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NATO and Russia debate over who is responsible for the Russian army being close to NATO's doorstep. NATO argues its expansion is defensive, while Russia sees it as a threat. Russia's actions in Ukraine are condemned, but NATO insists it is not a hostile move. The tension arises from NATO's eastward expansion, which Russia perceives as a threat. Both sides express concerns about security and territorial integrity.

A resolution is being introduced to consider an attack on NATO if Russia or its proxy, Belarus, detonates a nuclear device in Ukraine. The belief is that such an attack would irradiate Europe and harm NATO allies. The urgency stems from President Biden's acknowledgment of the threat of Putin using tactical nuclear weapons. The counter offensive in Ukraine is progressing slowly, but thousands of well-trained forces are ready to join the battle. The focus is on the potential use of nuclear weapons by Putin, and the message is clear: NATO will respond massively, and a war with NATO will ensue. The resolution aims to deter Russia and provide clarity on the consequences of such actions.

NATO has expanded eastward, but claims it is not a threat to Russia. The Russian army's proximity to NATO is due to NATO's expansion, not Russia's. NATO insists it is a defensive alliance, while Russia's actions in Ukraine are seen as aggressive. The debate centers on whether NATO's expansion is perceived as hostile by Russia.

In this conversation, Professor Glenn Diesen discusses his critical view of current Western and NATO policies, the treatment of contrarian analysis, and the evolving security dynamics in Europe, with a focus on Norway and the Nordic region. - On academic freedom and public discourse: Diesen explains that challenging the mainstream view is met with terms like “Putin Verster,” suggesting that understanding an opponent is seen as taking their side. He argues this suppresses discussion of security concerns and inhibits analysis on how to avoid or end conflicts. He notes that those who were right about Russia and NATO developments are often marginalized in the mainstream narrative. - Norway’s shift in security posture: In Norway, a move away from Cold War-era restraint toward greater alignment with the United States is described. Diesen notes that Norway previously avoided foreign bases on its soil, hosting limited Arctic activity and practicing deterrence without provoking the Soviet Union. He asserts this has changed, with Norway now granting access to American bases across the country, particularly in the Arctic, to confront Russia. He points out that Norway historically did not send weapons to countries at war, a policy that has shifted since the Ukraine conflict. - The Ukraine war and arms policy: Diesen contrasts the pre-2022 stance of “diplomacy first” with the current reality in which Norwegian leaders and parliament have largely supported arming Ukraine. He recounts his own attempt to run for parliament on a platform advocating diplomacy rather than weapon supplies, and he highlights that the current consensus—across almost all parties—favors weapons support, with perceived little room for alternative approaches. - Sweden and Finland in NATO and Nordic implications: The joining of Sweden and Finland to NATO is discussed as a response to fear of Russia after the Ukraine invasion. Diesen argues the public was initially hesitant in both countries, and argues that the narrative framing of Russia as an existential threat influenced rapid NATO accession once public opinion shifted. He suggests this shift was prepared in advance by Western powers, with media and political networks supporting pro-NATO positions. - Arctic geostrategy and regional stakes: The rapporteur explains that the Arctic and Baltic regions are central to Western containment of Russia. With Finland and Sweden in NATO and Norway militarized, the potential to block Russian access to key maritime corridors is emphasized. Diesen warns that expanding military leverage against Russia under a “more security through greater weapons” logic is flawed, predicting that Russia would respond forcefully if provoked. He stresses that the notion of Russia capitulating under increased pressure is unrealistic. - Denmark and Greenland scenarios: The discussion shifts to Denmark’s Greenland, noting President Trump’s interest in the territory. Diesen outlines possible US strategies: threaten force but favor negotiated settlements, offer financial incentives to Denmark to cede Greenland, or stage a sequence of steps (including a potential secession in Greenland) to facilitate absorption by the US. He suggests that the US might prefer a negotiated outcome over direct military action to avoid broad European backlash. - Europe’s strategic dependency and future: The European tendency to lean on the United States for security and economics is highlighted as a vulnerability. Diesen argues Europe has become heavily dependent—politically, economically, and militarily—and that this dependency limits Europe’s bargaining power in disputes over Greenland and other strategic issues. He proposes rethinking Europe’s security architecture towards inclusivity and dialogue with Russia, rather than a divides-based approach that feeds security competition. - A call for inclusive security architecture: Concluding, Diesen advocates reviving an inclusive European security framework based on indivisible security and open dialogue with Russia. He argues that NATO expansion and an exclusive security structure since the 1990s eroded the possibility of a cooperative European security order and that Europe should rethink its approach to reduce tensions and dependence on the United States. The interview ends with Diesen promoting his channel and noting translations into German, inviting further discussion on these themes.

