S. complicity in Israel’s wars across Africa and the Middle East, along with involvement in overthrowing Ukraine’s Yanukovych and other interventions. He claims Europeans were silent or complicit as the United States bombed Iran, kidnapped its president, and pursued Greenland, calling the Greenland push a grotesque power grab by Trump. He asserts New York Times recognition of U.S. imperial tendencies and says Europe’s naivete and hypocrisy are evident. He states: “The United States is thuggish, imperialistic, reckless, and that The U. S. Has left a large swath of the world in misery. Europe has been mostly compliant or complicit.” He urges Europeans to understand what the United States is about, to stop Russophobia, and to keep lines of communication with Russia open; he argues Europe’s Russophobia made it boxed in with little diplomacy with Russia or the U.S. Glenn adds that Europe’s stance mirrors a Cold War-like unity against Russia, but that the current reality differs: the U.S. does not view Russia as its main adversary, and Russophobia deepens Europe’s dependence on the U.S. Glenn notes mixed reactions at Davos, including Canada’s Prime Minister Mark Carney signaling a shift away from a rules-based order that privileges the West, and Macron’s private message to Trump seeking a cooperative stance on Syria, Iran, and Greenland. He remarks that NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg praised NATO while Trump hinted that the real enemy is within NATO, highlighting the chaos. He asks if this signals a decline of the U.S. empire or NATO. Sachs discusses Carney's stance as significant: Carney’s trip to China and a dialogue with Beijing indicating diversification with China, including a Canadian-Chinese investment plan. He credits Carney with being a rare straightforward statesman and notes instability ahead. Trump’s Davos retreat from threats (notably Greenland) may have been influenced by stock-market declines, according to Sachs’ theory. He mentions a possible European concession about U.S. sovereignty over parts of Greenland, though he doubts any negotiation has been meaningful. He cites Scott Bessent’s Fox Business interview as revealing: sanctions on Iran are a form of economic statecraft designed to crush the Iranian economy, with Iran’s currency collapse and bank failures cited as evidence; Sachs condemns this as a violation of international law and UN Charter, and calls Bessent’s pride in wielding currency-destabilization as alarming. He points to sanctions against Cuba and a broader pattern of “thuggish gangster behavior” by the U.S., noting Europeans’ silence on Iran and other regimes until it backfires on them. Sachs argues Europe’s Russophobia is self-destructive, and he emphasizes that diplomacy remains possible if Germany, France, and Italy adopt a rational approach. He criticizes Germany for duplicity in NATO enlargement and Minsk II, blaming Merkel for dropped commitments, and notes that Italy shows less Russophobia and could shift toward diplomacy. He believes Central Europe and some leaders (e.g., Orban, Czech and Slovak figures) favor diplomacy, but German leadership has been weak. He stresses that Europe must avoid dismemberment and choose diplomacy with Russia, warning that continued war policy will leave Europe isolated. He closes with optimism that there remains a path forward if key European powers act differently. Glenn thanks Sachs for the discussion and ends.

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I want to emphasize that foreign policy experience does not equate to wisdom. I was the first to advocate for a reasonable peace deal in Ukraine, while many neocons are now starting to agree. However, Nikki Haley and Joe Biden still support what I believe is a pointless war in Ukraine. It's concerning that neither of them can even name three provinces in Eastern Ukraine that they want to send our troops to fight for. This highlights the lack of understanding they have while advocating for military action. Don't be fooled by the idea that someone with a brief stint at the UN and a high salary has real foreign policy experience. It takes an outsider to truly see the situation.

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Vladimir Putin is seen as smart and tough by the speaker, who emphasizes the need for peaceful negotiations rather than name-calling. The speaker criticizes past actions by the US and European leaders regarding Ukraine, urging for dialogue and diplomacy to prevent conflict. The focus is on avoiding war and finding peaceful solutions through negotiation, referencing historical examples like the Cuban Missile Crisis. Peaceful negotiations are emphasized over insults and aggression.

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And I can tell you, and I I hope that he will also hear this, that strange though it may seem, but throughout these days, both during informal and formal talks, there was not one case when anyone voiced a negative opinion about the current US administration, not once during these four days. All of all the people that I talked to supported the meeting that we had in Anchorage, and they all expressed hope that the position held by president Trump and the position held by Russia and all the other parties will lead to an end of this conflict. So that is something that I'm saying without any kind of irony. And since I'm saying this publicly and everyone in the world will hear this, It is a direct it is a direct confirmation of the fact that it's true because all of those people will hear me.

