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Congress members have "APAC people," essentially APAC babysitters, who are deeply embedded in APAC and have direct contact with the members. Some congressmen admit they will consult their "APAC guy" to influence ad campaigns. The speaker questions why this relationship is not public knowledge, suggesting it's not beneficial for congressmen to be seen as having a buddy system with a foreign country representative. The speaker also shares Thomas Massey's anti-war stance, highlighting his concerns about escalating tensions with Iran and the influence of the military-industrial complex. Massey points out that as soon as the US stopped spending $50 billion a year in Afghanistan, they started spending $50 billion in Ukraine. He suggests that Massey's anti-war position transcends specific conflicts or groups, aligning with a desire to stop people from dying, a sentiment the speaker associates with Donald Trump's campaign promises.

- Speaker 0 expresses a core problem: how to support the Donald Trump presidency when the figures associated with his circle (Alex Jones, Owen Shroyer, Ian Carroll) embody traits they oppose, prompting questions about alignment with their side. He asks how to reconcile supporting Trump with these associations, calling it an objective problem. - Speaker 1 responds that he has not researched certain controversial items (Eric Prince’s phone) and notes that Eric Prince is a polarizing figure from the military-industrial complex world. He argues that involvement in war fighting does not automatically make someone evil and that a full picture requires digging beyond initial impressions, acknowledging he hasn’t done all the research. - Speaker 0 challenges this, citing his own video: Eric Prince has three CEOs for Blackwater, all with intricate ties to the IDF. He questions coincidence between Palantir Technologies and the surveillance state, Israel’s influence, and three IDF-affiliated Blackwater CEOs, referencing USS Liberty and suggesting Eric Prince’s past atrocities and a lack of accountability. He asks whether such a figure could ever be considered a good person and whether repentance is possible, noting he hasn’t seen Prince acknowledge past wrongs. - Speaker 0 adds BlackRock as another easy target, claiming BlackRock, with help from the Trump administration, bought two ports in the Panama Canal for $22.8 billion, and contends Trump mentioned a company would buy the Panama Canal during the State of the Union, but did not name BlackRock. He challenges the listener to consider whether Trump is on their side given this nugget of information. - Speaker 1 says he was not endorsing a specific device or action, calling the “phones” comment offhand and irrelevant. He reiterates he isn’t waiting for Trump or Elon Musk to act in the interest of people, and states he’s intentionally not waiting for them to do so. He emphasizes starting change bottom-up, and encourages starting conversations rather than trolling, suggesting Seven Seas could help. - Speaker 0 shifts to a broader miscommunication problem: there’s a gap where people misread each other, treating allies as enemies. He advocates filling this gap through dialogue with diverse figures like Seven Seas, Ian Carroll, Joe Rogan, Whitney Webb, Derek Brose. He mentions a planned March sit-down interview between Derek Brose and Ian Carroll, hoping for a productive exchange, while noting past heated exchanges where ad hominem attacks diminished constructive dialogue. He cites Clint Russell and redheaded libertarian as examples of contentious interactions. - They discuss disagreements over Trump’s ideology and policies, including concerns that Trump still praises the VA, pharma, and large-scale spending, which confounds libertarian critiques. He cites a national debt comparison between Obama and Trump era spending, arguing that debt devalues the dollar and harms Americans, regardless of party. - Speaker 0 reiterates suspicion that the criticism of Trump and Elon Musk coexists with perceived support for them, labeling it an inconsistency. He promises to withhold calling someone a shill until there is clear intent to deceive. Speaker 1 suggests focusing on good-faith arguments, mentioning Glenn Greenwald with respect, and invites Seven Seas to share their take on Ian Carroll’s reaction to Seven Seas’ post.

