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I went to Kyiv to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee, but only if they took action against the state prosecutor. When they didn't, I refused to give them the money. They said I had no authority, so I told them to call the president. I made it clear that if the prosecutor wasn't fired within 6 hours, they wouldn't get the money. And guess what? He got fired. They made some significant changes institutionally and with people.

I have been in regular contact with Poroshenko, Yatsenyuk, and the current speaker for the past 4 years, discussing the situation in Ukraine. There is pressure in Europe to ease sanctions on Ukraine, but I insisted on withholding aid until certain conditions were met. We are working on a detailed plan outlining security guarantees from Russia and political steps for Ukraine. These steps are challenging, such as granting special status to certain regions. I believe Ukraine is willing to make these difficult changes.

I've spent a long day in meetings regarding the war. I'm grateful to our partners who recognize the need for strong positions both on the front lines and in diplomacy. For every two dollars invested in our long-range capabilities, we're seeing almost ten dollars in losses for Russia, which is the dynamic we need. I spoke with President Macron, the Prime Ministers of Denmark, Norway and Canada, and the Presidents of Finland and South Africa. We coordinated our positions, discussed further steps, and the future of Europe. I emphasized the need to free all our prisoners held by Russia, and the necessity of a reliable security guarantee system, so that war does not return. I thank you for your help and your feeling of unity, which is as important now as it was in 2022.

I was assigned to handle the Ukraine situation and convince our team to provide loan guarantees. I had multiple meetings with Poroshenko and Yatsenyuk, where they promised to take action against the state prosecutor. However, they didn't follow through. When they were about to announce the $1 billion loan guarantee, I told them they wouldn't receive the money unless the prosecutor was fired. They argued that I didn't have the authority, but I stood my ground. I warned them that if the prosecutor wasn't fired within 6 hours, they wouldn't get the money. Eventually, the prosecutor was fired.

In the past two weeks, we've probably had more progress in ending this war than we have in the past three and a half years. And I think the fact that we're around this table today is is very much symbolic in the sense that it's team Europe and team United States helping Ukraine. And the progress that we're looking out of this meeting is about the security guarantees.

European leaders are not coming to rescue Zelensky from bullying; they are coming "because we've been working with the Europeans" and "the president invited them to come." The visit is not a stunt; there have been more meetings with Zelensky than with Putin, including "one meeting with Putin and, like, a dozen meetings with Zelensky." The White House says Zelensky told European leaders last week he wanted a cease-fire and that he would "walk out in two minutes" if Putin didn't agree; he spent three hours with Putin but "did not get one." The aim is "a peace agreement to end this war" and there was "enough progress" to move to the next phase. If peace isn't possible, "sanctions" are on the table, but "if he did this now, the moment the president puts those additional sanctions, that's the end of the talks." It will require concessions from both sides.

There is concern from the Europeans that Zelensky is being bullied into signing something away, which is why European leaders are coming as backup tomorrow. They are coming here tomorrow because we've been working with the Europeans; the president invited them to come. The president told those European leaders last week that he wanted to cease fire, and he said on television he would walk out if Putin didn’t agree, with severe consequences if he didn’t. He spent three hours with Putin and did not get one. Our goal is a peace agreement to end this war. There was enough progress in the talks to move to the next phase. If peace is not possible and the war continues, thousands will die. The president could impose new sanctions, but that would end talks; it will require concessions from both sides.

I went to Kyiv to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee, but only if they took action against the state prosecutor. When they didn't, I refused to give them the money. They said I had no authority, so I told them to call the president. I made it clear that if the prosecutor wasn't fired within 6 hours, they wouldn't get the money. And guess what? He got fired. They made some significant changes institutionally and with people.

I went to Kyiv to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee. I had asked Poroshenko and Yatsenyuk to take action against the state prosecutor, but they didn't. They argued that I didn't have the authority to withhold the money. I insisted that they call the president and told them they wouldn't get the money unless the prosecutor was fired. Eventually, they agreed and the prosecutor got fired.

I was assigned to convince our team to provide loan guarantees to Ukraine. I traveled to Kyiv multiple times and was supposed to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee. However, the Ukrainian leaders didn't take action against the State Prosecutor as promised. In response, I told them they wouldn't receive the money unless the prosecutor was fired. They called me out, saying I didn't have the authority, but I stood my ground. Eventually, the prosecutor was fired and replaced with someone reliable.