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I was the first to advocate for a reasonable peace deal in Ukraine, distinguishing between foreign policy experience and wisdom. Many neocons are now shifting their stance, except for Nikki Haley and Joe Biden who still support the war. It's concerning that neither of them can name three provinces in Eastern Ukraine, yet they want to send our troops there. Don't believe the myth that someone with a UN stint and a high salary has real foreign policy experience. It takes an outsider to see the truth. Look at their blank expressions.

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The press is focused on narratives, but I am focused on peace. Characterizing my stance as pro-Russia or anything else is garbage. I was elected to bring peace to this conflict, and I'm working with both sides in a way that only I can. Only I can bring them to the table to end the killing. Being behind the scenes, I am laser-focused on making that happen. We're closer today than ever before because of my leadership.

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I see the hatred for Putin, making a deal tough. I want peace and am aligned with the world. I can be tough, but deals require more than that. Previous chest-thumping didn't work, diplomacy is needed. Trump's engaging in diplomacy. Russia occupied parts of Ukraine, nobody stopped them. Ceasefires were signed but broken, prisoners weren't exchanged. What kind of diplomacy are we even talking about? I'm trying to end the destruction of your country, but don't come here and start a fight. You're forcing conscripts to the front lines. Be thankful I'm trying to resolve this conflict. You should be appreciating the country that's backing you far more than a lot of people said they should have, and has given you billions of dollars in military equipment. Be thankful. You don't have the cards. If we get a ceasefire, you'd want to take it.

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I see the hatred for Putin, which makes a deal tough. I want to get this settled and align with Europe. I could be tougher, but that won't get a deal done. We had a president who talked tough, but Putin still invaded. Diplomacy is the path to peace. Putin occupied parts of Ukraine in 2014, and nobody stopped him. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke them, killing our people and not exchanging prisoners. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about? It's disrespectful to litigate this here. You should be thanking me for trying to bring this to a conference.

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If I were in charge of NATO, like Joe Biden, I would immediately pursue peace in Ukraine. I believe the best course of action would be to call back Trump. Despite criticism, his foreign policy was commendable. He avoided starting new wars and had positive interactions with North Korea, Russia, and China. The Abraham Accords in the Middle East were a significant achievement. Trump's knowledge of the world should not be underestimated, as his fact-based approach yielded the best foreign policy in recent decades. If he were president during the Russian invasion, it would have been impossible for them to proceed. In my personal conviction, Trump is the man who can save the Western world and humanity as a whole.

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It's tough to make a deal with the hatred some people have for Putin, but the other side isn't exactly in love with him either. I want to see this situation resolved and am aligned with Europe on this. I could be tougher than anyone, but that won't get us a deal. We had a president who talked tough about Putin, but then Putin invaded Ukraine. Diplomacy is the path to peace, not chest-thumping. Putin occupied parts of Ukraine back in 2014, and nobody stopped him. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts with him, but he broke the ceasefire and didn't exchange prisoners. What kind of diplomacy is that? I'm talking about diplomacy that ends the destruction. It's disrespectful to come here and attack the administration trying to prevent the destruction of your country.

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If I were in charge of NATO, like Joe Biden, I would immediately pursue peace in Ukraine. I believe the best course of action would be to call back Trump. Despite criticism, his foreign policy was the most successful in recent decades. He avoided starting new wars and had positive interactions with North Korea, Russia, and China. The Abraham Accords in the Middle East were a significant achievement. Trump's knowledge and education were questioned, but his actions speak for themselves. If he were president during the Russian invasion, it would not have been possible. In my personal conviction, Trump is the one who can save the Western world and humanity.

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I'm not sure what the plan is with these Russia-US negotiations, but Ukraine and Europe need to be at the table for any meaningful peace talks to be fair. European interests must be carefully considered. As for trusting Putin in these negotiations? Absolutely not. He's a war criminal who should be in jail, if not executed. He violates every tenet of international law and should be indicted and prosecuted. We can trust the Russians to do anything to their advantage, even violate the rule of law.
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