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Host: You mentioned at one point that CDC management actually prevented you from interviewing Conservative leader Pierre Pauli on your show. Can you describe what happened there? Guest: Well we I mean I basically wasn't allowed to pick the phone and and talk to conservatives. I have some g chats here which I just want to you know read you part of this. I'm talking to my senior producer I'm saying okay, you know this is an editorial discussion. Can we get a Conservative perspective on this is essentially what I'm saying. It is a no to the Conservatives I'm told. We can't chase anyone from the entire party. The chase is with P and P. So if power and politics is not able to secure a conservative, or, you know, somebody that presents an alternate perspective, then we are not allowed to. I'm told at one point we're sure that there's a myriad of other types of interesting guests that you can chase outside of the Conservatives. Can I be included on conversations with power and politics? That's not how we work. I say to management by playing petty office politics we feed into Conservative narratives that we have a bias against them. Canada tonight is a melting pot of news of the day and politics and decisions, from it largely impact Canadians. So we need flexibility to to respond to emerging stories. So yes, I wasn't even allowed to pick up the phone and call to request Pierre Pauliev. Host: Look at what happened when I had Melissa Lanceman on my show, right? That I was threatened to be pulled off the air which CBC then said in a news statement they didn't threaten to do that. There are recordings of them trying to do this. Why Guest: I mean there's an effort to essentially, protect those in Ottawa in in terms of their perspectives on these things, in terms of who they want on the show. It should be about you know, we did an interview with Karen Johnson, my cohost on the new podcast I'm doing. She's another former CBC employee that is talking about the toxic culture. She said that she alleges that she was called a brown Barbie, a bimbo, but she says that it's it's a very high school culture. And these are things that this is fine if you if you have hosts doing that it's not fine but it okay but management you are responsible for dealing with that and so if management is not going to do anything, if the President of the CBC is going to come here and expect a tongue lashing and then be able to go back to the CBC and continue to get funding without accountability, these practices will continue. So shame is clearly not enough to get the CBC to a place where they will hold themselves accountable so it's incumbent upon this committee to do that.

Rudolf Verba, an Auschwitz escapee, testified about the camp's operations. His memoir was challenged in court by Ernst Zundel's lawyer, Doug Christie, who questioned the accuracy of Verba's claims. Verba admitted to dramatizing events in his book, "I cannot forgive," calling it a work of literature. The jury heard varying death estimates for Auschwitz, with Verba estimating 2.5 million deaths. Christie accused Verba of using memory techniques to maintain consistency in his lies. The cross-examination was intense, with Christie questioning Verba's memory and motives. Verba acknowledged that his book was based on multiple eyewitness accounts. Translation: Rudolf Verba, un fugitivo de Auschwitz, testificó sobre las operaciones del campo. Su memoria fue desafiada en la corte por el abogado de Ernst Zundel, Doug Christie, quien cuestionó la precisión de las afirmaciones de Verba. Verba admitió haber dramatizado eventos en su libro "No puedo perdonar", llamándolo una obra de literatura. El jurado escuchó estimaciones de muertes variadas para Auschwitz, con Verba estimando 2.5 millones de muertes. Christie acusó a Verba de usar técnicas de memoria para mantener la consistencia en sus mentiras. El contrainterrogatorio fue intenso, con Christie cuestionando la memoria y los motivos de Verba. Verba reconoció que su libro se basaba en múltiples testimonios de testigos presenciales.

An American private detective named Stephen Rombaugh has spent two years tracking down alleged Nazi war criminals living in Canada. Many of these individuals were responsible for killing Jews during World War II. Rombaugh obtained their names from the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Jerusalem and managed to get some of them to confess to their crimes. Canada has been accused of welcoming thousands of Nazi war criminals after the war, and only now is beginning to acknowledge its complicity. The Canadian government has been criticized for not prosecuting these individuals and for allowing them to live comfortably in Canada for decades. Efforts are now being made to deport them.

An American private detective named Stephen Rombaugh has spent two years tracking down alleged Nazi war criminals living in Canada. Many of these individuals were responsible for killing Jews during World War II. Rombaugh obtained their names from the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Jerusalem and managed to get some of them to confess on tape. It is revealed that Canada welcomed thousands of Nazi war criminals after the war, and only now is the country acknowledging its complicity. The Canadian government has been criticized for not prosecuting these war criminals earlier, and efforts are now being made to deport them. However, some neighbors and individuals believe that these allegations are unfounded and that the accused should be left alone.

