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For years, I claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children underwent proper safety testing in placebo-controlled trials. When I confronted Fauci about this, he couldn't provide the study he claimed existed. After suing him, we received confirmation that no such study was ever conducted. The lack of liability and safety testing saves pharmaceutical companies significant costs, leading to a rush to add unnecessary vaccines to the schedule. This has resulted in a dramatic increase in chronic diseases among American children since 1989, including a rise in neurological disorders and autism, which has skyrocketed from 1 in 10,000 to 1 in 34 today.

Speaker 1 claims that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They assert that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 states this is not just their opinion, but can be verified by anyone who examines the FDA website, specifically the package inserts and underlying clinical trial documents.

It is claimed that ethical concerns prevent double-blind placebo trials for childhood vaccines already on the schedule that never underwent safety testing. The first step should be honesty about the clinical trial data underlying childhood vaccines. One proposed method involves comparing health outcomes of vaccinated versus unvaccinated individuals using existing datasets. If unvaccinated children are equally or less healthy than vaccinated children, this should be published to reassure parents. However, if vaccinated children are less healthy, the claim that these products cannot harm anyone should be reconsidered. It is asserted that comparative studies between vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals have been conducted, but not published because they allegedly show that the unvaccinated are healthier. Publishing a study showing vaccinated individuals are healthier would have discredited Robert Kennedy Jr., but the fact that it wasn't published suggests a problem.

According to the speaker, most vaccines have never been tested in a randomized, placebo-controlled trial to evaluate their safety. The speaker claims that vaccines contain aluminum compounds because many dead vaccines don't mount an immune response without them. The speaker alleges that in a Gardasil vaccine study, the placebo group received an aluminum adjuvant instead of a true placebo, resulting in similar side effect profiles between the active vaccine and placebo groups. The speaker asserts that Merck used a novel aluminum compound and that data suggests aluminum in vaccines is profoundly toxic. The speaker states that the only true randomized controlled trial involving a vaccine was conducted on sheep with blue tongue disease. The results allegedly showed that the aluminum in the vaccine was toxic, causing the sheep to become sick, unsociable, and, in some cases, die. The speaker concludes that the assumption that aluminum adjuvants in vaccines are safe is unfounded and has never been tested.

Speaker 1 claims that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They assert that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 states this is not just their opinion, but can be verified by anyone who examines the FDA website, specifically the package inserts and underlying clinical trial documents.

Vaccine recommendations typically come from the Advisory Committee of Immunization Practices (an outside consulting committee at CDC) and VRBPAC (within FDA), which recommends vaccine licensure. These committees only adopted evidence-based medicine about twelve years ago. The speaker states that during their administration, they want safety studies prior to vaccine licensure and recommendation. They claim vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, and the COVID vaccine was the only one tested in a full placebo trial. They assert that the other 76 shots children receive between birth and 18 have not been safety tested against a placebo, meaning the risk profile is not understood. The speaker intends to remedy this.

The speaker claims that no double-blind, placebo-controlled safety trials have been conducted on any childhood vaccines currently on the market. The speaker states that they have searched for such trials and been unable to find any. According to the speaker, Anthony Fauci and Francis Collins allegedly admitted that placebo-controlled safety trials are not performed on childhood vaccines because it would be unethical to test products administered to children. The speaker challenges news agencies to provide evidence of a double-blind, placebo-controlled trial done prior to licensure for any childhood vaccine, asserting that it doesn't exist.

None of the 72 vaccines for children have been tested against a placebo. The speaker sued HHS in 2016 to find placebo studies for vaccines, but none were found. The safety testing for the polio vaccine was only 48 hours, while the hepatitis b vaccines were tested for 4-5 days. This means that any adverse events occurring after that time period were not considered. Without placebo testing, the risk profile of current vaccines is unknown, and it cannot be determined if vaccines cause more harm than good. The speaker questions the ethics of mandating medical products with unknown risks for children.

