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What needs to be established is whether the FBI and government agents used undercover operatives on January 6th. If evidence shows they had informants, it undermines the insurrection narrative. There’s reasonable suspicion of federal involvement, especially with video evidence of a person directing people into the building and the case of Ray Epps, who was briefly on the FBI's most wanted list. Two significant points support this: Epps’ sudden removal from the list suggests he may have been an informant, and FBI official Jill Sanborn's refusal to answer whether federal agents were involved indicates possible involvement. Her silence implies that confirming their presence could compromise ongoing operations.

Over the past 3 years, Representative questioned FBI Director Wray and Attorney General Garland about federal assets at the Capitol on January 6th, but received no answers. The Inspector General announced a review of the DOJ response in 2021, paused it due to ongoing criminal cases, and reinitiated it last year. The report will include information on the number of confidential human sources operating on Capitol grounds on January 6th, but the exact number is not available yet due to the draft form and classification review. The report's release is not expected before the election, and possibly not before the next inauguration. The report will expose the presence of confidential human sources at the Capitol, and whether DOJ CHS protocols were followed. Representative inquired about the failed FBI investigation of the January 6th pipe bomb, citing lost information, deleted Secret Service texts, and corrupted cell phone data. The FBI allegedly lacks video footage of the DNC from January 6th. The Inspector General couldn't rule out the involvement of confidential human sources in the pipe bomb incident.

The conversation centers on a set of claims and observations about January 6 that orbit around Sedition Hunters, Ray Epps, and the so-called “Northwest Scaffold Commander.” The speakers discuss and link multiple pieces of information to argue that the FBI and other agencies were paying close attention to, or coordinating with, covert actor networks on that day. - The discussion opens with a reference to a John Solomon article about Sedition Hunters and claims that the FBI and Justice Department paid Sedition Hunters about $150,000 to gather evidence on January 6 protesters to help the FBI make arrests. They note the figure was reported as over $100,000 in some places and $150,000 in a House hearing, and they say the FBI/DOJ paid Sedition Hunters, the SPLC, the ADL, the Atlantic Council, DFR Lab, and Bellingcat for intelligence. - The main focus shifts to a piece titled Meet Ray Epps (December 2021) by the speakers’ interlocutor, where they argue that the “main star of the show” was not Ray Epps, but a different figure labeled Northwest Scaffold Commander (referred to as Scaffold Commander). They emphasize that Sedition Hunters’ archives identified Scaffold Commander as their number-one suspect, although he was not placed on the FBI’s most-wanted list. - They recount how, on January 8, 2021, the FBI’s most-wanted list listed Ray Epps as a top suspect in the case, with public calls for information and a cash reward. By late June 2021, a Phoenix newspaper identified him as “Reyes,” and on July 1, 2021, the FBI removed Epps from the wanted list with no explanation and no arrest. They contrast this with Scaffold Commander, who was never added to the FBI’s public wanted list for identification by the public, despite being the focal point of Sedition Hunters’ investigations. - The speakers describe Scaffold Commander as an older man with glasses, a nerdy mask, and a blue cap, who allegedly directed the breach from the Northwest scaffold overlooking the Capitol. They claim he used a bullhorn to issue commands for approximately 18 minutes to an hour and a half, from 1:00 PM to about 2:30 PM, urging the crowd with phrases like “Move forward,” “Don’t just stand there,” “Help somebody over the wall,” and “We gotta fill up the capital.” - They juxtapose these observations with the chronology of the breach: the first breach around 12:53 PM, the crowd’s advance toward the Capitol, and the moment rioters entered the building. They argue Scaffold Commander acted as a ringleader and that Ray Epps was directly beneath him in the crowd, effectively functioning as an internal participant who helped draw people toward the front. - A key point they stress is that Scaffold Commander’s high perch and commanding role align with a long-cited CIA manual from 1983, Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare, which describes a small cadre of crowd agitators operating from elevated positions to direct slogans and crowd movement. They quote and reference passages describing an “outside commando element” that stays above the crowd to observe and direct a demonstration, using high observation points to shout instructions and guide the crowd’s actions. - The speakers argue that the FBI has not acknowledged Scaffold Commander, has not included him on any public list, and has not publicly solicited identification for him, despite Sedition Hunters’ focus on him as the pivotal organizer. They suggest that internal FBI records, memos, or emails about Scaffold Commander could be highly revealing, potentially showing whether higher-ups instructed not to pursue him. - They conclude by urging the FBI and related investigators to search their internal records for “Northwest Scaffold Commander” and make any relevant documents public, implying that such records could undermine the official narrative of the event. They also frame the existence of an internal, externally guided command structure as a critical piece of the January 6 story that remains underexplored by authorities.