The calm of Canada has been disrupted by Stephen Rombaugh, a private investigator from Brooklyn, who has spent two years uncovering alleged Nazi war criminals living in Canada. Many of these individuals actively participated in the murder of Jews during World War II. Rombaugh, using a false identity, managed to get confessions from some suspects, revealing their past atrocities. After the war, Canada welcomed many Nazis, prioritizing anti-communism over justice. Despite some efforts to prosecute war criminals, Canada has only deported one in 50 years. Now, as awareness grows, the Canadian government is under pressure to act against these individuals, many of whom still live openly in the country. The Jewish community and historians express embarrassment over the lack of action for decades, emphasizing the need for justice for Holocaust victims.

My name is Roger Veer, and I'm a former American citizen now facing a possible life sentence for crimes I didn't commit. Growing up in Silicon Valley, I became fascinated with free market economics and libertarian ideals. I even ran for office as a Libertarian. My criticism of the ATF led to politically motivated charges related to selling firecrackers. After serving time, I left the U.S. Later, I became an early advocate for Bitcoin, recognizing its power to promote economic freedom and undermine government control. Now, I'm arrested in Spain on tax evasion and mail fraud charges that I believe are politically motivated, and a form of lawfare. I had sought legal counsel to ensure compliance with the law. This isn't about taxes; it's about suppressing freedom.

They drafted everyone. They gathered us up and took us to the military commissariat. I didn't pass the medical commission, but I was in the field three days later. If you want to go, go; if you don't, why force it? I had to retrieve a pill. I got out of the car, walked about fifty meters, and came back out to the people. I told them to move straight ahead, past the dugout. I walked about one hundred fifty meters around a landing, and then another fifty meters, without a weapon. I saw your position, said hello, and told the guys I had no choice but to surrender.

Rambam, a Nazi hunter, claims hundreds of Nazi collaborators from Eastern Europe are living in Canada. The Canadian government allowed them in during the Cold War due to anti-communist sentiment. Despite efforts to prosecute war criminals, only one has been deported. Some alleged war criminals deny accusations, while others blame Jews for their legal troubles. Jewish leaders push for justice, arguing that victims never lived to old age. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police plan to investigate over 1800 former Nazi SS members in Canada receiving German military pensions.

Ernst Sundl, also known as Mr. Holocaust, shares his experiences and opinions on the Holocaust. He discusses the extensive research he has done on the topic, including reading various books and testimonies. Sundl criticizes what he refers to as the "Holocaust industry," claiming that it has become an industry that profits from the suffering of others. He also questions the accuracy and credibility of some Holocaust literature, highlighting instances where authors have admitted to exaggerating or fabricating events. Sundl expresses his frustration with the powerful Holocaust lobby and the negative impact he believes it has on society. He concludes by stating that the German people have been unfairly vilified and that the number of Jewish deaths in the Holocaust has been greatly exaggerated.

As a Hungarian Jew, I escaped the Holocaust by pretending to be Christian. I witnessed many people being sent to death camps, which shaped my character. It taught me to think ahead, anticipate events, and understand the threat of evil. I had a protector who claimed I was his adopted God son and together, we participated in confiscating property from Jews. Surprisingly, this experience didn't trouble me. I didn't feel guilt or think about the fact that I could easily be in their position. I saw myself as a mere spectator, knowing that someone else would have done it if I hadn't been there. Therefore, I didn't feel responsible or guilty for taking away their property.

I survived Auschwitz at 13, the sole survivor in my family. We were close to the gas chambers, smelling the burning bodies. The Holocaust is profitable, with Germany paying over $200 billion to Jews. Some receive $1,000 monthly. Few know Jewish ships brought slaves to America.

I am a Hungarian Jew who escaped the Holocaust by pretending to be Christian. I witnessed people being sent to death camps at 14, shaping my character to think ahead and anticipate threats. I assisted in confiscating property from Jews without feeling guilt, as I saw myself as a mere spectator, not actively involved.

I strongly believed in Zionism from a young age. After college, I moved to Israel, served in the army at Quetzi'ot camp. A Palestinian prisoner described the harsh conditions there. The camp administration forced prisoners to build more sections, leading to a deadly confrontation. Jeffrey Goldberg, a guard at Quetzi'yot, shared his experience in an interview with the New Yorker.

My two oldest uncles, Khader and Muhammad, were child survivors of Nakba. They were detained with 100 other people in the north and have since disappeared. It's horrifying to think about how they were stripped of their dignity and humiliated by young soldiers who showed no respect for human life or the elderly. I was shocked to learn about this. To this day, my uncles remain silent about their experiences, focusing only on surviving each day. They have witnessed unspeakable horrors.

