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For years, I claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children underwent proper safety testing in placebo-controlled trials. When I confronted Fauci about this, he couldn't provide the study he claimed existed. After suing him, we received confirmation that no such study was ever conducted. The lack of liability and safety testing saves pharmaceutical companies significant costs, leading to a rush to add unnecessary vaccines to the schedule. This has resulted in a dramatic increase in chronic diseases among American children since 1989, including a rise in neurological disorders and autism, which has skyrocketed from 1 in 10,000 to 1 in 34 today.

There is a connection between autism and vaccines that the government promoted, and this constitutes a tort, meaning many people were injured by the product. However, in 1986, Congress passed the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program, giving vaccine companies immunity from liability. Therefore, no matter how reckless the company, how toxic the product, or how egregious the injury, they cannot be sued. This is one reason for the explosion of vaccinations.

Four companies—Pfizer, Merck, Blackstone, and Sanofi—produce all 72 vaccines and have a history of criminal behavior. Over the last decade, they collectively paid $35 billion in penalties for falsifying science, defrauding regulators, and causing harm. Merck's Vioxx, marketed as a headache pill, led to the deaths of up to 500,000 Americans due to heart attacks, while the company profited despite paying $7 billion in fines. No one was jailed for these actions. It’s difficult to believe these companies, known for dishonesty in other products, are suddenly trustworthy with vaccines. In the U.S., a law passed in 1986 prevents individuals from suing vaccine manufacturers, regardless of negligence or harm caused.

In the early 1980s, a tetanus and pertussis vaccine called DTP was used, but it caused brain damage and death in African children. Vaccine companies faced lawsuits and losses, so they went to Congress and threatened to stop making vaccines unless they were granted immunity from liability. In 1986, a law was passed granting them immunity, which eliminated the need for testing and ensured no liability for injuries. This made vaccines a profitable product, as they were mandated for millions of children and had high profit margins. The government purchased a large portion of these vaccines, making it a lucrative industry. As a result, the number of vaccines on the schedule increased from 3 to 72 doses by 1989.

In 1986, the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act removed liability from drug companies for vaccine-related injuries. Recently, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the COVID vaccine is not a true vaccine as it doesn't prevent disease or transmission. This could open up legal challenges against pharmaceutical companies, though the government may protect them. The outcome remains uncertain.

Speaker 0: The DTP vaccine—diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis—was the most popular vaccine in the world, but we banned it in this country because it was causing injuries, brain injuries, severe brain injuries, or death to one in every three hundred children. It was used in the eighties, and there was extensive litigation against vaccine companies that precipitated the passage of the vaccine act, which then gave them immunity from liability. In Europe, they don’t use it. In America, they don’t use it. Yet we give it to 161,000,000 African children a year. Bill Gates asked the Danish government to support that program and said it saved thirty million lives. The Danish government requested data to back that claim, but he wasn’t able to provide it. So they went to Africa and conducted their own studies, examining thirty years of DTP data, and what they found shocked them all. They found that girls who got the DTP were dying at ten times the rate of unvaccinated girls, and they were dying from problems that nobody had ever associated with the vaccine. They were dying of diphtheria or tetanus or pertussis?—and also anemia, malaria, bilharzia, pulmonary disease, respiratory disease, and pneumonia. Nobody noticed for thirty years that it was the vaccinated girls who were dying, and it was not from diphtheria, tetanus, or pertussis. The vaccine had protected them against those diseases, but it had also ruined their immune systems. As a result, these girls were unable to defend themselves against other diseases that, in children with a hardy immune system, would have been fought off.

In the early 1980s, a tetanus and pertussis vaccine called DTP was used, but it caused brain damage and death in African children. Vaccine companies faced lawsuits and losses, so they went to Congress and threatened to stop making vaccines unless they were granted immunity from liability. In 1986, Congress passed a law granting this immunity, which eliminated the need for testing and made it profitable for pharmaceutical companies to produce vaccines. The government mandated vaccines for millions of children, creating a lucrative market. As a result, the number of vaccines on the schedule increased from 3 to 72 doses today, starting in 1989.

Four companies, Pfizer, Merck, Blackstone, and Sanofi, are responsible for producing all 72 vaccines. However, these companies have a history of criminal activity, collectively paying $35 billion in fines for falsifying science, defrauding regulators, lying to doctors, and causing the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. For instance, Merck's product, Vioxx, was sold as a headache pill but caused heart attacks and killed around 120,500 Americans. Despite this, they only paid fines and faced no jail time. It is hard to believe that these companies, known for lying and cheating, are honest when it comes to vaccines. The vaccine industry is immune to lawsuits, making it the perfect place for these companies to avoid consequences.

