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I was at CPAC with Ben and Ted Cruz recently, and someone asked if the DOJ might release Jeffrey Epstein's client list, which is something Donald Trump has discussed. I can confirm that the review of the Epstein client list is ongoing. It's actually sitting on my desk right now as I speak. This was directed by President Trump. I'm also reviewing JFK and MLK files, as directed by the president. All of these agencies are currently working through the review process. Have I seen anything juicy yet? Not yet, but we'll see.

The speaker states they are in litigation with 18 states across 19 different lawsuits over these states’ alleged refusal to comply. They say objections raised include privacy, noting they are requesting information such as the last four digits of individuals’ Social Security numbers and whether someone is in the country legally or a citizen, which they describe as a matter of federal records. The speaker asserts that the concept of this being a privacy issue is “total nonsense,” and argues that those states have no right to be on the voter rolls. They express an expectation to win these cases, even if it takes going to the Supreme Court. The speaker indicates they started this effort earlier in the year to give states a chance and mentions targeting jurisdictions like Fulton County, Georgia, which still has custody of some ballots from the 2020 election that they would like to examine, along with a couple of other jurisdictions. They say they reached a settlement with North Carolina, which is cleaning up its voter rolls with 100,000 records that were incorrect and needed updating. They mention they waited on behalf of Wyoming’s voter ID law and helped them win a case in court against liberal efforts to push it back. The speaker outlines an overall expectation for 2026: cleaner voter rolls, with many election officials, as noted by John, doing their job after receiving these letters. They anticipate hundreds of thousands of people in some states being removed from the voter rolls correctly. The speaker notes a past hesitation to act, suggesting it was because the DOJ and some left-wing organizations would sue when states attempted to do their job, framing it as “damned if you do, damned if you don’t.” They conclude that for the remainder of this administration, they will be supporting states in cleaning their voter rolls as required by federal law and emphasize that they are just getting started.

The speaker states that dozens of people have already left, with the civil division down 30% as of a week ago, and likely more now. While some may see opportunity amidst the departures, there is peril because there will be an accounting for lawyers who violated their ethical obligations and rules of professional responsibility. Many things Trump's attorneys are promising would violate those responsibilities. Many arguments being made in court, seemingly directed by the administration, are close to violating ethical lines because they don't appear fact-based. The speaker uses the example of being told to say Elon Musk has no authority. Judges are recognizing these arguments as shams. The speaker expresses being torn, having spent decades at the department.

The former FBI director found a hidden room in the Hoover Building containing documents and computer hard drives that James Comey and others concealed. The room was locked, and access was restricted to prevent discovery. The speaker's team is currently investigating the contents of the room. The speaker says people want them to make arrests, but the speaker wants to run a methodical investigation.

The speaker asks for updates on the Epstein files, noting the DOJ released phase one and that the remaining files are with the New York field office. The speaker also inquires about a timeline for the release of the files and potential arrests of individuals on the client list. The response assures that the Attorney General and her team at the DOJ are working diligently on the matter. While a specific timeline isn't available, the Attorney General is described as someone who gets things done and keeps her promises. The responder offered to follow up with the DOJ for a specific timeline.

Our investigation at the FBI is ongoing. There are scores of people in this Discord chat room, but we have to effectuate legal process. We have to go out there with search warrants so that if prosecutors want to later use this evidence, it's not tainted by being illegally obtained. We, the FBI, are running the investigation pointly on the Discord chat group. There are scores of individuals that are going to be spoken to. There are also a lots of family members and friends that have already been spoken to. This is critical information that the FBI processed and got to prosecutors so they can lawfully use it in a court of law. And our our investigation, our interviews continue, but we've learned some shocking things when we spoke to his family and friends as well.