The conversation centers on a shared focus on “deep state traders” and a distrust of the current political establishment. Speaker 0 insists that they are “focused on higher IQ conversations here” and that they want to “go after the deep state traders,” asking who is paying them and noting that the “Washington field office is one block away” from their location, implying proximity to the FBI in Washington, D.C. The exchange riffs on anti-establishment themes, with Speaker 1 adding that they have “gone dragged into forever wars on behalf of Israel,” questioning why the U.S. has been involved for “generations and decades” and asserting that Americans “will not allow” it, calling for white Christians to unite around “America First, America Only” and that there can be “competing interests.” The dialogue shifts to support for domestic groups and figures perceived as aligned with their cause. Speaker 0 says their priority is to gain reinforcements and to “pardon all the oath keepers.” Speaker 1 references the idea of aiding “the J sixers,” while Speaker 0 states they are focused on “the destruction of the world” and asks why they aren’t advocating for those groups. The conversation then explicitly identifies a racialized fear about the future, with Speaker 1 stating that “your children are gonna be black and Muslim,” and “your children’s children are gonna be black and Muslim,” attributing this not to genetic or demographic inevitability but to “the weak, feckless men that are allowing APAC to buy out our politicians and open up our borders.” Speaker 0 counters by describing “weak, tackless toxic, feckless men” in the country and reiterates that their priority is to “go after the traitors based on their actions and actions alone,” stressing that they have a “laundry list” of targets and that they do not care about appearances or which hair follicles or eye colors these people have. The two converge on the idea of targeting treasonous individuals, with Speaker 0 insisting that the focus is on those who have committed treason and that those who fund them come from all stripes. The overall thrust is an uncompromising approach to identifying and pursuing perceived traitors, tying together anti-war, nationalist, and white-identity rhetoric, while calling for pardons for controversial domestic groups and framing the fight as one against treason and influence from abroad.

Many members of Congress have an APAC representative, akin to a babysitter, who communicates on behalf of APAC. This person is often a constituent but is closely tied to APAC. On the Republican side, it's common for members to have lunch with their APAC contacts, who have their personal cell numbers for direct communication. Some Congress members have mentioned consulting their "APAC guy" to influence ad campaigns. This relationship is not publicly acknowledged, as it doesn't benefit Congress members to reveal they have a connection with a foreign entity.

The conversation hinges on distrust of powerful benefactors and the way money influences politics, alongside reflections on recent political events. - Speaker 0 asserts that connections to the Rockefellers are “super sus,” arguing they have provided direct funding to an individual named Scott, which raises questions about influence and motives. They contend the Rockefellers are “nefarious” in American history and criticize the notion of “selling out” to such interests, suggesting that backing from these families would align with the interests they claim to oppose. - Speaker 2 summarizes a broader concern: the idea that the path to defeating the system is to imitate or intensify the same tactics used to entrench the system. They quote Charlie Kirk, noting that those in power “have no desire to reform the system,” only to “control the system and control you through it.” This is presented as evidence that the supposed challengers are actually reinforcing the very structure they claim to fight. - The discussion shifts to strategy and perception, with Speaker 1 urging a course of voting effort as a form of action, and Speaker 0 agreeing that the approach being discussed is aligned with the organization’s stance. There is a sense of skepticism about those who advocate for “voting harder” as a solution while appearing to operate within the existing power structures. - There is a separate thread about state politics: Speaker 0 mentions Wisconsin, noting a fascination that Democrats would elect a certain Supreme Court justice while the state would pass voter ID by a wide margin, which Speaker 0 sees as inconsistent with “a Democrat issue.” Speaker 1 acknowledges the point, and Speaker 0 indicates they would review the situation further by watching past coverage. - Another thread involves a personal and investigatory concern: Speaker 3 describes involvement in a case (referenced as “mother out to the case” and speaking with someone who was “clearly killed by somebody”). They recount contacting a California congressman, Ro Con (likely a misspelling of Ro Khanna), to raise the concern, but state that nothing happened. Speaker 2 dismisses the suggestion that political action followed, and there is a back-and-forth about whether the discussion is a debate or a plea for sympathy, with Speaker 2 accusing Speaker 3 of trying to build sympathy. Overall, the dialogue centers on alleged manipulation by powerful funders, the tension between reform and control within the political system, inconsistent political outcomes in Wisconsin, and frustration with inaction on a troubling case that involved a potential kill and calls to congressional attention that did not lead to results.