Senator Ron Johnson introduces Aaron Siri at the Kennedy Center, praising Siri as a highly consequential attorney and highlighting Siri’s work since the COVID era. Johnson recounts how his own oversight role in Congress evolved to rely on the adversarial legal process to extract information from a large government, noting that enforcement power rests in the courts. He frames Siri as someone who, through litigation and testimony, has exposed what he views as flaws in vaccine science, regulation, and safety oversight. Johnson describes Siri’s rise to prominence during the COVID period, beginning with public hearings on vaccine injuries in Milwaukee (June 2021) and Washington, DC (November 2021). He notes that Siri represented Dr. Patricia Lee, a physician who publicly discussed vaccine injection injuries and medical treatment obstacles, illustrating how federal health agencies and the CDC/FDA were perceived to respond to reports of injury. Siri’s testimony is credited with exposing calls to his practice from vaccine-injured doctors seeking treatment and the CDC/FDA officials’ defense of VAERS. Johnson highlights Siri’s 2022 and 2025 hearings, including the release of the VAERS data via the v-safe system, which Siri reportedly showed indicated higher rates of medical care sought and activity impairment among the vaccinated. Siri’s deposition of Stanley Plotkin and other experts is cited as foundational to his arguments about safety science, conflicts of interest, and the integrity of the vaccine schedule. Johnson points to the Institute of Medicine’s (IOM) conclusions as being insufficient to prove vaccine safety for the entire childhood schedule, and to Siri’s presentation of the Henry Ford study (vaccinated vs. unvaccinated children) showing higher rates of chronic illness among the vaccinated. A central claim Johnson attributes to Siri is that vaccines have immunity from liability, due to the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986 (NCVIA). Siri’s summary is that vaccines are the only product in America with blanket liability protection for manufacturers and administrators, preempting design-defect claims via the Supreme Court interpretation that “the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act preempts all design defect claims.” Siri argues this immunity removes the market incentive to develop safer vaccines and leaves safety oversight to federal health authorities (HHS agencies: NIH, CDC, FDA) rather than to private manufacturers. Siri’s account of the 1986 act is that it created a mandate for safer childhood vaccines, with three provisions: (1) the general rule placing the secretary of HHS in charge of vaccine safety; (2) a task force of NIH, CDC, and FDA to make safety recommendations to the secretary; and (3) a biannual report to Congress on actions to improve vaccine safety. Siri contends that the biannual reports have never been submitted, and the task force produced only one report (in 1998) before disbanding, with Secretary Kennedy recently reinstating the task force. Siri’s firm ICANN has filed FOIA requests and submitted recommendations to HHS about how to improve vaccine safety, asserting that the current safety framework is not adequate. Siri then surveys the landscape across federal agencies. He asserts that the absence of liability incentives undermines safety, citing industry-pricing and trial designs, and he presents specific examples of licensure trials for routine vaccines that he claims were inadequate by design. Examples include: - Hepatitis B vaccines (Recombivax HB and Engerix B): five days of safety monitoring in trials with 147 participants, according to package inserts and FDA reports he obtained; he notes a lack of long-term safety data and questions the adequacy of control groups. - Prevnar 7 and Prevnar 13 (pneumococcal vaccines): uses Prevnar 7 as a control for Prevnar 13; safety data show notable serious adverse events but are deemed acceptable for licensure; subsequent trials used Prevnar 13 as control for Prevnar 15 with continued concerns about safety signals. - DTaP vs DTP: claims DTP served as control and that DTP itself was not licensed on placebo-controlled trials; cites a Guinea-Bissau study showing higher mortality with DTP vaccination and other studies suggesting increased overall mortality with DTP. - Dengue vaccine: notes long-term, placebo-controlled data showing increased severe harm and death in certain age groups; argues that non-placebo, ethically problematic trial designs can mask safety issues. Siri asserts a categorical claim based on FDA licensure documents: not a single routine neonatal vaccine on the CDC schedule has been licensed based on a placebo-controlled trial; when another vaccine served as control, that control was never a placebo. He presents this as evidence that safety assessments were compromised, especially for early-life vaccines administered in the first six months. Regarding autism, Siri frames it as a litmus test for vaccine safety studies. He recounts IOM findings that were inconclusive about DTaP (and related vaccines) causing autism, citing the lack of sufficient studies and the absence of unvaccinated comparison groups in many analyses. He describes ICANN’s FOIA drive to obtain CDC studies showing vaccines do not cause autism, asserting that most of the CDC’s own 20-study list did not address the vaccines in question. In deposition clips, Siri indicates that the IOM and CDC have not produced adequate evidence to rule out a causal link for several injuries, and that the only mainstream “no autism” position has come under legal scrutiny when the agencies faced court-ordered settlements and deposition testimony. Siri concludes with reform recommendations across agencies: - FDA: remove conflicted personnel from vaccine safety reviews, require clear licensure standards, mandate proper controls and longer safety monitoring, require practitioner notification of trial details, and post pre-registered study protocols; regain transparency of de-identified health data. - CDC/HRSA: align vaccine injury compensation with statutory requirements; expand the VICP to cover more injuries; ensure the CICP is reformed and funded to reflect safety concerns; reduce conflicts of interest; promote alternative, non-pharmaceutical approaches for root causes of chronic illness. - NIH: limit pharma involvement in vaccine development, focus taxpayer-funded research on root causes and replication, and avoid patent-related partnerships that create conflicts. - CMS/HHS-wide: require automated VAERS reporting and public access to de-identified health data; ensure religious exemptions are preserved; depoliticize vaccines and end mandates as political tools; end chronic disease by addressing vaccines as a contributing factor to immune dysregulation. Siri closes by insisting that mandating vaccines is a political act that undermines informed consent, arguing that safety should be decoupled from politics and that safety and efficacy claims should be grounded in rigorous, transparent science. He emphasizes that informed consent, not mandates, should govern medical decisions.