Breaking news from the Southern District of Florida (SD-FL): two junior assistant US attorneys have resigned after being asked to participate in a broad investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election. A source familiar with internal concerns tells MSNBC that US Attorney Jason Redding Quinones called a division-wide meeting this afternoon to address the resignations and the investigation. The reporting notes that at least 30 subpoenas were sent out late Friday by SD-FL to individuals including former CIA chief John Brennan and former FBI officials Peter Strzok and Lisa Page. In addition to the resignations, it is reported that one of the junior ASAs who resigned felt unable to participate because doing so would violate their ethical responsibilities. The resignations are notable because it would be unusual for junior ASAs to be pulled into such a major investigation. Significantly, the subpoenas were signed by SD-FL’s number three, the executive assistant US attorney, rather than by a career prosecutor in leadership. This is presented as abnormal, with a comparison made to past instances where leadership signatures were absent from such actions, such as Lindsay Halligan signing indictments in the Northern District of Virginia due to a lack of available career prosecutors. The developments prompted SD-FL US Attorney Quinones to convene a unit-wide meeting of two to three dozen prosecutors in the major crimes division. The scope of the ongoing investigation remains unclear, but it is connected to the broader claim—involving Trump administration officials—that former Obama and Biden administration officials undertook to undermine the candidacies and presidencies of Donald Trump. The report also notes that President Trump has explicitly called for the jailing of Barack Obama and referenced other individuals in relation to the investigation. Subpoenas have been issued, and at least two SD-FL assistant US attorneys have resigned so far. In summary, two junior ASAs resigned after being asked to participate in a high-profile investigation tied to claims of Russian interference in 2016, with subpoenas issued to notable former officials, and the sign-off on those subpoenas coming from the office’s number-three official, prompting an internal meeting at SD-FL.

Congressman Thomas Massie discusses the Epstein Files Transparency Act and what to expect from the December 19, public release of materials. Key framework and deadlines - The Epstein Files Transparency Act was signed on November 19. Materials are due in a publicly searchable format by December 19. - The act is a law, not a subpoena, and has no expiration date. It directs the attorney general to produce three sets of files from three locations: the Department of Justice (DOJ), the FBI, and US Attorneys, including grand jury material from investigations and trials. How to know if all materials have been released - Longtime case reporters and victim’s attorneys indicate there are at least 20 names of men accused of sex crimes in FBI files, specifically in the FD-302 forms that memorialize witness testimony. - If the December 19 production contains no names of any male accused of sex crimes or sex trafficking, that would indicate documents have not been fully released. Legal novelty and enforcement - Unlike prior Congress subpoenas that can be delayed or run out the clock, the act imposes a binding legal obligation with no congressional expiration. - If the attorney general is noncompliant, the next attorney general could be obligated to release the files the moment they hold the seat, and there are penalties described in the act (not detailed here). - The act ensures that even if a new administration changes hands (e.g., post-Trump), compliance is enforceable. Impact on grand jury material and redactions - The act prompted movement in grand jury material rulings: after passage, three federal judges (SD Florida, SDNY) ordered that grand jury material be produced to the DOJ, with redactions to protect victims’ identities as required by the act. - Judges indicated they would redact identifying information of victims, aligning with the act’s protections. Contemporary statements and implications - Pam Bondi had claimed substantial material on her desk and later said there was no material besides child sexual abuse material; Massie notes that other material exists and Bondi will need to produce it, potentially requiring her to address prior statements. - Cash Patel testified before the Senate that there is no evidence implicating anyone other than Epstein; Massie questions him in a House Judiciary hearing about three-zero-two forms, suggesting they may contain corroborating evidence implicating others. - If other men are implicated, the evidence would come from victim statements and corroborating witnesses in FBI files, including 302 forms. Upcoming and media appearances - Congress adjourns a day early, so the document release may be observed on Saturday. Massie and Rep. Ro Khanna plan to discuss findings on Face the Nation on Sunday. Ongoing investigations - Bondi announced new federal investigations near the time the bill passed. A bicameral, bipartisan letter seeks a sit-down to discuss what new material justified these investigations. - The act requires that any claims of ongoing investigations affecting release be limited to material that would impact that specific investigation, with temporary redactions as allowed by the law. Massie concludes by promising updates on Friday’s release and compliance with the act, and thanks the audience.

This Friday is significant as it marks the day grand jury indictments may be announced. It’s preferable to avoid the Ides of March next week for such announcements. There are expectations for more indictments, particularly concerning criminal conspiracy involving U.S. persons and Russians. The investigation was ongoing during my tenure, focusing on potential collaboration between U.S. individuals and Russian entities. I anticipated that some individuals would face issues with the Department of Justice, and several have already been indicted or pled guilty. If any Trump family members are to be indicted, it would likely occur at the conclusion of Mueller's investigation, as such actions could jeopardize the special counsel's office's future.