Supporting Ukraine is crucial for us because they are fighting a war that we are not involved in. It is important to engage in dialogue with our American colleagues and friends as they share the same interest. Supporting Ukraine is a cost-effective measure to ensure that Russia, under its current regime, does not pose a threat to the NATO alliance. This support must be sustained to safeguard our collective security.

Speaker 0 says that Russia's strategy is to collapse morale within Ukraine and the will to fight. We've been in discussions with them about defensive weapons to be able to protect their grid, and ongoing technical conversations about the specific equipment they need, but ultimately, if that equipment is ultimately destroyed a week later after it's installed, that remains a problem, and that's been the history the last two or three years.

Украина рассматривает вступление в НАТО, но это может вызвать крупные военные операции России. Россия может атаковать Украину, чтобы предотвратить вступление в НАТО. Выбор стоит между войной с Россией и вступлением в НАТО после победы. Крупная война включает воздушные операции, вторжения армий, осаду Киева, диверсии и другие действия. Вероятность войны 99%, особенно после 2021-2022. Translation: Ukraine considers joining NATO, but it may lead to major Russian military operations. Russia could attack Ukraine to prevent NATO membership. The choice is between war with Russia and joining NATO after victory. A major war involves air operations, army invasions, siege of Kyiv, sabotage, and other actions. The likelihood of war is 99%, especially after 2021-2022.

We need to do more for Ukraine than just provide supplies. While sending aid is essential, we must engage in a broader strategic campaign to effectively combat the war. It's important to understand Russia's objectives, which include degrading Ukraine's military capabilities through various means. By analyzing these tactics, we can better identify countermeasures, articulate our needs, and communicate shortfalls to the international community.

If Putin attacks a NATO ally, we will defend every part of NATO as required by treaty. It's important to clarify that we do not seek American troops to engage in combat in Russia or against Russia.

If Putin attacks a NATO ally, we will defend every part of NATO as required by treaty. It's important to clarify that we do not seek American troops to fight in Russia or against Russia.

They are escalating the situation, possibly expecting us to become scared. They say they want to see a strategic defeat of Russia on the battlefield. For Russia, this means the end of its statehood and its thousand-year history, which is unacceptable. If that is the threat, there is no point in being scared; we just need to follow through with what we are doing. This is the rationale I've been using, and those scheming against us are making a great mistake.

We're witnessing an unprecedented influx of weapons into Ukraine, but their final destinations remain largely unknown. Despite concerns about weapons potentially falling into the wrong hands, the priority is ensuring Ukrainian forces have what they need to fight. NATO countries are on high alert, balancing support for Ukraine with preventing a broader conflict with Russia. The war in Ukraine has tapped into deep emotions, drawing in foreign volunteers. However, the rise of paramilitary units raises concerns about governmental control on the battlefield. Logistical challenges, corruption, and bureaucracy hinder the delivery of supplies to the front lines. While the US and Europe are sending aid, there's debate on whether enough oversight exists to track where the weapons end up, both now and in the future, and whether a half-way approach to the war will be effective.

Defense industries have become bloated with tax dollars, but this won't change the outcome of the conflict. Russia is likely to prevail, as Ukraine is in a difficult strategic position in the east. In December 2021, Putin attempted to prevent war by proposing peace talks with NATO, but these were dismissed without serious negotiation. With Ukrainian troops amassing near the Donbas, Putin felt compelled to act first. This was not a premeditated attack; unlike historical precedents, Russia did not have the typical advantage in numbers or preparation. Instead, they launched an operation with what they could quickly assemble.