We couldn't find any prelicensing safety trials for the 72 vaccines doses that are recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group. This lack of safety trials is concerning considering the widespread use of these vaccines.

We couldn't find a prelicensing safety trial for any of the 72 vaccines doses recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group.

In the early 1980s in the United States, there were only three routine vaccines: DTP, MMR, and OPV, totaling seven injections for childhood, plus the adult and pregnancy schedules, which did not exist at the time. Manufacturers of these three products either stopped making them or went out of business due to injuries and the financial liability associated with those injuries. Typically, when a product harms people, a company would respond by making a better, safer version. The speaker notes that, for vaccines, Congress chose a different path. Instead of compelling manufacturers to improve safety or compensate victims, the United States Congress decided to provide immunity from liability. In 1986, Congress passed the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act, which granted immunity to manufacturers for liability not only for those three early vaccines but for virtually all other vaccines made thereafter, including all childhood vaccines. The speaker emphasizes the contrast between the standard industry response to harm (improve the product) and the legislative approach taken with vaccines (immunity from liability). The implication highlighted is that this immunity allowed vaccine manufacturers to continue selling products despite injuries, shaping the broader vaccine landscape beyond the initial three vaccines.

Insurance companies deemed vaccines too risky to insure, not hippies. Pfizer's TTP vaccine had a higher injury rate than reported by CDC. A study revealed a 1 in 300 injury rate, contradicting the 1 in 1,000,000 claim. Pfizer threatened to stop vaccine production unless granted immunity from liability. Congress passed a law granting this immunity, despite reluctance. Reagan questioned why vaccines couldn't be made safer, but they are considered "unavoidably unsafe" according to the vaccine act.

The speaker states they searched for years for a pre-licensing safety trial of the 72 vaccine doses effectively mandated for American children. They claim that every other medication requires a safety trial comparing health outcomes in a placebo group versus a vaccine group before FDA licensing. The speaker assumed this was also done for vaccines. They state they found out that vaccines were exempt from this requirement.

I challenged the claim that I was dishonest about vaccine safety trials and asked for a single prelicensing placebo-controlled safety trial for any of the 72 vaccines required for American children. After searching, I was told they were in Bethesda, but I never received them. We then sued the HHS under the Freedom of Information Law. After a year, they confirmed they could not locate any prelicensing placebo-controlled safety trials for the mandated vaccines. These vaccines have zero liability. I am not anti-vaccine; I advocate for honesty and sound science. My efforts to remove mercury from fish were never labeled as anti-fish.

Vaccines are not subjected to true placebo-controlled trials before licensing. The DTP vaccine was pulled due to lawsuits against manufacturers like Wyeth (now Pfizer). In 1986, vaccine manufacturers requested immunity from liability from the Reagan administration, threatening to exit the vaccine business. They claimed they were losing $20 in liability for every $1 in profit. When asked to make vaccines safer, they responded that vaccines are "unavoidably unsafe." This phrase is in the statute granting them immunity and was upheld in the Brusowitz Supreme Court case. The industry obtained immunity by arguing to the president and Congress that vaccines are unavoidably unsafe.

Vaccine manufacturers are uniquely protected from design defect claims, unlike manufacturers of other products like planes, cars, and drugs. This immunity was granted in 1986 through the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act due to the harm and liability caused by the original three routine childhood vaccines (MMR, OPV, and DTP). Instead of requiring manufacturers to create safer products, Congress granted them immunity. This immunity applies to all subsequent routine childhood vaccines. The number of CDC-recommended injections has increased from three in 1986 to 29 today. Pharmaceutical companies developing these vaccines know they won't be liable for injuries. Unlike typical drug trials, vaccine trials often lack placebo controls, have short safety review periods (days, weeks, or up to six months), and are underpowered. These trials cannot confirm the safest product.