The conversation centers on a so-called “rear guard” and how it operates inside the U.S. government, as described by the speakers. - Speaker 0 asks about the identity and role of the “rear god/rear guard.” - Speaker 1 defines the rear guard as a group ideologically driven to a particular point of view not shared by the current administration, and asserts that it is organized. - The mechanism of influence is explained: in a large, geographically dispersed organization, if one doesn’t have a loyal team, the team can undermine leadership. The claim is that even with good intentions, without a loyal crew, the organization won’t respond to the boss, leading to actions that bypass or undermine higher authority. - The discussion claims a current case where the president signs a presidential policy directive stating that corruption will not be tolerated, and the attorney general issues a memorandum declaring alignment with the boss to fix corruption inside the department. The attorney general allegedly helps set up a weaponization working group, and an assistant U.S. attorney asserts representation of The United States of America while saying they do not want an investigation into corruption involving the DOJ. The speakers label this as illegal and a violation of jurisprudence and canons for a government attorney. - The question is asked: who directed the assistant attorney general to act this way? Speaker 1 suggests that, as an investigator, one would subpoena the assistant to determine who directed them and who told them to do what, implying chain-of-command exposure—but cannot provide the name in this moment. - They insist that the actions are not random but come from the rear guard. The whistleblower disclosure is mentioned: before Pam Bondi’s appointment, a disclosure claimed that all assistant U.S. attorneys who had worked for Jack Smith should be investigated, but nothing was done to hold anyone accountable, and those involved were let go. The disclosure’s author is not named in the moment, but Speaker 1 says they will provide it. - The rear guard is further described as an organized group; the organization named is the Council of the Inspectors General on Integrity and Efficiency (SIGI). The discussion covers SIGI’s creation in 2008, in conjunction with legislation and Senator Grassley, as a bipartisan effort to establish an independent entity inside the executive branch to oversee, train, educate, and provide counsel for all inspectors general. - The speakers explain that SIGI operates within the executive branch but is independent; the implied tension is whether an entity can be independent while being “inside” the executive branch, challenging the unitary executive view that the president controls the entire executive branch. - They discuss the concept of the administrative state: unelected officials who operate with their own power, suggesting a two-tiered system in America between “them and us.” They note that this view affects multiple agencies, including the Department of Justice and the EPA. - The president’s belief in leading the country by the majority is noted, along with the tension between the executive branch and the administrative state, which allegedly believes it serves its own interests rather than those of elected leaders. The dialogue hints at a broader narrative where the president is not always perceived as fully in charge, and a cultural portrayal—via media—that suggests the president is not the sole driver of policy.

The conversation centers on the Epstein file controversy, the DOJ's handling of it, and what the speakers see as systemic failures and political risk for Donald Trump and allied figures. - The Epstein/file issue is framed as predictable and frustrating. Alex Jones notes a “slow drip of nothing” and calls the initial promise of full file disclosure a pattern of “promise something, deliver nothing.” Pam Bondi’s statement that “the files were on my desk” is discussed as an apparent misstep or staged moment, but the core point is that large amounts of material are not being released despite public promises. - The discourse questions where the files actually reside and who controls access. The claim that a “truckload of files” existed and was hidden at DOJ is rejected as a mischaracterization; the speakers emphasize that the FBI and DOJ have files, but access and disclosure have been hampered by internal political dynamics. They highlight the tension between the Southern District of New York and the DOJ, noting that SDNY answers to the DOJ and the Attorney General, thereby questioning the premise that one regional office is independently sabotaging access. - There is a persistent critique of DOJ leadership and governance. The argument is that DOJ has not been “rooted out of corruption,” with mid-level and high-level managers and appointees still in place, propagating practices that the speakers deem contrary to transparency and accountability. They point to supposed failures by individuals such as Cash Patel and Pam Bondi in relying on FBI briefings rather than verifiable records, suggesting that power in intelligence agencies is still too dependent on information control. - The Epstein files are treated as emblematic of a broader issue: a two-tier or selective justice system. The speakers argue that there’s a pattern whereby powerful individuals have access to information and protection, while the public lacks full visibility. They mention that Trump’s response and the way the files have been handled have become a larger “Russiagate-like” narrative, with Epstein serving as a lightning rod for accusations of corruption and cover-up. - The political dynamic is central. Several participants emphasize that Trump’s stance and the responses of his allies are under intense scrutiny. They discuss the risk that Trump’s association with the Epstein disclosures could become a political liability if the files aren’t released. Marjorie Taylor Greene and Tom Massey are mentioned as consistent voices pushing for full disclosure, while Roger Stone’s warnings about CIA and foreign involvement in the Epstein nexus are cited as supporting the view that a larger, international financial/transnational network may be implicated. - There is criticism of how the media and political opponents handle the issue. The speakers claim Democrats are using hearings to turn the Epstein matter into a broader political weapon and to portray Trump as obstructive or complicit, regardless of the factual state of file disclosure. They argue that the public is being led by a PR war, with “photoshopped” or redacted material used to frame narratives rather than to reveal truth. - The discussion turns toward accountability and remedies. The speakers insist that federal law requires the release of the Epstein files by a deadline, and that failing to comply constitutes a constitutional or institutional crisis. They argue that Congress lacks direct enforcement power and must consider funding or other leverage to compel compliance, noting the apparent reluctance of Congress to act decisively. - There are predictions about personnel changes and institutional reform. Dan Bongino is discussed as likely to depart from his DOJ-related role, with Todd Blanche as the lead prosecutor taking heat for not meeting deadlines. Andrew Bailey is floated as a potential replacement. The broader implication is that there will be a shake-up in DOJ and possibly FBI leadership in the near term, though the speakers acknowledge uncertainty about how far reforms will go or whether entrenched interests will impede real change. - The Epstein matter is used to illustrate how compromises and cover-ups operate across power structures. The speakers argue that the problem isn’t just the existence of the files but how the system treats those files—how access is controlled, how redactions are justified, and how political narratives are constructed around high-profile investigations. Harmony Dillon and Liz Harrington are cited as voices who underscore the need for mid-level reform and more transparency, suggesting that the deepest issues lie in organizational culture and incentives rather than in isolated acts by a few individuals. - A broader reflection on American governance finishes the discussion. The speakers warn that a failure to release the Epstein files or to purge corrupt practices could deepen distrust in federal institutions and threaten the legitimacy of the government. They suggest that if reform stalls, the country might devolve into a state-by-state dynamic or other less cohesive arrangements, as confidence in a functioning central government erodes. In summary, the transcript frames the Epstein file disclosures as a litmus test for DOJ integrity and political accountability. It portrays a pattern of delayed or selective disclosure, questions about who controls information within the FBI/DOJ, and a risk that political calculations are interfering with lawful obligations. It also foresees significant leadership changes and intensified scrutiny of the department in the near future, with Epstein serving as a focal point for broader critiques of how power and information are managed in the United States.