As a Hungarian Jew, I escaped the Holocaust by pretending to be Christian. I witnessed many people being sent to death camps, which shaped my character and taught me to anticipate and understand events. Despite being involved in the confiscation of Jewish property, I didn't feel guilty or connected to the victims. I saw myself as a mere spectator, believing that someone else would have done it if I hadn't been there. Therefore, I had no sense of guilt.

Rambam, a Nazi hunter, claims that many Nazi war criminals migrated to Canada after World War 2 and are still living there. These criminals, mainly from Eastern Europe, collaborated with the Nazis in murdering Jews. Canada allowed them to enter the country easily due to their fight against communism. The Canadian government showed little interest in prosecuting these war criminals, leading an American investigator to expose their presence. Some war criminals were found by simply looking in the phone book. Canada has only deported one Nazi war criminal, while the United States has deported over 50. Efforts to deport more war criminals are ongoing, but progress has been slow.

The speakers visited a former prison camp that seemed more like a holiday camp, complete with a swimming pool and a hockey rink. There was also a sports pitch behind some trees. The camp featured a library and a theater with 350 seats, an orchestra pit, a stage, and backstage areas. One speaker joked that if they had to fight in the war, they would have gotten captured to stay there. Despite the comforts, prisoners felt it was their duty to escape.

In 1948, I was a special agent with CIC (counterintelligence corps) in occupied Germany, stationed in Augsburg, handling a network of German informants, among them Klaus Barbie. I later discovered that he was wanted for murder by the French, and I reported this to my superiors; they told me to keep nice and quiet, saying he was still valuable, and that when he was no longer valuable, we’d turn him over to the French. I thought I would get a promotion for reporting Barbie, but they told me to keep quiet. Colonel Gunther Bernal was an agent informant working for military intelligence in Stuttgart. We provided him a home, a safe house in Ludwigsburg, and I met him three times a week; he brought us information about communists and whatever we wanted to hear. He was certainly a very strong Nazi. I sat in his office one day and opened his album of pictures from the war; in the middle of the album, there was a nice picture of Adolf Hitler. Several other high ranking SS officers came to visit him at the safe house we provided. He told me that if for any reason he needed help, by one telephone call he could contact 200 former SS leaders from Hamburg to Munich. I remember him taking me to a particular spot we uncovered and dug out; there were rifles, small arms, grenades, all nicely wrapped in cosmoline. He said he had thousands of these all over the country, and that sort of made me a little suspicious, and I reported it. They said, well, we know this—they're all working for us in case the communist come across the Iron Curtain. A former SS general, Paul Houser, was a frequent visitor at Bernhaus House, and they worked together hand in glove on certain programs which we didn’t know anything about, and I wasn’t even asked to find out more about it. Somebody above me must have been running this network already at that time.

I'm from Israel and had a tough past, including jail. I sold drugs and trafficked Russian women while in the IDF. I got kicked out, but stopped trafficking. The other person was shocked by my actions.