I met with Capitol Police today and learned some startling information regarding the January 6th investigation. The so-called "backpack guy," who I was told was a plainclothes police officer, was the one who discovered the pipe bomb. This revelation heightens my concerns about the timeline of events, especially regarding the Secret Service and Metro Police response. The timing of the pipe bomb discoveries is also suspicious. The first bomb at the Capitol Hill Club (mistakenly called the RNC bomb), was found just five minutes before the breach of the Capitol perimeter. Then, a second bomb was found only fifteen minutes after securing the first location. It seems incredibly coincidental that these events happened in such close proximity to each other.

I met with Capitol Police and learned that the individual who discovered the pipe bomb on January 6th was an undercover officer. This raises concerns about the response time of the Secret Service and Metro Police, who took four minutes to act. The timing of the bomb discoveries coincided with the Capitol breach, which may have distracted law enforcement. The investigation into the bombs is ongoing, but there are questions about their operability and the involvement of the FBI. The January 6th committee report suggests that the discovery of the bombs prevented reinforcements from arriving at the Capitol, potentially facilitating the breach. There are ongoing discussions about accountability for those involved in the events of that day.

The speaker discusses the FBI's ongoing investigation into the January 6th Capitol riot and the arrest of Trump supporters who were present. They highlight the FBI's inability to find information about the individuals responsible for planting pipe bombs outside the RNC and DNC headquarters the night before the riot. The speaker then analyzes a recently released video showing the moment one of the bombs was discovered, raising questions about the authorities' lack of concern and the involvement of the Secret Service. They also mention the failure of the media to cover this story and the suspicious actions of Vice President-elect Kamala Harris. The transcript ends with an update revealing that the person who alerted the police about the bomb was a plainclothes officer with the Capitol Police.

FBI agents are seeking tips to identify the suspect who planted bombs near the Democratic National Party headquarters. Videos show the suspect sitting on a park bench before one of the bombs was placed. The frame rate of CCTV cameras is typically around 15 frames per second (FPS). However, the security video released by the FBI of the January 6th pipe bomb suspect shows only 1 FPS, which is highly unlikely for unaltered footage. The DNC has a history of security concerns, including the Watergate scandal, and the use of 1 FPS footage is statistically improbable.