The speaker discusses the idea of Russia joining NATO and relates it to recently declassified documents. He reads a 1954 note from the Soviet government to NATO member countries, stating: "Relying on the unchanging principles of our peaceful foreign policy and striving to reduce tension in international relations, the Soviet government expresses readiness to consider jointly with interested governments the question of the USSR's participation in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization." He then presents the response to that proposal: “There is no need to underline the utterly unrealistic nature of such a proposal.” The speaker recalls an earlier moment, about a year prior, when, in response to the question about Russia possibly joining NATO, he said, “why not?” He notes that former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, while traveling in Europe, responded that this is not being discussed now. The core discussion is framed around understanding whether NATO is a military organization and whether Russia would be welcome there. The speaker suggests that NATO is indeed a military organization and questions whether Russia would be wanted there. He asserts that NATO “is moving toward our borders,” and he ascribes to this movement a purpose or inevitability that shapes Russia’s position on the issue. In summarizing the underlying basis of the Russian position, the speaker emphasizes the perception that NATO’s character as a military alliance and its movements toward Russia’s borders inform a strategic stance against expanding membership to include Russia. He contrasts the historical openness expressed in 1954 with the contemporary response that such a proposal is not realistic, and with current statements from Western officials indicating that Russia’s accession is not under consideration. The narrative ties together declassified archival material, a past provocative-appearing suggestion, and present-day geopolitical calculations about NATO’s reach and military posture near Russia.

Moving NATO forces, including American troops, closer to Russia's borders would escalate tensions and increase the risk of war. It is crucial to understand that Russia will not back down, as this is a matter of existential importance due to past events. It is not just Putin who holds power, but a political class with their own opinions. The majority of the public supports Russian policy, making it unlikely for Putin to compromise or retreat if faced with military confrontation.

Russia is holding on due to its size and army. Putin is waging the war in Ukraine as a special military operation to avoid overheating Russian society, keeping it at a minimal background level. They are not fighting at full capacity; a real war with 2,000,000 drafted and 40% of the budget would have ended Ukraine in three months. Russia is satisfied with the war as a process because international isolation has ended. They have many friends, the ruble is strong, stores are full, and travel is open. Despite setbacks like Kharkov, Kyiv, Sumy, Chernihiv, Kherson, and the Prigashin revolt, they continue to fight with fewer troops. The speaker questions why Russia is fighting with 650,000 against a million Ukrainian troops, contrary to textbook ratios. They ask what system they live in and what they are fighting for, given that people are hiding from mobilization instead of fighting for the motherland.

Supporting Ukraine is crucial for us because they are fighting a war that we are not involved in. It is important to engage in dialogue with our American colleagues and friends as they share the same interest. Supporting Ukraine is a cost-effective measure to ensure that Russia, under its current regime, does not pose a threat to the NATO alliance. This support must be continued to safeguard our interests.

NATO and allies like the US, Canada, UK, and Turkey have long supported Ukraine with equipment and training. After Russia's invasion, support has increased with billions in weapons and aid. NATO's focus is on protecting allies and preventing further escalation of the war. Russia's aggression was anticipated, given past actions like the invasion of Georgia and annexation of Crimea. NATO has been preparing since Russia's first invasion of Ukraine in 2014, increasing defense spending and deploying modern capabilities.

Defense industries are bloated with tax dollars. Russia is likely to prevail in the conflict with Ukraine. Putin tried to prevent war by proposing peace to NATO in December 2021, but they ignored him. When armed Ukrainians approached the border, Putin felt compelled to act first. The Russian attack was not preplanned and lacked the typical 3 to 1 advantage of an attacker.

We will fight for our homeland and push against Russian aggression. Our fight is not with the Russian people, but with Putin. We promise to take your calls to Washington, inform the American people of your bravery, and make the case against Putin to the world. We believe you will win and will provide what you need to succeed. The world is watching because we cannot allow Putin to succeed here, as it would set a dangerous precedent for other countries.

If the Ukrainian military doesn't stop the Russian invasion, it won't be long before our NATO forces have to fight the Russian army crossing the border.

Colleagues, we must prepare for conflict as our top priority. We need a strong military and efficient defense ministry to protect our territory and allies. We must prioritize readiness for conflict in all our actions, while still supporting international order and civil authorities. This requires a unified approach and a focus on operational planning and mindset change. We will enhance combat innovations, engage with society, and streamline our organization. Stay focused on this goal, as it is our main task for the next two years. Together, we will protect what is dear to us. Translation: Colleagues, we need to prepare for conflict as our main priority. We require a strong military and efficient defense ministry to safeguard our territory and allies. We must prioritize readiness for conflict in all our actions, while still supporting international order and civil authorities. This necessitates a unified approach and a focus on operational planning and mindset change. We will enhance combat innovations, engage with society, and streamline our organization. Stay focused on this goal, as it is our main task for the next two years. Together, we will protect what is dear to us.