The pharmaceutical industry is seen as untrustworthy, being compared to a criminal cartel due to the large penalties they have paid for their other products. Vaccines, however, are exempt from liability, meaning companies cannot be sued no matter how negligent or reckless they are. This lack of accountability may lead to a lack of caution in product development.

The speaker asserts that the 1986 National Child Vaccine Injury Act led to an explosion of creativity in vaccine development due to the immunity from legal consequences it provided to vaccine companies. Before 1986, the 1976 swine flu vaccine fiasco, which resulted in numerous lawsuits and the government indemnifying vaccine companies, set a precedent. The 1986 act, passed due to lawsuits related to the diphtheria pertussis tetanus vaccine, shifted lawsuit coverage to taxes. Over time, the qualifications for compensation narrowed, enriching vaccine companies and allowing them to add adjuvants to stimulate the immune system. This indemnification paved the way for mRNA vaccines. Vaccine trials are now considered a joke, with accepted vaccinated-unvaccinated studies using other vaccines as placebos. Saline placebos are avoided because existing studies allegedly reveal the vaccines' ineffectiveness and increased susceptibility to disease.

I asked if they could provide a single prelicensing placebo-controlled safety trial for any of the 72 vaccines required for American children. After searching, they claimed the documents were in Bethesda, but I never received them. We then sued the HHS under the Freedom of Information Act. After a year, they acknowledged they could not locate any prelicensing safety trials for the mandated vaccines. These vaccines come with zero liability. I am not anti-vaccine; I believe in honesty and good science. I've spent 30 years advocating to remove mercury from fish, and no one ever labeled me as anti-fish.

Vaccines have never undergone true placebo controlled trials, unlike other medical products. The DTP vaccine was pulled due to numerous lawsuits against drug companies, including Pfizer. In 1986, Pfizer asked the Reagan administration for immunity from liability, as they were losing more money in downstream liability than they were making in profits. Reagan suggested making vaccines safer, but Pfizer claimed they were unavoidably unsafe, a phrase now in the statute and upheld by the Supreme Court. The industry convinced the president and congress that vaccines are unavoidably unsafe, despite claims of their safety and effectiveness.

A law called Vika was passed in 1986, making it illegal to sue vaccine companies, regardless of recklessness or negligence. As a result, the number of mandated vaccines has increased from 3 to 79, none of which have been safety tested. The speaker claims that vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, a claim that Anthony Fauci publicly denied. When President Trump appointed the speaker to run a vaccine safety commission, the speaker asked Fauci to provide safety studies on vaccines. Fauci claimed he left them in his office and never sent them. Subsequently, the speaker and Aaron Siri sued Fauci. After a year of stonewalling, HHS provided a letter stating that there has never been a pre-licensing safety study of any vaccine on the childhood schedule.

The National Child Vaccine Injury Act in 1986 followed the 1976 swine flu vaccine situation, where vaccine companies sought government indemnification due to numerous injury lawsuits. The 1986 act shifted lawsuit coverage to taxes, initially promising compensation for those who "take one for the team." Over time, eligibility for compensation narrowed. This indemnification led to increased wealth and creativity for vaccine companies, allowing the addition of adjuvants to stimulate the immune system, which made messenger RNA vaccines possible. Vaccine trials are now considered a joke, with no accepted vaccinated vs. unvaccinated studies using a saline placebo. Existing studies often compare vaccines against other vaccines. Saline placebo studies allegedly reveal that vaccines can make individuals more susceptible to the disease.

For years, I claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children underwent safety testing in placebo-controlled trials. Despite Tony Fauci's denials, I challenged him to provide evidence. He admitted he didn't have it on hand and promised to send it, but I never received it. After suing him, his lawyers confirmed there was no such study. The lack of liability and safety testing allows pharmaceutical companies to profit significantly, as the government mandates vaccines for millions of children. This has led to a surge in unnecessary vaccines, contributing to a dramatic rise in chronic diseases among American children since 1989, including conditions like autism, which has increased from 1 in 10,000 to 1 in 34.

Vaccine manufacturers are uniquely protected from design defect claims, unlike manufacturers of other products like planes, cars, and drugs. This immunity was granted in 1986 through the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act because manufacturers of the three routine childhood vaccines (MMR, Polio, and DTP) faced excessive liability and potential bankruptcy due to harm caused by their products. Instead of requiring safer products, Congress granted immunity, allowing manufacturers to continue selling vaccines regardless of potential harm. This immunity extended to all future routine childhood vaccines. Consequently, the CDC schedule has expanded from 3 injections in the first year of life in 1986 to 29 today. Pharmaceutical companies developing these vaccines know they won't be liable for injuries. Unlike typical drug trials, vaccine trials often lack placebo controls (except for the COVID-19 vaccine), have short safety review periods (days, weeks, or up to six months), and are underpowered, making it difficult to confirm product safety.