Senator Ron Johnson introduces Aaron Siri at the Kennedy Center, praising Siri as a highly consequential attorney and highlighting Siri’s work since the COVID era. Johnson recounts how his own oversight role in Congress evolved to rely on the adversarial legal process to extract information from a large government, noting that enforcement power rests in the courts. He frames Siri as someone who, through litigation and testimony, has exposed what he views as flaws in vaccine science, regulation, and safety oversight. Johnson describes Siri’s rise to prominence during the COVID period, beginning with public hearings on vaccine injuries in Milwaukee (June 2021) and Washington, DC (November 2021). He notes that Siri represented Dr. Patricia Lee, a physician who publicly discussed vaccine injection injuries and medical treatment obstacles, illustrating how federal health agencies and the CDC/FDA were perceived to respond to reports of injury. Siri’s testimony is credited with exposing calls to his practice from vaccine-injured doctors seeking treatment and the CDC/FDA officials’ defense of VAERS. Johnson highlights Siri’s 2022 and 2025 hearings, including the release of the VAERS data via the v-safe system, which Siri reportedly showed indicated higher rates of medical care sought and activity impairment among the vaccinated. Siri’s deposition of Stanley Plotkin and other experts is cited as foundational to his arguments about safety science, conflicts of interest, and the integrity of the vaccine schedule. Johnson points to the Institute of Medicine’s (IOM) conclusions as being insufficient to prove vaccine safety for the entire childhood schedule, and to Siri’s presentation of the Henry Ford study (vaccinated vs. unvaccinated children) showing higher rates of chronic illness among the vaccinated. A central claim Johnson attributes to Siri is that vaccines have immunity from liability, due to the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986 (NCVIA). Siri’s summary is that vaccines are the only product in America with blanket liability protection for manufacturers and administrators, preempting design-defect claims via the Supreme Court interpretation that “the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act preempts all design defect claims.” Siri argues this immunity removes the market incentive to develop safer vaccines and leaves safety oversight to federal health authorities (HHS agencies: NIH, CDC, FDA) rather than to private manufacturers. Siri’s account of the 1986 act is that it created a mandate for safer childhood vaccines, with three provisions: (1) the general rule placing the secretary of HHS in charge of vaccine safety; (2) a task force of NIH, CDC, and FDA to make safety recommendations to the secretary; and (3) a biannual report to Congress on actions to improve vaccine safety. Siri contends that the biannual reports have never been submitted, and the task force produced only one report (in 1998) before disbanding, with Secretary Kennedy recently reinstating the task force. Siri’s firm ICANN has filed FOIA requests and submitted recommendations to HHS about how to improve vaccine safety, asserting that the current safety framework is not adequate. Siri then surveys the landscape across federal agencies. He asserts that the absence of liability incentives undermines safety, citing industry-pricing and trial designs, and he presents specific examples of licensure trials for routine vaccines that he claims were inadequate by design. Examples include: - Hepatitis B vaccines (Recombivax HB and Engerix B): five days of safety monitoring in trials with 147 participants, according to package inserts and FDA reports he obtained; he notes a lack of long-term safety data and questions the adequacy of control groups. - Prevnar 7 and Prevnar 13 (pneumococcal vaccines): uses Prevnar 7 as a control for Prevnar 13; safety data show notable serious adverse events but are deemed acceptable for licensure; subsequent trials used Prevnar 13 as control for Prevnar 15 with continued concerns about safety signals. - DTaP vs DTP: claims DTP served as control and that DTP itself was not licensed on placebo-controlled trials; cites a Guinea-Bissau study showing higher mortality with DTP vaccination and other studies suggesting increased overall mortality with DTP. - Dengue vaccine: notes long-term, placebo-controlled data showing increased severe harm and death in certain age groups; argues that non-placebo, ethically problematic trial designs can mask safety issues. Siri asserts a categorical claim based on FDA licensure documents: not a single routine neonatal vaccine on the CDC schedule has been licensed based on a placebo-controlled trial; when another vaccine served as control, that control was never a placebo. He presents this as evidence that safety assessments were compromised, especially for early-life vaccines administered in the first six months. Regarding autism, Siri frames it as a litmus test for vaccine safety studies. He recounts IOM findings that were inconclusive about DTaP (and related vaccines) causing autism, citing the lack of sufficient studies and the absence of unvaccinated comparison groups in many analyses. He describes ICANN’s FOIA drive to obtain CDC studies showing vaccines do not cause autism, asserting that most of the CDC’s own 20-study list did not address the vaccines in question. In deposition clips, Siri indicates that the IOM and CDC have not produced adequate evidence to rule out a causal link for several injuries, and that the only mainstream “no autism” position has come under legal scrutiny when the agencies faced court-ordered settlements and deposition testimony. Siri concludes with reform recommendations across agencies: - FDA: remove conflicted personnel from vaccine safety reviews, require clear licensure standards, mandate proper controls and longer safety monitoring, require practitioner notification of trial details, and post pre-registered study protocols; regain transparency of de-identified health data. - CDC/HRSA: align vaccine injury compensation with statutory requirements; expand the VICP to cover more injuries; ensure the CICP is reformed and funded to reflect safety concerns; reduce conflicts of interest; promote alternative, non-pharmaceutical approaches for root causes of chronic illness. - NIH: limit pharma involvement in vaccine development, focus taxpayer-funded research on root causes and replication, and avoid patent-related partnerships that create conflicts. - CMS/HHS-wide: require automated VAERS reporting and public access to de-identified health data; ensure religious exemptions are preserved; depoliticize vaccines and end mandates as political tools; end chronic disease by addressing vaccines as a contributing factor to immune dysregulation. Siri closes by insisting that mandating vaccines is a political act that undermines informed consent, arguing that safety should be decoupled from politics and that safety and efficacy claims should be grounded in rigorous, transparent science. He emphasizes that informed consent, not mandates, should govern medical decisions.