The discussion centers on the way lawmakers reference religion in foreign policy and whether that approach is effective. Speaker 0 asks the audience how many think a respected lawmaker like Ted Cruz uses the Bible to justify aid to Israel, even if he doesn’t know the verse, and whether that is the best approach. Speaker 1 responds by referencing Ted Cruz’s Genesis twelve three, and notes that many find that off-putting when contrasted with the New Testament, specifically Paul’s writings about the new flesh not being the same as the people in the old covenant. Speaker 1 asks, “Yes. Romans nine?” and agrees with the sentiment. Speaker 0 then asks Speaker 1 if they are Catholic, to which Speaker 1 replies that they are converting Catholic from Judaism, revealing that they are ethnically Jewish. The exchange confirms Speaker 1’s Jewish ethnicity. Speaker 0 brings up concerns about APAC, asking if Speaker 1 has concerns about APAC. Speaker 1 confirms that they do. Speaker 0 notes that some people tell them that criticizing APAC equates to being anti-Semitic, asking whether this is true. Speaker 1 calls that notion ridiculous and says it’s great to have concern for one’s country. The conversation shifts to APAC’s influence. Speaker 0 presents a characterization (as a possible summary of Speaker 1’s view) that APAC represents a form of prioritization that cuts in line, away from the American people. Speaker 0 asks whether this is a fair summary. Speaker 1 answers affirmatively, “100%.” Finally, they articulate the core idea: the public votes and are citizens, but a separate group is described as receiving higher priority for whatever reasons. Speaker 1’s agreement underscores a shared concern that APAC’s influence creates a prioritization that bypasses the ordinary American electorate.

The speaker talks about a range of theories that could be undertaken, suggesting that some approaches might be carried out in good faith even if the underlying aim is partisan. They express a desire to appear nonpartisan, framing it as a plausible or acceptable stance, while asserting that the real objective is to help Democrats win elections. The speaker goes further, stating that the ultimate aim is for the Republican Party to become pro-Democratic again, implying that partisan goals should be achieved even as the outward posture remains nonpartisan. They acknowledge that there is money involved from a Republican congress, which informs why there is a need to maintain the appearance of nonpartisanship. This point is tied to the financial dimension of political activity, suggesting that funding sources influence how partisan or nonpartisan a campaign or effort presents itself. The speaker notes that in 2022 there was a Republican House of Representatives, establishing the political context for the discussion and the timing of the strategies being described. This reference to the 2022 House situates the dynamics of party influence and the practical environment in which these ideas are supposed to operate. A central claim is that the goal is to help Democrats win until they run Nikki Haley or the ghost of John McCain again, indicating specific targets or figures as benchmarks for when the strategy would shift or when the alignment might change. The mention of Nikki Haley and “the ghost of John McCain” is used to illustrate particular political moments or personas that would influence how the strategy is executed or reframed. The speaker then asserts that it is not enough to simply help Democrats win. Beyond that, there is a need to create a Coke and Pepsi dynamic so that the Republican party ends up back in the box—an analogy implying that the party should be contained, moderated, or redirected in a way that makes it more compatible with the nonpartisan or pro-Democratic objective. The use of this metaphor emphasizes a desire to reset or constrain the Republican Party’s behavior or identity to align with the overarching goal of shaping outcomes in favor of Democratic interests.

Have you ever wondered how a major lobbying group like AIPAC can represent a foreign country without registering under the FARA Act? AIPAC boasts about its political spending and success rates but nearly faced registration as a foreign agent in the past. Originally known as the American Zionist Council, they were close to being required to register in 1963, but after President Kennedy's assassination, the effort stalled. Despite the Justice Department's stance that anyone representing foreign interests must register, AIPAC remains unregistered, avoiding disclosure of its funding sources. This situation raises concerns about foreign influence in U.S. politics, highlighting the need to address similar threats from other nations, like China, in our democracy.

APAC, a powerful lobbying group, boasts about representing a foreign country without registering under the FARA Act. They almost had to register as a foreign agent in the past, but the effort was thwarted conveniently. Despite the US Justice Department's requirement for foreign agents to register, APAC remains unregistered to hide funding sources. This lack of transparency allows them to influence elections and policies without accountability. It is crucial to address foreign influence in American politics, like China's control over social media, to protect democracy.

APAC, a powerful lobbying group, avoided registering as a foreign agent in the past. President Kennedy's push for registration was halted by his assassination. Despite US laws requiring disclosure of foreign ties, APAC remains unregistered, allowing undisclosed financial influence in politics. This lack of transparency raises concerns about foreign interference in American democracy.