Has anything changed? Should Merrick Garland be fired due to alleged corruption at the DOJ? I don’t believe there’s current corruption, but I worry about future corruption. Some think this is a politicized witch hunt, yet the attorney general should be held accountable. The charges against Hunter Biden seem exaggerated because of his name. But if you were the attorney general, wouldn’t you consider the implications? Let’s consult our legal expert for more insight.

Some Democratic members of Congress are preparing for the possibility of litigation. They're considering if they have the best teams possible to carry out their work. Some Republicans may say that Democrats are weaponizing the Justice Department, citing Trump's trial as an example. But in the United States, we are judged by a jury of our peers. Trump was found guilty in court on 34 felony charges. It's hard to make a partisan argument against that.

Documents will be released shortly, following last week's release. The speaker is encouraged by intelligence community whistleblowers coming forward, who were disgusted by past events and hope the truth will come out. The most important thing is accountability for the American people. All current and future documents have been sent to the Department of Justice to ensure the integrity of the democratic republic. The goal is to ensure Americans have faith that their votes will be respected by those leaving power.

Work for the department of justice. Been there, like, twenty three years. I'm an analyst. I'll be acting deputy chief of our office for a few months starting next week. I work closely with all the federal law enforcement agencies and the US attorney's offices As a gospel. The prosecutors and stuff. The thing is it's what you're saying because I do deal with so many of the agencies, like the Bureau of Brisons, the Marshal Service, the FBI, US attorney's offices. It's like

- You've referred three people now to DOJ for criminal prosecution. - Do you think they will be prosecuted? That's the goal. That's the goal. - The only way we think about accountability is by doing the work of of conducting these prosecute these Do the people know they've been referred? - Like, they do they still work some here? Cases, they know. - In other cases, they are likely not aware. - We have another 11 cases that we are still conducting our own internal investigations around. - Some will be sent to the Department of Justice for further investigation and prosecution for criminal charges because it is a crime. It's a federal crime. - And others, depending on the situation, be dealt with internally where people will be fired and have their security clearance revoked.

The Justice Department has prosecuted over 1400 individuals for interfering with the peaceful transfer of power. These prosecutions demonstrate how seriously the department takes efforts to interfere with the peaceful transfer of power, whether regarding the last January 6th, the coming January 6th, or any January 6th in the future. The Justice Department aims to make clear to anyone contemplating interference that they can see the consequences based on the January 6th prosecutions. The Justice Department will continue to protect democracy.

