reSee.it - Related Video Feed

Speaker 1 claims that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They assert that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 states this is not just their opinion, but can be verified by anyone who examines the FDA website, specifically the package inserts and underlying clinical trial documents.

If we're gonna make America healthy again, we can't allow public health to be undermined. So could you explain what steps you're gonna be taking to ensure vaccine guidance is clear, evidence based, and trustworthy? We're going to make it clear evidence based and trustworthy for the first time in history. Only one of those 19 vaccines, 92 doses, only one of those vaccines has ever been tested against an inert placebo. And what we're doing now is any new vaccine that before it's approved and licensed will have to show demonstrate safety against inert placebo. And we're going to go back and do observational studies on the existing vaccines to see if they're linked to any of these chronic disease epidemics so that people can understand the risk profile of those products and make good assessments for their own health.

Congress investigated ACIP over two decades ago, finding conflicts of interest. In 2002/2003, four of five people who added the rotavirus vaccine had direct financial interest; one voted the rotavirus vaccine onto the schedule and sold his rotavirus vaccine for $186 million. Congress found that 97% of ACIP members had undisclosed conflicts. According to the speaker, a critical issue is adding new vaccines without pre-licensing safety studies. In 1986, there were 11 vaccines on the schedule; now, children must take 69 to 92 vaccines to stay in school in some states, none of which have been safety tested in pre-licensing placebo-controlled trials. The speaker states that the people in charge are now gone, and new, credentialed scientists and physicians will be brought onto the ACIP panel to do evidence-based medicine and make objective public health determinations based on science.

Changes to ACIP are occurring after over two decades of congressional investigation. In 2002/2003, a government oversight committee found conflicts of interest, citing that four out of five people who added the rotavirus vaccine to the schedule had direct financial interest in it. One individual voted the rotavirus vaccine onto the schedule and then sold his rotavirus vaccine in development for $186 million. That year, Congress stated that 97% of ACIP members had undisclosed conflicts. The speaker claims that adding new products to the schedule without pre-licensing safety studies is malpractice. In 1986, there were 11 vaccines on the schedule, but now children must take between 69 and 92 vaccines to stay in school in some states, and none have been safety tested in prelicensing placebo-controlled trials. The speaker states that the people in charge are now gone, and new credentialed scientists and physicians will be brought onto the ACIP panel to do evidence-based medicine and follow the science.

Speaker 1 claims that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They assert that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 states this is not just their opinion, but can be verified by anyone who examines the FDA website, specifically the package inserts and underlying clinical trial documents.

The discussion centers on the credibility of vaccine safety claims made by various health organizations and the FDA. One speaker argues that vaccines undergo rigorous testing, while the other contends that no vaccine has ever completed a long-term placebo-controlled trial before being licensed. They express distrust in the FDA, citing past issues with drugs like Vioxx and opioids, suggesting that the FDA misled doctors and the public about their safety. The speaker believes that pharmaceutical companies influence these agencies, leading to misinformation about vaccine safety. The goal is to address and rectify this perceived corruption.

Paul Offit said that I'm going to do everything I can to make vaccines less available and affordable, which will hurt the vaccine infrastructure in this country. I'm supposedly joining hands with Donald Trump to march into measles land. But I'm not going to take away anyone's vaccines. People should be able to get them if they want. I want to give people good science. We don't have good safety studies on almost any of the 72 vaccines mandated for children. HHS admitted there are no pre-licensing safety studies for any of them, except the COVID vaccine. We need to know the risk profiles of these products. We also don't have good data on adverse effects from the COVID vaccine, which is a crime. The CDC's surveillance system captures less than one percent of vaccine injuries. Congress and the National Academy of Sciences have repeatedly ordered the CDC to put together a better vaccine. We will do that right away.

The speaker claims that no double-blind, placebo-controlled safety trials have been conducted on any childhood vaccines currently on the market. The speaker states that they have searched for such trials and been unable to find any. According to the speaker, Anthony Fauci and Francis Collins allegedly admitted that placebo-controlled safety trials are not performed on childhood vaccines because it would be unethical to test products administered to children. The speaker challenges news agencies to provide evidence of a double-blind, placebo-controlled trial done prior to licensure for any childhood vaccine, asserting that it doesn't exist.

None of the 72 vaccines for children have been tested against a placebo. The speaker sued HHS in 2016 to find placebo studies for vaccines, but none were found. The safety testing for the polio vaccine was only 48 hours, while the hepatitis b vaccines were tested for 4-5 days. This means that any adverse events occurring after that time period were not considered. Without placebo testing, the risk profile of current vaccines is unknown, and it cannot be determined if vaccines cause more harm than good. The speaker questions the ethics of mandating medical products with unknown risks for children.