The speaker discusses the issue of liability protection for vaccine manufacturers and the lack of safety testing for vaccines. They explain that in 1986, liability was taken away from manufacturers, leading to an increase in the number of vaccines given to children. They argue that vaccines should be tested for safety like any other pharmaceutical product, but this is not happening due to the lack of liability. The speaker also addresses the claim that vaccines do not cause injury, particularly autism, and highlights the lack of studies supporting this claim. They conclude by discussing the use of aborted fetal tissue in vaccine development and the objections raised by religious groups.

The speaker challenges someone to debate vaccines, clarifying that they are not anti-vaccine but believe in safety testing. They criticize the lack of accountability for vaccine manufacturers and the exemption from safety testing. They argue that none of the 72 mandated vaccines have been tested against a placebo, making it uncertain if the benefits outweigh the risks. The Institute of Medicine has criticized the CDC for not conducting safety testing. The speaker highlights the increase in chronic diseases like autism and food allergies and questions the source if not vaccines. They conclude by urging people to look at vaccine inserts for information on epidemic diseases in children.

The speaker claims that no childhood vaccine has ever undergone a safety trial using a double-blind, placebo-based study. They assert that this type of study, involving a saline injection as a placebo, is the only way to determine the safety of a pharmaceutical product. Furthermore, the speaker states that there has never been a study comparing the health outcomes of children who receive the full schedule of 72 (or potentially up to 90) vaccines to those who receive none. Because of the lack of safety studies and comparative data, the speaker chooses not to inject themselves or their children with vaccines. They want evidence that vaccines are safe and make people healthier.

We couldn't find any prelicensing safety trials for the 72 vaccines doses that are recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group. This lack of safety trials is concerning considering the widespread use of these vaccines.

The speaker describes a committee conflict investigated by the office of inspector general and Congress, who urged change, but nothing happened. They claim medical malpractice by this group is evident in the approval of vaccines. The speaker states that in 1986 there were 11 vaccines, which increased to 69, then 92. They assert that, except for the COVID vaccine, none had a pre-licensing safety trial involving a true placebo. According to the speaker, these vaccines were introduced without safety studies, resulting in a lack of understanding regarding the risk profiles of these products. The speaker attributes this to corruption and agency capture.

Speaker 0 claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children has ever been safety tested in relicensing placebo-controlled trials. He said Fauci has been denying this for eight years and recounted a 2016 appointment by President Trump to run a vaccine safety commission, where he asked Fauci and Collins to meet with him with White House counsel. He stated that at that meeting Fauci said, “you say I’m lying,” and promised to send the study, but he never received it. He asserted that he sued Fauci and Aaron Siri, and after a year of stonewalling, government lawyers admitted on the courthouse steps that they never had any study, and provided a written acknowledgment. He pointed to a CHC website and his own website where the letter from HHS is posted. He claimed there is “no downstream liability” and “no front end safety testing,” which he said saves vaccine makers a quarter of a billion dollars. He further argued there is no marketing and advertising cost because the federal government orders 78,000,000 school kids to take that vaccine every year. He described a “gold rush” to add vaccines to the schedule, which he argued is unnecessary for most of them, and claimed many vaccines target diseases that are not even casually contagious. He contended that once a vaccine is on the recommended schedule, it becomes a billion-dollar-a-year business for the company. He asserted that NIH bears royalties in many cases. According to him, a set of vaccines expanded to 72 shots and 16 vaccines contributed to a dramatic increase in vaccine offerings. He linked this expansion to a broader push around vaccines, including the HPV vaccine. He also claimed that in 1989 there was an explosion of chronic disease in American children, including neurological diseases, ADD, ADHD, sleep disorders, language delays, ASD (autism), Tourette syndrome, tics, and narcolepsy. He stated that autism prevalence rose from one in ten thousand generations ago to one in thirty-four children today, citing CDC data. Overall, the summary repeats assertions about the lack of placebo-controlled safety testing, the admission of no study, financial and regulatory incentives to expand vaccine schedules, and a sharp rise in diagnosed neurological and developmental conditions beginning around 1989.