I visited Kyiv for the 12th or 13th time to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee. I asked for action against the state prosecutor, but they didn't comply. I threatened to withhold the money unless the prosecutor was fired. He was fired within 6 hours.

During my visit to Kyiv, I planned to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee. However, I had made it clear to Poroshenko and Yatsenyuk that they needed to take action against the state prosecutor, which they failed to do. As a result, I informed them that they wouldn't receive the money. They argued that I lacked authority, so I told them to call the president. I reiterated that they wouldn't get the $1 billion and that I would be leaving in 6 hours. If the prosecutor wasn't fired by then, they wouldn't receive the funds.

I believe our role, including sanctions and threats, partly forced Yanukovych from office. We've been very involved in supporting the new government in Ukraine. The clear US position has aided this regime change. If this is a peaceful transition, the US will be seen as a great friend. This is about supporting Ukraine in determining its future. While some see this as a US-Russia conflict, it's about supporting Ukraine's wishes. The US has an economic interest too. We're negotiating a trade agreement with Europe. With Ukraine potentially joining the EU, it could mean billions in economic opportunities for the US. We shouldn't hide this interest.

We believe our sanctions and the threat of more sanctions played a role in Yanukovych leaving office. We've been actively involved in supporting the new government, and the US has been seen as a friend in helping this transition happen peacefully. This is about supporting Ukraine in determining its own future. While it might seem like a US versus Russia situation, it's about supporting Ukraine's wishes. The US also has an economic interest, as Ukraine's potential inclusion in the EU could greatly benefit our trade agreement with Europe. Yanukovych lost legitimacy by using force against peaceful protests. Foreign leaders were there to stand up for the right to protest. While some radical elements exist within the opposition, the movement largely rejects those ideas. We're confident the new government will be inclusive, and we'll work to ensure those radical elements don't dominate.

I went to Kyiv multiple times to convince our team to provide loan guarantees. On one occasion, I was supposed to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee, but only if action was taken against the State Prosecutor. When they didn't follow through, I told them they wouldn't receive the money. They claimed I had no authority, so I said to call the president. I made it clear that if the prosecutor wasn't fired within 6 hours, they wouldn't get the money. Eventually, they fired the prosecutor and replaced them with someone reliable.

I remember when I was assigned to Ukraine and had to convince our team to provide loan guarantees. During my twelfth or thirteenth trip to Kyiv, I was supposed to announce another billion-dollar loan guarantee. However, I had secured commitments from Poroshenko and Yat Sen Yuk to act against the state prosecutor, but they didn't follow through. I told them we wouldn't provide the billion dollars, leading to a confrontation where they questioned my authority. I gave them six hours to fire the prosecutor, or they wouldn't get the money. Eventually, they fired him and appointed someone solid. They made genuine institutional and personnel changes, but one of the three institutions is now backsliding, particularly the courts. They had committed not to do that.

I went to Kyiv multiple times to convince our team to provide loan guarantees. On one occasion, I was supposed to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee, but only if action was taken against the state prosecutor. However, Poroshenko and Yatsenyuk didn't follow through. So, I told them they wouldn't receive the money. They argued that I didn't have the authority, but I insisted. I gave them a deadline of 6 hours, threatening to leave if the prosecutor wasn't fired. Eventually, he got fired and a reliable replacement was appointed.

I visited Kyiv for the 12th or 13th time to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee. I asked for action against the state prosecutor, but they didn't comply. I threatened to withhold the money unless the prosecutor was fired within 6 hours.