Senator Ron Johnson introduces Aaron Siri at the Kennedy Center, praising Siri as a highly consequential attorney and highlighting Siri’s work since the COVID era. Johnson recounts how his own oversight role in Congress evolved to rely on the adversarial legal process to extract information from a large government, noting that enforcement power rests in the courts. He frames Siri as someone who, through litigation and testimony, has exposed what he views as flaws in vaccine science, regulation, and safety oversight. Johnson describes Siri’s rise to prominence during the COVID period, beginning with public hearings on vaccine injuries in Milwaukee (June 2021) and Washington, DC (November 2021). He notes that Siri represented Dr. Patricia Lee, a physician who publicly discussed vaccine injection injuries and medical treatment obstacles, illustrating how federal health agencies and the CDC/FDA were perceived to respond to reports of injury. Siri’s testimony is credited with exposing calls to his practice from vaccine-injured doctors seeking treatment and the CDC/FDA officials’ defense of VAERS. Johnson highlights Siri’s 2022 and 2025 hearings, including the release of the VAERS data via the v-safe system, which Siri reportedly showed indicated higher rates of medical care sought and activity impairment among the vaccinated. Siri’s deposition of Stanley Plotkin and other experts is cited as foundational to his arguments about safety science, conflicts of interest, and the integrity of the vaccine schedule. Johnson points to the Institute of Medicine’s (IOM) conclusions as being insufficient to prove vaccine safety for the entire childhood schedule, and to Siri’s presentation of the Henry Ford study (vaccinated vs. unvaccinated children) showing higher rates of chronic illness among the vaccinated. A central claim Johnson attributes to Siri is that vaccines have immunity from liability, due to the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986 (NCVIA). Siri’s summary is that vaccines are the only product in America with blanket liability protection for manufacturers and administrators, preempting design-defect claims via the Supreme Court interpretation that “the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act preempts all design defect claims.” Siri argues this immunity removes the market incentive to develop safer vaccines and leaves safety oversight to federal health authorities (HHS agencies: NIH, CDC, FDA) rather than to private manufacturers. Siri’s account of the 1986 act is that it created a mandate for safer childhood vaccines, with three provisions: (1) the general rule placing the secretary of HHS in charge of vaccine safety; (2) a task force of NIH, CDC, and FDA to make safety recommendations to the secretary; and (3) a biannual report to Congress on actions to improve vaccine safety. Siri contends that the biannual reports have never been submitted, and the task force produced only one report (in 1998) before disbanding, with Secretary Kennedy recently reinstating the task force. Siri’s firm ICANN has filed FOIA requests and submitted recommendations to HHS about how to improve vaccine safety, asserting that the current safety framework is not adequate. Siri then surveys the landscape across federal agencies. He asserts that the absence of liability incentives undermines safety, citing industry-pricing and trial designs, and he presents specific examples of licensure trials for routine vaccines that he claims were inadequate by design. Examples include: - Hepatitis B vaccines (Recombivax HB and Engerix B): five days of safety monitoring in trials with 147 participants, according to package inserts and FDA reports he obtained; he notes a lack of long-term safety data and questions the adequacy of control groups. - Prevnar 7 and Prevnar 13 (pneumococcal vaccines): uses Prevnar 7 as a control for Prevnar 13; safety data show notable serious adverse events but are deemed acceptable for licensure; subsequent trials used Prevnar 13 as control for Prevnar 15 with continued concerns about safety signals. - DTaP vs DTP: claims DTP served as control and that DTP itself was not licensed on placebo-controlled trials; cites a Guinea-Bissau study showing higher mortality with DTP vaccination and other studies suggesting increased overall mortality with DTP. - Dengue vaccine: notes long-term, placebo-controlled data showing increased severe harm and death in certain age groups; argues that non-placebo, ethically problematic trial designs can mask safety issues. Siri asserts a categorical claim based on FDA licensure documents: not a single routine neonatal vaccine on the CDC schedule has been licensed based on a placebo-controlled trial; when another vaccine served as control, that control was never a placebo. He presents this as evidence that safety assessments were compromised, especially for early-life vaccines administered in the first six months. Regarding autism, Siri frames it as a litmus test for vaccine safety studies. He recounts IOM findings that were inconclusive about DTaP (and related vaccines) causing autism, citing the lack of sufficient studies and the absence of unvaccinated comparison groups in many analyses. He describes ICANN’s FOIA drive to obtain CDC studies showing vaccines do not cause autism, asserting that most of the CDC’s own 20-study list did not address the vaccines in question. In deposition clips, Siri indicates that the IOM and CDC have not produced adequate evidence to rule out a causal link for several injuries, and that the only mainstream “no autism” position has come under legal scrutiny when the agencies faced court-ordered settlements and deposition testimony. Siri concludes with reform recommendations across agencies: - FDA: remove conflicted personnel from vaccine safety reviews, require clear licensure standards, mandate proper controls and longer safety monitoring, require practitioner notification of trial details, and post pre-registered study protocols; regain transparency of de-identified health data. - CDC/HRSA: align vaccine injury compensation with statutory requirements; expand the VICP to cover more injuries; ensure the CICP is reformed and funded to reflect safety concerns; reduce conflicts of interest; promote alternative, non-pharmaceutical approaches for root causes of chronic illness. - NIH: limit pharma involvement in vaccine development, focus taxpayer-funded research on root causes and replication, and avoid patent-related partnerships that create conflicts. - CMS/HHS-wide: require automated VAERS reporting and public access to de-identified health data; ensure religious exemptions are preserved; depoliticize vaccines and end mandates as political tools; end chronic disease by addressing vaccines as a contributing factor to immune dysregulation. Siri closes by insisting that mandating vaccines is a political act that undermines informed consent, arguing that safety should be decoupled from politics and that safety and efficacy claims should be grounded in rigorous, transparent science. He emphasizes that informed consent, not mandates, should govern medical decisions.