The conversation covers a mix of topics centered on political connections and accountability. It begins with a reference to Barack Obama, noting he “was president of The United States,” followed by a remark about his time in Chicago and a comment attributed to him: “only black people could live that way.” Attorney Klein is brought into the discussion, and there is a transition to turnover of questions and answers. A committee issue is raised: Speaker 2 accuses the person addressed of misleading the committee, including a contradictory written submission. The person responds that they will review the matter “in our next break to correct the record,” answering “Yes” to whether they will review it. The dialogue then addresses political campaign involvement. Speaker 2 asks whether the person helped out the president’s campaign, acted as a representative or spokesman, and whether it was their idea for the campaign dating back to 2011; the response given is “Yes.” Speaker 3 asks for identification of individuals associated with the Trump organization. The person confirms several individuals: Alan Weisenberg as the Chief Financial Officer, and Miss Rona Graf as the executive assistant to Mr. Trump. The request is for as many names as possible so the committee can meet them. The person confirms Rona Graf’s position and explains that she is the executive assistant, with her office directly next to Mr. Trump’s, and notes that she has been involved in a lot of what went on. There is a reflective aside from Speaker 1 about the difficulty of following the proceedings in real time, and a critical observation regarding Jeffrey Epstein’s involvement: questions are raised about why Epstein would have the contact information of the executive assistant and why she would feel comfortable texting him back during a congressional hearing. Speaker 4 adds commentary on hierarchy and motivation, suggesting that Epstein’s influence is reflected in the assistant’s actions: “Epstein's clearly paying her… she's just following her marching orders for her paycheck.” The exchange ends with the implication that the hierarchy and payoffs influence the responses and behavior of those connected to the Trump organization.

Many members of Congress have an "APAC person," akin to a babysitter, who communicates on behalf of APAC. This person is often a constituent but is closely tied to APAC. On the Republican side, it's common for members to have lunch with their APAC contacts, who have direct access to them. Some members have mentioned consulting their "APAC guy" to influence advertising decisions. It's surprising that this arrangement isn't widely known, as it could be perceived negatively by constituents. Congress members likely keep this relationship private because it doesn't serve their interests to disclose that they have a close connection with a representative of a foreign entity.

The speaker states that the promise was to put America first, and believes there are still voices in the administration, such as J.D. Vance, Tulsi Gabbard, and RFK Junior, who could prevail. However, they were not persuasive in this case, but somebody was. The speaker claims that APAC, the Israeli lobby in congress, is very persuasive. The speaker observes that their colleagues' social media feeds all look the same, tweeting the same message about supporting Israel.

APAC, a powerful lobbying group, boasts about representing a foreign country without registering under the FARA Act. In the past, they almost had to register as a foreign agent, but the effort was halted conveniently. Despite FARA requiring disclosure of foreign funding, APAC remains unregistered to conceal their financial sources. This lack of transparency allows them to influence elections and policies, even if unpopular. The need to prevent foreign interference, like China's control over social media, is emphasized.

APAC, a major lobbying group, boasts about representing a foreign country without registering under the FARA Act. In the past, they almost had to register as a foreign agent, but the effort was dropped after the president pushing for it was no longer in office. Despite FARA requirements, APAC remains unregistered, allowing them to hide their funding sources. This lack of transparency raises concerns about their influence on US politics. The speaker also mentions the importance of preventing foreign interference in American democracy.

I can't believe I'm the only one without an APAC person! It's like having a babysitter who's constantly on you about APAC. Apparently every member has someone like this. On the Republican side, these APAC people have your cell number, and you're expected to have lunch with them when they're in DC. It's insane! Why haven't I heard about this before? Why would politicians want their constituents to know they've got a buddy system with someone representing a foreign country? Does any other country do this? They even pay for congressmen and their spouses to go to Israel. I wonder what happens on these trips? You know, you go see the wall.

Members of Congress on the Republican side have an "APAC person," described as an "APAC babysitter," who regularly communicates with them regarding APAC matters. These individuals are often constituents but are deeply involved with APAC. Members meet with them when they visit D.C., exchange cell numbers, and have ongoing conversations. Some members have said they would "talk to my APAC guy" to potentially influence ad campaigns. The speaker questions why this arrangement is not more widely known, suggesting that members of Congress may not want to publicize their relationships with individuals representing a foreign country, as it doesn't benefit them politically.

APAC, a powerful lobbying group, boasts about influencing US politicians without registering as a foreign agent. In the past, they almost had to register under FARA, but the effort was dropped after JFK's assassination. Despite US laws requiring disclosure of foreign influence, APAC remains unregistered to hide funding sources. This lack of transparency allows them to sway elections and policies against public opinion. It's crucial to prevent foreign interference, like China's control of social media, to protect American democracy.