The transcript provides a detailed timeline and description of a suspect involved in placing two pipe bombs near the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and related sites on the night in question. Key facts, observations, and sequence are as follows: - Physical description and gear: The suspect is described as approximately five foot seven inches tall. They wore a face mask, a grey hooded sweatshirt, and black gloves. A backpack was used to transport each of the bombs. Distinctive Nike Air Max Speed Turf shoes were worn, which are black and grey with a yellow Nike logo; fewer than 25,000 of these shoes were sold between August 2018 and January 2021. - Initial sighting and movements: The first sighting occurs at approximately 7:34 p.m. at the intersection of First Street and North Carolina Avenue Southeast. The suspect walks southwest on North Carolina Avenue, turns north on New Jersey Avenue, west on D Street, and then south on South Capitol Street. - First bomb placement: Footage on South Capitol Street shows the suspect setting down their backpack, which is believed to contain one of the bombs at this time. The suspect appears to put on a pair of glasses, scans the area while standing on tiptoes, then picks up the backpack, turns around, and heads back the way they came on South Capitol Street. After reaching the corner of D Street, the suspect turns around again and walks south all the way down South Capitol Street to a bench outside the Democratic National Committee headquarters building, where the suspect sits on the bench for a few minutes and does not place the bomb at that moment. - Movement toward second potential placement: The suspect then walks east on Ivy Street, turns north on New Jersey Avenue, and pauses near the corner of D Street before retracing steps back to the DNC bench, where the first bomb is placed. The sequence shows the suspect sitting on the DNC bench before placing the bomb at approximately 7:54 p.m. - After the first placement: The suspect moves north on South Capitol Street, east on D Street, south on New Jersey Avenue, and northeast on North Carolina Avenue, with video coverage ending around 8:00 p.m. - Reappearance and route leading to second bomb: Approximately eight minutes later, at about 8:08 p.m., the suspect is seen again heading north on Second Street. The suspect walks west on C Street, enters an alley leading to Rumsey Court, and then walks west on Rumsey Court. Footage shows the suspect passing between the Republican National Committee (RNC) and the Capitol Hill Club while holding the backpack out to the side. - Second bomb placement: The suspect continues between the RNC and the Capitol Hill Club, then north on First Street, east on C Street, back into the alley toward Rumsey Court, and back onto Rumsey Court. The second pipe bomb is placed at approximately 8:16 p.m. The suspect then turns back onto Rumsey Court, walking east until last seen on camera at approximately 8:18 p.m., with the backpack on their shoulders. The bomb is believed to have been placed shortly before this video, based on how the suspect is carrying the backpack. - Public appeal: The statement ends with an appeal, indicating there is still someone with information who may not realize its significance and requesting that person to come forward.

- Kibbe on Liberty hosts Congressman Thomas Massey for part one of a mega episode focusing on the FBI-identified pipe bomber in the January 6 events and the anomalies in the official narrative; Massey argues he does not believe one loner acted alone. - Massey discusses prior coverage and context, noting a Steve Baker interview that documented inconsistencies in the official narrative. He points to fallout from that interview: a Capitol Hill Police official, who was third in command, resigned the day after the interview; another whistleblower contacted Massey about that officer, suggesting misconduct unrelated to the pipe bomb but part of a larger pattern of investigations. - Massey argues that the FBI’s announcement of a suspect came about a week after that interview and after reporting by The Blaze, and suggests the timing is suspicious. He says this coincidence is surprising and potentially a red flag, given that the investigation had been deemed inconclusive or dormant for years. - Massey emphasizes his own context: his staffer on the Hill watched hours of video to identify who found the second pipe bomb; he asserts that the individuals who found the second bomb should be considered suspects, and that the FBI admitted this to him. He recounts efforts with Kevin McCarthy to release video showing how the second pipe bomb was found, noting that those who found it were very lucky to locate it quickly. - He describes other connections and leads: his staffer now works for Kash Patel; Massey has spoken with a counter-surveillance officer who found the pipe bomb and with the officer’s handler, a Capitol Hill Police member who had previously worked for the ATF and later for Metro Police and Capitol Hill Police. He also mentions conversing with the assistant FBI director in charge of the Washington field office, in a transcribed interview with Jim Jordan about why cell phone data wasn’t used to geolocate the suspect (the provider allegedly corrupted data, which the judiciary committee and Barry Loudermilk’s committee disputed). - Massey references a 100-page report from Barry Loudermilk’s committee on the pipe bomb investigation, noting leads the FBI did not follow. He mentions a lead about an individual in Falls Church, Virginia (a former military man now in government service) whose metro card was used on January 5 and January 6; this person’s childhood friend allegedly used the metro card to approach the RNC/Capitol Hill Club area and take photographs near the pipe bomb sites. Massey asserts this person of interest, plus a neighbor who shared a wall with him, could be connected to others the FBI has not fully explored. - He contends that the arrest appears to derail other investigations and interviews that were being planned. He asserts that a “pro-Trump” motive has not been established for the suspect, contrasting the media’s framing with details such as the suspect’s My Little Pony interest and parental political donations. - Massey criticizes the prosecutor in the case, Jocelyn Ballantine, and recounts concerns about her track record (including involvement in the Flynn case, the Proud Boys case, and alleged attempts to obtain confessions implicating Trump). He questions why she remains at the DOJ. - They discuss broader concerns about FBI politicization and surveillance: Massey references reporters and contact with Kash Patel’s team to argue for cleaning house at the FBI, but notes Ballantine remains in place. He describes eight senators discovering they had been spied on, leading to a legislative push: in the last continuing resolution, lawmakers added a half-million-dollar payout and standing to sue the government for surveillance abuses, a provision he characterizes as carving exemptions out of the law; he says this was supported by most lawmakers, who voted for the CR due to Trump concerns. - They debate possible explanations for the pipe bomber case: the possibility that the FBI identified the suspect and cleared him, prompting no arrest due to exonerating information; or the possibility of a false narrative crafted by others to preserve the January 6 prosecution framework; or the involvement of a patsy or rogue actor. - Massey reiterates his three things he said on Twitter: the bomber was a lone wolf (which he disputes); the FBI was unwittingly incompetent for four years (which he says he questions and calls a cover-up); and it was not a Trump supporter. He stresses the need for more transcribed interviews and explanations from the FBI and ongoing oversight to uncover the full truth. - The discussion shifts toward Epstein files coverage and the broader goal of maintaining public pressure for transparency. They indicate a plan to release a separate bonus episode focusing on Epstein files.