The speaker notes that they are not the pen pal but the phone pal of Poroshenko and Arseniy Yatsenyuk, and now the speaker themselves. For the last four years, they have been on the phone two to three hours a week with those folks. There is an overwhelming instinct in Europe to say, before you guys became president, this was owned by Russia anyway. They ask, what difference does it make? Why are you making us engage in these sanctions? The speaker recalls last year, they were authorized to say they’d do the second tranche of a billion dollars, and he didn’t fire his chief prosecutor. Because the speaker has the confidence of the president, they were there. They said, “I’m not signing it. Until you fire him, we’re not signing it.” They clarified, “We’re not doing it.” Until you form a new government and you actually bring in someone who will move on this, they’re not playing. It’s not because they’re trying to play hardball, but because they know if they give an excuse to the EU, there are at least five countries right now that want to say, wooah, want out. What they are putting together now is a basic detailed road map of who goes first and who goes second. There are two pieces: one is the security guarantees that are to flow from Russia, and two, the political steps that Ukraine has to take. Some of the steps are very difficult to take. They’ve already done the energy piece, they’ve done some other things, but the point is that when you say the dumb boss is gonna have a special status and you’re gonna amend your constitution, it’s like saying, okay, you know, Texas and Wyoming—Texas is gonna have a special status that we don’t want because we want Mexico to have more influence in Texas. And we’re gonna pass that through the United States Congress. So there are some really tough stuff they’ve gotta do. They’re willing, and the speaker is convinced they will do it.

I am not the pen pal, but the phone pal of Poroshenko and Arseny Yacineuk and now the speaker. For the past 4 years, I have been on the phone with them for 2 to 3 hours a week. Some in Europe argue that Russia already controlled Ukraine before these presidents came into power, so why bother with sanctions? Last year, I was authorized to say that we would provide $1 billion, but only if the chief prosecutor was fired. We are not playing games, we know that if we give the EU an excuse, at least 5 countries will want to leave. We are working on a detailed roadmap for Ukraine's political steps and security guarantees from Russia. It won't be easy, but I am convinced they will do it.

Speaker 0: "You know there is concern from the Europeans that president Zelensky is going to be bullied into signing something away." "That’s why you have these European leaders coming as backup tomorrow." Speaker 1: "It isn't. ... They're not coming here tomorrow to keep Zelenskyy from being bullied." He adds: "We've had one meeting with Putin and, like, a dozen meetings with Zelensky." "We've been working with these people for weeks." "They're coming here tomorrow because they chose to come here tomorrow." He notes "there was enough progress" to "move to the next phase" and "enough movement to justify a follow-up meeting with Zelensky and the Europeans." On sanctions, he says: "If peace is not gonna be possible here... the president has that option to then come in and impose new sanctions. But if he did this now, ... that's the end of the talks." "We wanna wind up with a peace deal that ends this war" and "It will require both sides to make concessions."

As secretary of state, I was deeply involved in the effort to remove the prosecutor. The entire administration, including Obama, the vice president, and myself, worked towards this goal. We believed that Ukraine needed to get rid of the prosecutor in order to succeed in the revolution. I made it clear to them that if the prosecutor was not fired, they would not receive the $1,000,000,000. Eventually, the prosecutor was fired, and Ukraine was able to move forward.

I have been in regular contact with Poroshenko and Yatsenyuk over the past four years, spending 2 to 3 hours weekly on the phone. There's a strong sentiment in Europe questioning the need for sanctions against Ukraine, given its past under Russian influence. Last year, I withheld a $1 billion aid tranche until Ukraine fired its chief prosecutor, emphasizing the importance of forming a new government committed to reform. We are developing a roadmap outlining security guarantees from Russia and necessary political steps for Ukraine, which include difficult constitutional amendments. These changes are essential to prevent any EU member states from seeking to withdraw from sanctions. Ukraine has already made progress in areas like energy, and I believe they are willing to undertake the necessary reforms.

Russia occupied parts of Ukraine, including Crimea, starting in 2014. During the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations, no one stopped him as people died on the contact line. In 2019, I signed a ceasefire deal with Macron, Merkel, and him, but he broke it, killing people and not exchanging prisoners. We need diplomacy to end the destruction of Ukraine. We have problems during the war, like everyone else. We are staying strong and thankful for the support, but we are not winning. You have given us billions of dollars in military equipment. I have said thank you many times to the American people. We want to stop the war, but we want a ceasefire with guarantees. Ask our people about a ceasefire. Obama gave us sheets, but Trump gave us javelins. Without your support, we have no cards.

I went to Kyiv to announce a $1 billion loan guarantee, but only if they took action against the state prosecutor. When they didn't, I refused to give them the money. I told them they had 6 hours to fire the prosecutor or they wouldn't get the money. They fired him, and made some significant institutional and personnel changes.