Have you ever wondered how a major lobbying group in America can represent a foreign country without registering under the FARA Act? APAC boasts about its political spending and success rates but has avoided registration. Historically, they were nearly required to register as a foreign agent in 1963 when they were known as the American Zionist Council. President Kennedy was pushing for this, but after his assassination, the pressure eased, and they never registered. This allows APAC to operate without disclosing their funding sources. Consequently, they can influence elections while their policies remain unpopular with many Americans. It's crucial to recognize this influence and prevent foreign entities from undermining our democracy.

Speaker 0: "I'm very pro Israel" and "defensive of their right to defend themselves," but "I have absolutely no skin whatsoever in defending any lobbyist group, including AIPAC" and asks, "what they do to get the loyalty of politicians." She refuses outreach to visit Israel, wanting to "cover this conflict from here" and insisting she is not "on Hamas" side. Speaker 1: "'APAC is not registered under FARA' and explains lobbying tactics: taking freshmen on 'a very special trip to Israel,' inviting 'influencers,' and that Israel receives '3.8 billion dollars in funding for Israel.' He notes 'Israel is the only democracy in The Middle East' and says Israel can 'use that money to buy from Israeli defense contractors' instead of American ones. He cites Judge McFadden on flag-burning and says, 'We don't have time to fund what you're doing.' Ad: 'text m k to the number 989898.'

Speaker 0 asserts that they have never taken money from the Israel lobby and asks if Speaker 1 has. Speaker 1 clarifies that APAC raises a lot of money for him, but emphasizes that the fundraisers are individuals, not the PAC itself, meaning it’s a misnomer to say the PAC raises money. He describes APAC as an American lobby and explains that APAC stands for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. He admits APAC is not a “foreign lobby” and says its purpose is not effectively defined as a single objective. He states his own entry into Congress thirteen years ago with the goal of being the leading defender of Israel in the United States Senate and says he has worked every day to that end. He notes that APAC is sometimes more effective than he wishes and then characterizes APAC as “a fever swamp of terrified of APAC.” Speaker 0 challenges the idea that APAC lobbies on behalf of the Israeli government, insisting that APAC lobbies for a foreign government. Speaker 1 responds that APAC is not lobbying for a foreign government; it is lobbying for a strong US–Israel relationship and for America and Israel to be closely allied. Speaker 0 maintains that APAC is lobbying for the interests of another country and reiterates that it is not true that APAC has nothing to do with the government. Speaker 0 asks about how much contact APAC leaders have with the government of Israel, and Speaker 1 acknowledges some contact, suggesting that the government of Israel is often frustrated with APAC, and asks whether they talk. He compares the situation to lobbying for more US–Mexico trade, noting that one would talk to both sides. Speaker 0 accepts that there are many countries that lobby Washington, including Israel, and expresses familiarity with how lobbying works, including knowing Americans who lobby on behalf of foreign governments and even being related to some. The central question for Speaker 0 is not whether foreign governments lobby the United States, but why it isn’t admitted as a common practice. He states that it’s true that many countries lobby Washington, including Israel, and asks why they aren’t registered as foreign lobbies. Speaker 1 responds that they are not registered as such.

Members of Congress on the Republican side have an "APAC person," described as an "APAC babysitter" who constantly communicates with them on behalf of APAC. These individuals are often constituents but are deeply connected to APAC. Members meet with them in DC, exchange cell numbers, and have ongoing conversations. Four members of Congress have told the speaker they would consult their "APAC guy" to potentially influence ad campaigns. The speaker questions why this arrangement is not more widely known. The speaker believes congressmen conceal this relationship because it could be detrimental to reveal they have a close connection with someone representing a foreign country.

So, what's an APAC person? Think of them as your APAC babysitter, always in contact, deeply rooted in APAC. Most Republican members have someone like this. When they visit DC, you have lunch, exchange numbers, and stay in touch. I've personally heard members of Congress say, "I'll talk to my APAC guy" to potentially influence ad strategies. Why haven't you heard about this before? Well, it's not beneficial for a congressman to advertise a buddy system with someone representing a foreign country. They're not likely to publicize it.

Politicians have close ties with APAC, like a babysitter. They have lunch and conversations with APAC members who influence their decisions. Some congress members even ask their "APAC guy" to tone down ads. This buddy system is surprising and not widely known.