The transcript presents a compilation of eyewitness testimonies and reported documents asserting that German prisoners of war (POWs) in American and French camps after World War II suffered lethal conditions, starvation, exposure, disease, and violent treatment. The speakers consistently describe systemic neglect, punitive policies, and instances of murder or near-murder, arguing that the death toll was high and that authorities at various levels were complicit or negligent. Key witness: Martin Breck - Breck, drafted in 1944, guard and interpreter at a POW camp near Andernach on the Rhine in 1945. - About 50,000 prisoners (men and women in separate enclosure) with no shelter, little clothing, and inadequate latrines; many slept in mud, suffered from exposure, dysentery, and starvation. - He observed prisoners eating grass and weeds in a tin can of soup; medical care was withheld despite protests to officers who claimed higher-up strict orders to ration severely. - He witnessed a captain firing a pistol for target practice at civilian women in the distance, implying cold-blooded brutality and moral contempt. - He notes propaganda from Stars and Stripes that glamorized German camps, allegedly facilitating cruelty by likeness to enemy propaganda. - Breck describes prisoners’ zombie-like states, attempts to escape toward the Rhine, and postwar brutality when transferring prisoners to French labor camps, including beating and killing of staggered prisoners. - He recounts a moment of human connection: a German woman feeding prisoners in a graveyard area, which Breck witnessed before the end of the war, influencing his later philosophical/rel religious interests. - After VE Day, Breck depicts continued brutality, famine, and rapes among German civilians, and the lack of Red Cross aid at camps. - He argues that Allied retaliation and punitive measures mirrored enemy atrocities and advocated speaking out to influence policy and oppose dehumanizing propaganda. Other American eyewitnesses and accounts - Corporal Daniel McConnell: Suffered PTSD from serving at Heilbronn; describes Baker Number 4 as a hospital tent with no equipment, where dying prisoners were gathered for transport, and mass burials by bulldozer were common. - Major General Richard Steinbach (then colonel): Administered camps near Heilbronn; testified that conditions were terrible, with prisoners underweight, ill, and starving; argued Morgenthau Plan policies and Roosevelt’s approval caused starvation and idleness; he ordered remedial action by securing rations and tents, though he was reassigned before conditions improved. - General Withers Alexander Burris (a sixth army commander): Found Heilbronn conditions similarly dire; corroborated Steinbach. - Lieutenant Colonel Henry W. Allard: Describes Austrian camps as having only rations provided, with lacking supplies; remarks that POW camps’ living standards compared poorly to other camps. - Colonel James B. Mason and Colonel Charles H. Beasley: Observed late-April 1945 conditions along the Rhine — freezing weather, 100,000 men underfed and exhausted, many dying from hunger, dysentery, and exposure; noted near collapse of the prisoners’ condition. - Captain Ben H. Jackson: Noted the stench and encampment conditions, with severe hunger and disease. - Medical and auxiliary observations by German and French observers: Doctors and French aid workers described moribund POWs, with hospital tents crowded and lacking supplies. A Jewish intelligence lieutenant at Bad Kreuznach questioned why German prisoners were half-starved in Allied cages. - Dr. Joseph Kirsch (French volunteer): Observed moribund German prisoners moved by American ambulances to hospitals with minimal care; hospital roles appeared as morgues rather than care centers. - Charles Pradervan (ICRC delegate) and the ICRC reports (1945–1947): Documented severe undernourishment, illness, and malnutrition in French and Austrian camps; called for increased rations, clothing, and medical supplies; described the situation as “more than alarming.” - Le Monde and Le Figaro correspondents: Noted horrific conditions in French camps, including skeleton-like prisoners, typhus, tuberculosis, and mass deaths; reported incidents of random shootings and beatings, sometimes linked to attempts to escape or as punitive measures. - Ernest Kramer and other German POWs: Confirmed the existence of inhumane holding pens in American camps; described guards’ brutality, lack of food, and poor treatment even after the war’s end. French camps and American–French transition - Reports describe French camps where 900–1,000 calories per day were provided, with tens of thousands of prisoners malnourished; as camps were transferred to French authorities, conditions sometimes improved when humanitarian approaches were implemented (as in Dietersheim under Captain Julian, who increased rations and provided shelter and clothing with external aid from German authorities and the ICRC). - Captain Julian’s improvements reportedly reduced the death rate by more than half by August 1945; his humanitarian approach contrasted with the lethal policies observed elsewhere. - The testimony includes allegations that American policies explicitly aimed to exterminate or starve prisoners in some camps, and that food was sometimes burned or blocked from local civilians as part of punitive measures. Counterpoint and framing - Some witnesses argued that German camps were not treated this way by the Nazis, pointing to the Red Cross inspections and harsher consequences for abuse in German camps, contrasting with Allied practices postwar. - The compilation also references postwar debates among historians, including criticisms of James Back’s Other Losses; yet the testimonies emphasize a pattern of lethal conditions in Western Allied POW camps after the war. Overall, the transcript assembles a broad spectrum of testimonies and contemporaneous reports alleging systemic starvation, exposure, disease, and violent treatment of German POWs by American and French forces after World War II, including specific camp-by-camp observations, individual incidents of murder or brutal treatment, and calls for accountability and humanitarian reform.

Two migrants recount abuse by immigration lawyer David Patel. Speaker 0 says the man appeared impressive but was “not a good lawyer, was like evil.” Speaker 1, born in 1970 in a Nepali village, says Patel threatened deportation to Pakistan and pressured him to accept a sexual arrangement. He describes assaults: “he started taking out my penis, and he started to put his mouth.” Patel allegedly offered a plan for a permanent visa and demanded photos in the bathtub for a “RRRT case” to sell his body. After years, a permanent visa was granted (Dec 2010); police charged Patel after more victims spoke out; he died of cancer. Survivors seek justice; trauma persists; one started a pest-control business in 2017; asylum-seeker support criticized; “The police are too scared to charge him because he's an elephant.” “This is a human rights country... equal.”

A South African immigrant states they left behind their house, car, dogs, and mother. They say they didn't leave for fun, but for their children's safety. According to them, in South Africa, if you're white, you're considered wrong, a land thief, and a racist, regardless of personal involvement in apartheid. They recount being overwhelmed by the Trump administration's welcome, expecting instead to be put to work immediately and start from the bottom.