In early 2017, the speaker and Robert Kennedy Jr. met with Tony Fauci and Francis Collins at the NIH to discuss vaccine safety concerns. They questioned the absence of double-blind placebo safety trials for childhood vaccines. According to the speaker, Fauci and Collins admitted that such trials are not conducted because they would be unethical. The speaker proposed a comparative study using the Vaccine Safety Data Link (VSD) to compare the health outcomes of vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals, assessing rates of cancer, diabetes, ADD/ADHD, autism, Tourette's, lupus, and leukemia. The speaker claims this study could be completed quickly, but alleges that NIH officials stated they would never conduct it. The speaker suggests that if vaccines were proven safe through such a study, concerns about vaccine safety would disappear. The speaker believes the study has been done, but the data was manipulated to make vaccinated people appear healthier.

We couldn't find a prelicensing safety trial for any of the 72 vaccines doses recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group.

The speaker discusses the issue of unvaccinated individuals and the lack of studies conducted by the government. They argue that giving the vaccine to everyone absolves the government of understanding its effects. However, they found studies in plain sight that compared vaccinated and unvaccinated children. Over 100 such studies are featured in the book, with very few coming from the federal government. The FDA claims it is not their job to conduct these studies, but the problem lies in the funding of studies by those who stand to profit from the products. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) should be evaluating the risks associated with vaccines, especially when given together, but they have been negligent in doing so. The speaker suggests that vaccines should undergo placebo-controlled trials like other drugs.

I asked if they could provide a single prelicensing placebo-controlled safety trial for any of the 72 vaccines required for American children. After searching, they claimed the documents were in Bethesda, but I never received them. We then sued the HHS under the Freedom of Information Act. After a year, they acknowledged they could not locate any prelicensing safety trials for the mandated vaccines. These vaccines come with zero liability. I am not anti-vaccine; I believe in honesty and good science. I've spent 30 years advocating to remove mercury from fish, and no one ever labeled me as anti-fish.

According to the speaker, vaccines have never been tested in a randomized, placebo-controlled trial to evaluate their safety. The speaker claims that vaccines contain aluminum compounds because many dead vaccines don't mount an immune response without them. The speaker alleges that in a Gardasil vaccine study, the placebo group received an aluminum adjuvant instead of a true placebo, so the side effect profiles of the active vaccine and placebo groups were the same. The speaker asserts that Merck used a novel aluminum compound and that data shows aluminum in vaccines is toxic. The speaker states that the only completely randomized controlled trial was on sheep using a vaccine for blue tongue disease. The speaker claims the aluminum was toxic, the sheep became sick, their behavior changed, and many died compared to the placebo group. The speaker concludes that the presumption that aluminum as an adjuvant is safe is unfounded and has never been tested.

Speaker 1 states that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They claim that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 asserts this is not an opinion, but can be verified by anyone reviewing package inserts and clinical trial documents on the FDA website.

The speaker criticizes the CDC's recommendation of giving newborns vaccines containing aluminum, which exceeds safe levels. They mention the lack of studies on the combined effects of the 28 vaccines given to babies. There has been no official study by the CDC, FDA, or NIH comparing the cumulative effects of these vaccines to unvaccinated children.

A law called Vika was passed in 1986, making it illegal to sue vaccine companies, regardless of recklessness or negligence. As a result, the number of mandated vaccines has increased from 3 to 79, none of which have been safety tested. The speaker claims that vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, a claim that Anthony Fauci publicly denied. When President Trump appointed the speaker to run a vaccine safety commission, the speaker asked Fauci to provide safety studies on vaccines. Fauci claimed he left them in his office and never sent them. Subsequently, the speaker and Aaron Siri sued Fauci. After a year of stonewalling, HHS provided a letter stating that there has never been a pre-licensing safety study of any vaccine on the childhood schedule.

None of the vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have undergone proper testing. No childhood vaccine has completed a placebo-controlled clinical trial with sufficient duration and power to confirm its safety before being administered to millions of children in America. This is not an opinion; it can be verified by anyone visiting the FDA website, where the package inserts and clinical trial documents are available for review.

For years, I claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children underwent safety testing in placebo-controlled trials. Despite Tony Fauci's denials, I challenged him to provide evidence. He admitted he didn't have it on hand and promised to send it, but I never received it. After suing him, his lawyers confirmed there was no such study. The lack of liability and safety testing allows pharmaceutical companies to profit significantly, as the government mandates vaccines for millions of children. This has led to a surge in unnecessary vaccines, contributing to a dramatic rise in chronic diseases among American children since 1989, including conditions like autism, which has increased from 1 in 10,000 to 1 in 34.