The FBI has released footage of the d and c pipe bomber planting a bomb on a park bench. The bomber is seen on camera 1 walking to bench 1, then returning to bench 2 where camera 2 captures him planting the bomb. However, the view is obstructed by a bush, making it difficult to see the actual moment of planting. Camera 1 should have a clear shot of the entire scene, but the FBI has not released the full tape. This has raised questions about why the FBI is withholding information and if they want the public's help in catching the bomber.

We reviewed the downloaded footage and the discussion centers on Shaner and his close friends retracing the killer’s footsteps at his grandma’s house, with his aunt on camera. The aunt mentions that there was a woman who was helping the shooter, and she's not sure whether that person was an accomplice. "If you time how long it took him to get from that little part over to here was way longer than it should have been." "So I wondered if the girl had given him stuff. Like, if there is an accomplice." And she notes, "it said right here, that picture from Sam's across the street, he was right here. Yep." The speaker adds that the subtitles are wrong and it's AI, "I wondered if there is an accomplice." They discuss "the woman who handed over her footage to the FBI saying, I wondered if that woman was an accomplice." "TMZ already had the doorbell cam footage." "the FBI already had the footage." "Why wouldn't the FBI immediately release that?" The narrator says, "I reached out to Phil Lyman."

The speaker discusses the FBI's "failed investigation" of the January 6th pipe bomb, alleging the FBI has no leads or suspects, has lost information and evidence, and that the Secret Service deleted all texts from January 6th. The speaker claims Steve D'Antuono said cell phone data that could have been used to find the bomber was corrupted. The speaker states that the FBI does not have video footage of the DNC from January 6th. The speaker asks if confidential human sources were involved in the pipe bomb incident. The other speaker responded they would have to refresh themselves on the information gathered to date. The speaker suggests getting the information public before the election.

The FBI released videos of the Capitol riot suspect in the hope of generating tips. One video shows the suspect near the Democratic National Party Headquarters where one of the bombs was later found. The frame rate of the security video is questioned, as it is unusual for it to be just one frame per second. A study found that no cameras in America operate at such a low frame rate. The DNC has a history of attacks, and the area is known for its security concerns. It is highly unlikely that the FBI's released video is the original, unedited footage.

The DNC pipe bomb was planted on January 6th at 7:52 PM, according to the FBI. They released two clips from different security cameras. The first camera shows the suspect arriving at 7:42 PM, sitting on bench 1, then leaving. Ten minutes later, he returns and sits on bench 2. At 7:52 PM, the second camera captures him planting the bomb next to the bush, but the view is obstructed. The first camera has a clearer shot of both benches, yet the FBI has not released the full footage from it. This raises questions about transparency, especially since there is a $100,000 reward for information leading to the suspect's capture.