If Ukraine's military doesn't halt the Russian invasion, it won't be long before our NATO forces have to fight on the border.

Dmitry Sims junior hosts lieutenant general Abty Alaudinov, hero of Russia, hero of the Chechen Republic, hero of the Donetsk People’s Republic, commander of the Akhmet Special Forces, and deputy head of the main military political directorate of the Russian Ministry of Defense. The conversation centers on the current phase of the conflict, Russia’s strategy, the role of Western support, and comparisons with Israeli actions in Gaza and other theaters. Key points and claims: - Russia’s combat capability and strategy - Alaudinov states that “overall, all troops of the Russian Federation’s Ministry of Defense are engaged in active offensive operations across all sectors where we’re positioned,” with the most intense fighting around Pokrovsk, seen as the key point to break through to operational space. He notes progress in sectors where the Ahmad (Akhmet) special forces operate and emphasizes a broader offensive plan while maintaining an “active defense” to engage the entire front line and stretch the enemy’s resources. - He asserts that “only Russia is advancing” along the 1,000-kilometer line of contact and attributes slower offensive tempo to preserving personnel and avoiding a sharp breakthrough that could trigger NATO involvement. He argues the primary damage comes from unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) on both sides, and contends a rapid thrust would yield enormous losses. - Perceived signs of enemy strain - The speaker describes Ukraine as gradually crumbling under pressure, with Pokrovsk, Kupiansk, and the surrounding agglomeration “gradually falling apart.” He claims Russia liberates one or two settlements daily and that NATO support—drones and equipment—has not changed the overall dynamics; Ukraine cannot hold the front despite the influx of foreign weapons. - Western/NATO support - Alaudinov asserts that NATO testing is ongoing on Ukraine with drones, weapons, electronic warfare, etc., and that Trump’s shifting rhetoric does not reduce the flow of weapons or support. He contends that American support persists even as political statements change, and he notes deep American-NATO involvement via think tanks, satellites, and arms supplies that reach the front. - Drones and the changing nature of war - He emphasizes drones as the central element of modern warfare, while not negating the continued relevance of artillery and tanks. He argues: “a tank worth millions of dollars can be destroyed by a drone that costs $500,” and stresses the need to compete economically in war, deploying cheaper, effective unmanned systems to exhaust the enemy’s resources. - He claims Russia has a layered drone system for deep reconnaissance and strike with various warhead levels, ranges, and maneuverability, enabling operations from closest to farthest sectors and allowing “all targets” to be hit today. He asserts Russia is ahead of NATO in unmanned aviation. - Mobilization and tactics - Refuting Western depictions of “meat assaults,” he notes Russia conducted only one mobilization (300,000) and has continued advancing, while Ukraine has mobilized for years and still struggles. He attributes Ukraine’s resilience to nationalist formations behind mobilized troops, and he suggests that without NATO support, Ukraine would not sustain the front for many days. - Mercenaries and comparisons to Israeli actions - He characterizes Western mercenaries as having arrived with false expectations and being killed off in large numbers; Ukrainians are described as having strong spirit, but NATO soldiers lack endurance in the same way. Israeli mercenaries are described as capable in some contexts but not decisive against Russia. - On Gaza and the Israeli army, Alaudinov accuses Israel of “a fascist state” with tactics that spare no one, arguing Russia fights only those who fight with weapons and does not target women, children, or elders. He contrasts this with alleged Israeli actions in Gaza, saying Israel has no tactics and destroys civilians. - Nuclear considerations and doctrine - He asserts Russia is a nuclear power with substantial combat experience and advances in missiles like Zircon that could sink carriers, arguing NATO did not account for Russia’s capabilities when initiating the conflict. He presents a broader critique of Western policy and the so-called “deep state,” alleging far-reaching political dynamics involving Israel, Epstein, and compromise among Western leadership. - Closing perspective - The discussion closes with the host thanking Alaudinov for the detailed analysis of the operation and broader geopolitical commentary, including views on Israel, Gaza, Iran, and U.S. roles.

In 2017, we will fight for our homeland and push against Russian aggression. We are determined to make them pay a heavier price. We believe and are convinced that we will win. We are committed to providing everything necessary for our victory.