I'm Alexander McLellan, an Australian and a non-Jewish survivor of Theresienstadt's Small Fortress. As secretary of the Small Fortress Association from 1979 onward, I've dedicated myself to uncovering the truth about what happened there. I was imprisoned for escaping German camps and held in the Small Fortress, a high-security Gestapo section. While approximately 5,000 were in the Small Fortress, I was never in the larger ghetto. I escaped 10 times from German prison camps but was shocked to find myself in Theresienstadt. There are many false claims made about what happened in the camp and I have made it my mission to expose these lies with factual evidence. The truth will set us all free.

The film explores how the term genocide has become politically charged in the context of 1984-1985 Punjab-related violence and the Canadian-Sikh diaspora, focusing on claims, counterclaims, and the influence of the World Sikh Organization (WSO). - Speaker 0 asserts repeatedly that 1984 events constitute a genocide, while Speaker 1 and others challenge the use of the term as political currency. The program frames the genocide label as a tool used to confer status, build victimhood, justify extremism, and frame separatism as necessary (Speaker 1, Doctor Paul Bullen, Speaker 3). - The documentary identifies Canada as a stronghold and headquarters of Sikh extremist terrorism, citing Babar Khalsa figures, an Air India bomb plot, and later activities of individuals tied to Canadian Sikh extremism (Speaker 2, Speaker 3, Speaker 0). It notes that Babar Khalsa is listed as a terrorist entity by the Canadian government and associates Khalistan activism with Canada’s Sikh community. - Santok Singh Kela is introduced as someone convicted in Canada in 1986 for conspiracy to commit mass murder after offering cash and heroin to an undercover FBI agent posing as an explosives expert to bomb an Air India flight. The interview with Kela includes his denial of genocide and his defense of his actions as part of a broader struggle, while the interviewer challenges him on whether 30,000 or more were killed and whether that constitutes genocide (Speaker 0, Speaker 3). - Bob Ray, a Canadian-born former Sikh who left the religion, recounts his view of 1984, describing Sant Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as a radical leader who hijacked the Sikh religion and used fear and violence to control the community in Punjab. Ray argues that the Indian government acted because Bindranwale fortified the Golden Temple as a military base, surrounded Amritsar with military and police, offered surrender warnings, and that attempts at rebellion continued after Operation Bluestar. Ray says Sikhs who committed extremism used the narrative of genocide to frame their acts; he notes that Sikhs in Canada conducted aviation-related terrorism in 1985 and 1986 with plots against Air India and JFK, which were thwarted by authorities, with Canadian actions described as controversial (Speaker 2). - American political scientist Doctor Paul Bullen offers a scholarly perspective on framing, arguing that genocide is a legal term with a specific definition, and that the term has become politically charged “to connect your group to that because it gives you a certain status.” He discusses debates about whether the Gaza situation constitutes genocide and questions the utility of the label for broader audiences, suggesting that in some contexts genocide is a loaded term (Speaker 1, Doctor Bullen). - The program presents a timeline: late 1983, Bindranwale’s militants fortified the Golden Temple; June 1984, Operation Bluestar; Indira Gandhi’s assassination within hours marked by anti-Sikh riots. It notes that subsequent bombings linked to Canadian Sikh extremists occurred in 1984-1985, including Air India Flight 182 and Narita Airport, with a 1986 FBI-disrupted plot at JFK. The inquiry into the Air India bombing in Canada (2006) revealed connections involving World Sikh Organization (WSO) leadership and Canadian figures; testimony described Lal Singh’s attempt to plead innocence and seek support from WSO leaders, and the inquiry explored the involvement of WSO executives in Canada’s political or legal spheres (Speaker 3, Speaker 8, Speaker 9, Speaker 10, Speaker 11). - The documentary argues that World Sikh Organization influence affects Canadian and U.S. national security, highlighting the close ties between WSO executives and political elites, including mayors, ministers, and judges who are described as children of WSO executives. It claims that Sikh politicians in Canada, aligned with WSO, have shaped policy and that the 1984 genocide narrative has been used by pro-Khalistan activists to lobby political figures, including U.S. President Donald Trump, for leniency toward Sikh drivers involved in violent acts (Speaker 2, Speaker 3). - The piece cites a CIA document from 1986 noting that overseas Sikhs were seen as terrorists with the aim of establishing Khalistan, and asserts that WSO served as an umbrella for Sikh groups, with leadership connected to terrorist activities. It also references a 2011 partially declassified CIA report and argues that despite differing views, the belief persists that Sikh terrorism and extremism in the diaspora were closely connected to Khalistan activism (Speaker 3, Speaker 12). - The transcript closes with a call for congressional or governmental action and criticizes what it calls “human rights mafias,” inviting donations to continue reporting (final appeal).