Stephen Gardner and Jack Buzovic argue that the smoking gun will be the geolocation data next to the DNA evidence on the rifle. They say, essentially, you steal my car and commit a crime, you’ll likely find my DNA in the vehicle and on the trigger, so now we’re going to trust some expert to provide magical geolocation data. They question how Tyler Robinson could be involved and suggest this should be a single, big government conspiracy if he didn’t actually take the shot. They insist CCTV video would show Tyler Robinson moving through the parking garage, onto the roof, and through various locations, and that the investigation should not avoid showing the video. They ask how a juror would be convinced without video footage when there are twenty different videos, and whether geolocation data could hurt the case when a murder has been committed. They complain about having to trust another expert and mention past high-profile investigations. They demand to see CCTV video showing Tyler Robinson walking across the campus, onto the roof, getting into his car, running through neighborhoods, because all that has been presented is “slop.” Ryan Mehta introduces this segment as a critique of the presented evidence. Speaker 1 (questioning the forensic approach) asks about cell phone tracking and geofencing data, noting that the same method was used in January 6 to determine who was on the steps or on the lawn. They ask what was found regarding that data in this case. Speaker 2 responds that the case will reveal with great clarity whether Tyler Robinson was in the Orem area and whether the texts that many have questions about were sent from Orem to Lance Twigg, and whether Lance Twigg was in Southern Utah or in Orem. The main point is that people are asking how he could have known given the terrain and that Google Maps could not have allowed planning of the murder. They say the data will show paths, including whether he went the day before or weeks before, and will track all of that. Joseph Scott Morgan told them they would be able to track him from 8 Hundredth Street down through the tunnel, up around the Losey Building, up the stairs, onto the roof, from the roof out to the roofline, take the shot, jump off the Losey Building, run into the woods. They mention conspiracy videos claiming he was spotted at a cafe on security footage; some claimed the cafe owner saw him on security cameras, while others claimed it wasn’t consistent with a murderer’s behavior. They argue the FBI tracked him to that location, and that the next morning at 07:15 AM, a Cedar City Maverick gas station records his credit card use and follows his phone, his movements home, visits to Lance, and visits to his parents, with all phone calls, texts, and other data available. The forensic expert, Joseph Scott Morgan, asserts that next to the gun, the cell phone data will be the thing that ties Tyler Robinson directly to the person on that building, and there is doubt among some about trusting the FBI. The discussion ends with the assertion that geotracking will provide the crucial link.

The FBI released new video of the suspect who planted pipe bombs at the DNC and RNC headquarters the night before the Capitol riot. The FBI confirmed the pipe bombs were viable devices that could have detonated, resulting in serious injury or death. The video shows the suspect walking along a residential street at 7:40 PM, with investigators noting their unusual gait. By 7:52 PM, the suspect was at the DNC headquarters, appearing to fumble with a backpack before a bomb was discovered in a nearby bush. At 8:14 PM, the suspect walked down an alley next to the RNC headquarters, placing a bomb there before exiting the area. The FBI suggested the public look for changes in behavior since January 5th, such as bragging about Capitol Hill activity or exhibiting unusual emotional responses to news about the event. The bombs contained black powder, and the FBI is interested in the source of the kitchen timers used. Images of the suspect's Nikes were also released to help generate leads.

Speaker 0: "What I'm saying is a reasonable suspicion is that there were agents. There's a video showing a guy with an earpiece pulling people into the building. Alright? Mhmm. You combine that with the evidence of Ray Epps, and it looks like you have a preponderance of evidence suggesting there may have been federal law enforcement involved in making that thing happen." Speaker 1: "I'll get you beyond a reasonable doubt. Two pieces of information. Ray Epps was on FBI's most wanted list one day, and the next day, he was off of the FBI's most wanted list. There are only two ways that happens. You die or your informant." Speaker 1: "Put that aside. Under congressional testimony, Jill Sanborn, who I used to work with, the head of the FBI counterintelligence division in charge of all these investigations, testified under oath when senator Cruz asked her, flat out, were there federal agents involved with January 6? And she said, quote, senator, I can't answer that at this time." Speaker 1: "The reason she said I can't answer that is because of the same stonewalling they gave us during Russergate with Christopher Steelehauper and everybody else. It's the same narrative, and and I'm telling you they were there." Speaker 0: "You're so you're saying that she said I can't answer that because the answer is yes Yeah. And that would compromise whatever their operation was. Exactly."