The Justice Department is vital to democracy, ensuring investigations are fair and free from political influence. Protecting sensitive investigations is crucial. Despite attacks, we remain committed to following the law. The pace of justice system trials is out of our control. Thank you, everyone.

After a 4-year investigation, the justice department released a 300-page report on the FBI's failures. Members of Congress will bring in John Durham to review the findings. The investigation confirms what we already knew from a previous inspector general report: the FBI did not uphold their duty to follow the law in certain events and activities related to the crossfire hurricane and intelligence operations.

The speaker states that dozens of people have already left, with the civil division down 30% as of a week ago, and likely more now. While some may see opportunity amidst the departures, there's peril because there will be an accounting for lawyers who violated their ethical obligations and rules of professional responsibility. Many things Trump's attorneys are promising would violate those responsibilities. Many arguments being made in court, seemingly directed by the administration, are close to violating ethical lines because they don't appear fact-based. The speaker uses the example of being told to say Elon Musk has no authority. Judges are recognizing these arguments as shams. The speaker expresses being torn, having spent decades at the department.

The Department of Justice directed multiple steps to be slow walked, which was a new experience for the speaker.

I've been working to obtain all documents related to the Epstein case since entering office. We've released 120 pages, carefully redacting them to protect the victims. We recently learned that the Southern District of New York is holding thousands more documents. We will obtain these documents and make them public after redacting grand jury information and confidential witnesses. The American people have a right to know. We're also reviewing whether Jack Smith's team complied with the Presidential Records Act and the Espionage Act, and we're looking into whether they stored all materials for us to review. We're also determining if they removed or destroyed any materials.

This situation with the DOJ is unprecedented. My husband was a federal prosecutor for 30 years, and this level of interference is not how our justice system is supposed to work. The allegations are serious, but I can't have a knee-jerk, politically motivated reaction. I need to do what's smart and right. I'm consulting with other leaders in government to determine my responsibility. When the allegations came out in September, I interceded to help stabilize the city. I don't want this situation to derail our progress. As governor, I represent the city and must protect my constituents. I need time to process this and figure out the right approach. Of course I am consulting with advisors on this matter.

I was briefed yesterday regarding the Jeffrey Epstein documents. I can't discuss the details publicly, but President Trump has given a very strong directive that will be followed. There are a lot of documents. People can expect actual movement on this; these aren't empty promises. Donald Trump doesn't make empty promises. Promises made, promises kept. We're all working to carry out his directive about making America safe and prosperous.

John Nance and Hogan DeGidley discuss a recent FBI case and press conference. Patel’s FBI has been extremely transparent, and that transparency will continue to reassure the American people that information regarding this subject will flow as appropriate without jeopardizing the prosecution of the case. A key takeaway is the suggestion that forensic evidence could be the linchpin to identifying the suspect, despite millions of data lines to review; pieces such as DNA or a fingerprint related to the pipe bombs themselves may have been the actual “smoking gun.” There is emphasis on teamwork and the idea that information had been left to collect dust rather than being newly uncovered. AG Merrick Garland’s remarks are cited, highlighting that the evidence leading to the arrest had been sitting at the FBI for years. The FBI, along with US Attorney Piro and prosecutors, worked tirelessly for months sifting through evidence that had been at the FBI with the Biden administration for four years. The point is made that there was no new tip or new witness, just diligent police work and prosecutorial effort. Hogan DeGidley asks why the case wasn’t cracked during President Biden’s four years in office. The response suggests that it either couldn’t be done or wouldn’t be done, and that the American people suffered as a result. It is stated that this did not come from new evidence but from information already in the bureau and departments being sifted through. The discussion frames the case as a win for the administration, the FBI, and the DOJ, and a step toward transparency, accountability, and justice. They note that the attackers placed pipe bombs at both the RNC and DNC locations; the motives remain unknown, and questions about a possible Antifa link or other theories are mentioned as preliminary. Cash Patel is quoted as saying the FBI has committed to being the most transparent law enforcement operation in U.S. history while ensuring accountability in the courts with U.S. Attorneys and prosecutors. The aim is to divulge information when prudent and constitutionally permissible, safeguarding the case, to secure the nation’s capital and allow Americans to live in safe, secure neighborhoods. This is attributed to leadership from the FBI Washington Field Office. John Nance comments that Patel is doing a very good job and that the director’s social-media transparency is notable. He expresses encouragement about the FBI’s reform efforts and notes that the White House press narrative around January 6 is seen as misaligned with the pipe-bomb case. The arrest took place in Woodbridge, Virginia, a wealthy DMV suburb, prompting remarks about why the dots weren’t connected sooner.