The speaker claims that no childhood vaccine has ever undergone a safety trial using a double-blind, placebo-based study. They assert that this type of study, involving a saline injection as a placebo, is the only way to determine the safety of a pharmaceutical product. Furthermore, the speaker states that there has never been a study comparing the health outcomes of children who receive the full schedule of 72 (or potentially up to 90) vaccines to those who receive none. Because of the lack of safety studies and comparative data, the speaker chooses not to inject themselves or their children with vaccines. They want evidence that vaccines are safe and make people healthier.

Everything regarding vaccine policy will change due to better information. No vaccines given in the first six months of life have been tested, except for the DTP vaccine. According to the Institute of Medicine, the one study done on DTP found a link, but it was thrown out because it was based on the CDC's surveillance system, which they deemed no good. The speaker questions why the CDC lacks a functional surveillance system, especially since vaccines are exempt from prelicensing safety testing. The CDC's system captures fewer than one percent of vaccine injuries, rendering it worthless. The speaker pledges to fix the system and follow the science, including publishing all data sets, replicating studies, and publishing peer reviews, which the CDC has never done. This will provide the public with real answers for the first time.

We couldn't find any prelicensing safety trials for the 72 vaccines doses that are recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group. This lack of safety trials is concerning considering the widespread use of these vaccines.

The speaker describes a committee conflict investigated by the office of inspector general and Congress, who urged change, but nothing happened. They claim medical malpractice by this group is evident in the approval of vaccines. The speaker states that in 1986 there were 11 vaccines, which increased to 69, then 92. They assert that, except for the COVID vaccine, none had a pre-licensing safety trial involving a true placebo. According to the speaker, these vaccines were introduced without safety studies, resulting in a lack of understanding regarding the risk profiles of these products. The speaker attributes this to corruption and agency capture.

Speaker 0 claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children has ever been safety tested in relicensing placebo-controlled trials. He said Fauci has been denying this for eight years and recounted a 2016 appointment by President Trump to run a vaccine safety commission, where he asked Fauci and Collins to meet with him with White House counsel. He stated that at that meeting Fauci said, “you say I’m lying,” and promised to send the study, but he never received it. He asserted that he sued Fauci and Aaron Siri, and after a year of stonewalling, government lawyers admitted on the courthouse steps that they never had any study, and provided a written acknowledgment. He pointed to a CHC website and his own website where the letter from HHS is posted. He claimed there is “no downstream liability” and “no front end safety testing,” which he said saves vaccine makers a quarter of a billion dollars. He further argued there is no marketing and advertising cost because the federal government orders 78,000,000 school kids to take that vaccine every year. He described a “gold rush” to add vaccines to the schedule, which he argued is unnecessary for most of them, and claimed many vaccines target diseases that are not even casually contagious. He contended that once a vaccine is on the recommended schedule, it becomes a billion-dollar-a-year business for the company. He asserted that NIH bears royalties in many cases. According to him, a set of vaccines expanded to 72 shots and 16 vaccines contributed to a dramatic increase in vaccine offerings. He linked this expansion to a broader push around vaccines, including the HPV vaccine. He also claimed that in 1989 there was an explosion of chronic disease in American children, including neurological diseases, ADD, ADHD, sleep disorders, language delays, ASD (autism), Tourette syndrome, tics, and narcolepsy. He stated that autism prevalence rose from one in ten thousand generations ago to one in thirty-four children today, citing CDC data. Overall, the summary repeats assertions about the lack of placebo-controlled safety testing, the admission of no study, financial and regulatory incentives to expand vaccine schedules, and a sharp rise in diagnosed neurological and developmental conditions beginning around 1989.