A recent meeting with Capitol Police revealed that the person who found the pipe bomb on January 6th was an undercover Capitol Police officer. This raises concerns about the response time of other law enforcement agencies. The timing of the bomb's discovery, just minutes before the breach of the Capitol perimeter, seems suspicious. The ATF director refused to comment on whether the bombs were operable, suggesting a cover-up. The bombs were sent to Quantico for inspection, not to the ATF. The discovery of the bombs also prevented reinforcements in the form of bike racks from reaching the Capitol, potentially making it easier to breach. The motive behind planting the bombs remains unknown.

Speaker 0 claims to have video footage from January 6th of two federal agents attacking the Capitol. Speaker 0 states they have been trying to get the FBI to investigate for over a year, providing them with twenty-nine minutes of high-definition footage. Speaker 0 says the FBI has not arrested the agents, nor have their images appeared online. Speaker 0 claims the FBI refuses to accept a statement or view video from January 5th, 6th, and 7th. Speaker 1 says the FBI raided them twice, came to their home, and took their phones. Speaker 1 advises Speaker 0 to avoid the FBI if possible.

FBI agents are seeking tips regarding the unidentified person who planted bombs near the Democratic National Party Headquarters. One video shows the suspect sitting on a park bench near the location. The frame rate of most CCTV cameras is around 15 frames per second (FPS). However, the security video released by the FBI of the pipe bomb suspect operates at just one FPS. A study found that no cameras in America today operate at such a low frame rate. Considering the history of attacks on the DNC building and the security measures in place, it is highly unlikely that the FBI's video is the original, unedited footage.

The speaker discusses the FBI's ongoing investigation into the January 6th Capitol riot and the arrest of Trump supporters. They highlight the FBI's inability to find information about the person or people who planted pipe bombs outside the RNC and DNC headquarters the night before the riot. The speaker then introduces new surveillance footage released by Capitol Police, showing the moment one of the bombs was discovered. They describe the video, pointing out the lack of concern from law enforcement and the Secret Service, as well as the proximity of the bomb to VP-elect Kamala Harris. The speaker raises questions about the identity of the person who alerted authorities to the bomb and the subsequent cover-up.

Vice President Kamala Harris was allegedly targeted by a pipe bomb at the Democratic National Committee headquarters on January 6, 2021. The FBI is urging people to report any suspicious activity, offering a $500,000 reward for information leading to the arrest of the suspect. However, the person in charge of the FBI investigation now claims that Harris was never in danger and the bomb couldn't have detonated while she was there. The incident is not mentioned in a special January 6th report. Questions arise about why Nancy Pelosi and Mitch McConnell denied National Guard assistance prior to the Capitol riot. A newly released video shows Capitol Police and Secret Service officers seemingly relaxed near the bomb. The FBI released video footage of the suspect, but the cell phone data was corrupted, leaving unanswered questions.

Specific observations indicate police officers and Capitol Police entered rooms in uniform and emerged as Trump supporters and construction workers. This raises questions about why video evidence hasn't been released. Navigating the Capitol's maze-like layout requires extensive familiarity. Trump supporters leading the way inside the Capitol before doors opened likely coordinated with FBI agents and assets embedded in the crowd, possibly for months. The speaker believes the American people deserve to know this truth.

An individual visited a radio station (97.7 FM) to share video footage from Washington D.C. on January 6th, alleging it shows two federal agents attacking the building. The speaker claims to have provided the FBI with 29 minutes of high-definition video in MP4 format on January 15th. The video was recorded on an iPhone. According to the speaker, neither of the agents in the video have been arrested, nor have their images been released online. The speaker also claims the FBI has declined their offer to provide a statement and additional video from January 5th, 6th, and 7th. The speaker believes the FBI is actively concealing the agents' identities. The speaker states they have shared the video with OAN, Newsmax, Detroit, and Red America's Voice. They offered the video to the radio station and are available for an on-air appearance.

The speaker mentions that videos of the events on January 6th are easily accessible on the internet. They encourage viewers to find these videos themselves, as they believe they may contain information that contradicts the prevailing narrative about that day. The speaker suggests that the situation was more complex than commonly portrayed.