The speaker states that vaccine policy will change due to better information. They claim that none of the vaccines given in the first six months of life have been tested, except for the DTP vaccine, which a study linked to issues, but was dismissed due to problems with the CDC's surveillance system. The speaker asserts the CDC lacks a functional surveillance system to capture vaccine injuries, with their own study showing it captures less than 1% of injuries. They plan to fix this by implementing a functional surveillance system, using data management, and providing answers to the public. The speaker promises to follow the science, use gold standard science, publish all datasets, replicate studies, and publish peer reviews, which they claim the CDC has never done, to provide real answers.

We couldn't find a prelicensing safety trial for any of the 72 vaccines doses recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group.

The speaker states the vaccine recommendation panel has been under attack for 20 years. A 2002 congressional investigation allegedly found 97% of panel members had conflicts of interest with the pharmaceutical industry. One instance cited four out of five members working for a company when they approved its vaccine, and one voting member held a patent on that vaccine, later sold for $186 million. The speaker says the goal is to ensure the panel consists of individuals without conflicts of interest who are not profiting from their votes. The speaker claims that since the panel's inception in 1986, the vaccine schedule has expanded from 11 doses of five vaccines to 69 to 92 doses of 19 vaccines, none of which have been tested for safety. The speaker asserts this is malpractice and aims to ensure all vaccines are tested for safety so physicians and patients understand the risk profile and benefits of each vaccine.

The speaker discusses the issue of unvaccinated individuals and the lack of studies conducted by the government. They argue that giving the vaccine to everyone absolves the government of understanding its effects. However, they found studies in plain sight that compared vaccinated and unvaccinated children. Over 100 such studies are featured in the book, with very few coming from the federal government. The FDA claims it is not their job to conduct these studies, but the problem lies in the funding of studies by those who stand to profit from the products. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) should be evaluating the risks associated with vaccines, especially when given together, but they have been negligent in doing so. The speaker suggests that vaccines should undergo placebo-controlled trials like other drugs.

The speaker states they searched for years for a pre-licensing safety trial of the 72 vaccine doses effectively mandated for American children. They claim that every other medication requires a safety trial comparing health outcomes in a placebo group versus a vaccine group before FDA licensing. The speaker assumed this was also done for vaccines. They state they found out that vaccines were exempt from this requirement.

The speaker claims a committee experienced typical conflict, but a specific conflict was particularly obvious. The Office of Inspector General and Congress investigated and urged change, but nothing happened. The speaker asserts this group committed medical malpractice by approving vaccines, increasing the number from 11 in 1986 to 69 and then 92. They state that, except for the COVID vaccine, none had pre-licensing safety trials with a true placebo. According to the speaker, these vaccines were introduced without safety studies, meaning the risk profiles are unknown. The speaker attributes this to corruption and agency capture.

Speaker 1 states that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They claim that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 asserts this is not an opinion, but can be verified by anyone reviewing package inserts and clinical trial documents on the FDA website.

The speaker criticizes the CDC's recommendation of giving newborns vaccines containing aluminum, which exceeds safe levels. They mention the lack of studies on the combined effects of the 28 vaccines given to babies. There has been no official study by the CDC, FDA, or NIH comparing the cumulative effects of these vaccines to unvaccinated children.

A law called Vika was passed in 1986, making it illegal to sue vaccine companies, regardless of recklessness or negligence. As a result, the number of mandated vaccines has increased from 3 to 79, none of which have been safety tested. The speaker claims that vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, a claim that Anthony Fauci publicly denied. When President Trump appointed the speaker to run a vaccine safety commission, the speaker asked Fauci to provide safety studies on vaccines. Fauci claimed he left them in his office and never sent them. Subsequently, the speaker and Aaron Siri sued Fauci. After a year of stonewalling, HHS provided a letter stating that there has never been a pre-licensing safety study of any vaccine on the childhood schedule.

None of the vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have undergone proper testing. No childhood vaccine has completed a placebo-controlled clinical trial with sufficient duration and power to confirm its safety before being administered to millions of children in America. This is not an opinion; it can be verified by anyone visiting the FDA website, where the package inserts and clinical trial documents are available for review.