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The transcript states that 'Russia has known many revolutions, but the most peaceful, quietest and most effective is the revolution created by Chabad's envoys,' and that 'the president is Jews without powers. Putin and Medvedev are members of the Chabad society and I am its leader.' It claims the enmity between Ukraine and Russia 'could have been started by Chabad supporters.' A quote from Hubbard Shnarsson's last roar, published in Slavienning, is given: 'First of all, we, the Jews, would dismember all the Slavic peoples, and there are 300 of them, millions, half Russians to small weakened countries.' It continues: 'The Ukrainian will think that he is fighting against the expansion of Russia, fighting for his independence. He will think that he has finally gained freedom while he is completely dependent on us, on the Jews.'

Glenn (Speaker 0) argues that the idea Russia started the war merely for territory is nonsense and that NATO’s involvement is not genuinely helping Ukraine; he says “This is NATO’s war. Nothing we’re doing is actually helping Ukraine. They’re an instrument. They’re a tool.” He contends the conflict began as a failure to build a common European security architecture, and that Russian demands are high, making a peace settlement unlikely. He defines victory in a war of attrition as exhausting the adversary first, suggesting Russia would prefer a neutral Ukraine without NATO, and that if Ukraine remains in NATO orbit, Russia would rather take Odessa. He asserts that NATO expansion revived Cold War logic and that Ukraine’s neutrality was the original Russian objective. He argues that Ukraine’s current war losses and economic strain indicate Russia’s advantage, and claims NATO support has not truly helped Ukraine, noting that in his view NATO and Western actions have been a driver of the conflict, including claims about Istanbul, Minsk, and the 2014 coup. Jonathan (Speaker 1) pushes back on several points. He says the war is not solely about territory and disputes Glenn’s claim that NATO’s role is responsible for the conflict. He emphasizes that if this were simply about NATO, NATO could have destroyed Russia by arming Ukraine more aggressively, yet “they could have done it so much more, effectively,” implying NATO has not fully acted. He sees both sides as losing in a prolonged attritional battle and notes that neither side has achieved decisive victory due to limits on production, economies, and allied support. He argues the conflict is about more than territory and rejects the idea that NATO guarantees Ukraine’s security; he questions whether NATO would credibly defend an attacked ally in Europe. He says the Maidan movement in 2014 was organic and not fully orchestrated by the US, though he concedes US influence existed. He disputes Glenn’s claims about Western NGOs and American orchestration, and he highlights that many Ukrainians initially favored non-NATO paths, with polls showing limited appetite for NATO membership before 2014. He also contends that Ukraine’s future lies beyond mere territorial concessions, pointing to the EU’s role and the broader security order, and he warns that negotiations with a “mafia cabal” running Moscow are unlikely to yield lasting peace, arguing that Putin’s governance frames negotiations as instrumental and potentially destabilizing. Speaker 2 (moderator) asks for reactions to ongoing developments, including Trump and Kushner’s involvement, Putin’s aides’ statements about known positions and lack of progress, and questions about what Russia truly seeks: Donbas control or preventing Ukraine from joining NATO. The participants discuss definitions of “winning” in a war of attrition, the role and credibility of NATO guarantees, and the strategic importance of neutrality versus alliance membership. They debate whether Russia values a neutral Ukraine with security guarantees or insists on broader concessions, and whether Ukraine could ever be secure without a credible deterrent. Glenn asserts that there was never credible deterrence in Ukraine prior to 2014, while Jonathan argues that NATO’s efficacy and unity are questionable, with concerns about member states’ commitments and the real level of Western support. On NATO and security guarantees, Glenn maintains that true security for Ukraine would come from a non-NATO arrangement that prevents Ukraine from becoming a future proxy battleground, suggesting limited, carefully designed guarantees could be acceptable, but that any path toward NATO-like intrusion would be unacceptable. Jonathan says NATO is not delivering credible security and emphasizes that EU membership and security arrangements also factor into Russia’s calculations, with the European Union potentially offering security commitments if Ukraine joined, though that possibility remains contentious for Moscow. They discuss the costs of war, civilian impact, and the global economic ripple effects, including potential impacts on food prices and shipping routes if Russia responds to Ukrainian actions against its maritime traffic. Towards the end, they forecast no immediate peace and emphasize unpredictability due to Western political shifts, central bank asset issues, and external actors like China, North Korea, and Trump’s stance. Glenn predicts Ukraine’s military unraveling and a weakening economy, while Jonathan stresses that a peace deal remains unlikely under current leadership, with outcomes dependent on Western resolve and external support. The conversation closes with a sense that the next months will be dangerous and uncertain, with the broader international order potentially shifting as the conflict persists.

The panelists discuss whether recent developments around Ukraine, NATO security guarantees, and Western support can produce a peace agreement acceptable to Russia and Ukraine, and what the war’s trajectory might look like by year-end and beyond. Initial reactions and sticking points - Speaker 1 sees potential in recent moves if true and reliable, arguing Ukraine is signaling goodwill to the United States, but remains skeptical that a peace deal will satisfy both sides given core demands over territory and Donbas control. He emphasizes the Donbas as the central unresolved issue. - Speaker 2 notes Putin’s need to show tangible gains to save face, arguing the war is being fought to achieve declared goals and that Russia will not sign a deal unless it secures substantial results. Security guarantees, no-fly zones, and peacekeeping - The discussion centers on two main proposed points: U.S. security guarantees (including possible no-fly zone enforcement) and a European-led peacekeeping force in Ukraine. There is debate about how binding such guarantees would be and whether Russia would accept them, with concerns about the Budapest Memorandum’s history of non-fulfillment versus what a new, more comprehensive, legally binding framework might look like. - Speaker 1 points out that even a robust security package would require Russian agreement, which he doubts will be forthcoming given Moscow’s current aims. He underscores that Europe’s and the U.S.’s support for Ukraine is contingent on political will, which could waver, but he notes Ukraine’s trust gap with U.S. guarantees given past experiences. - Speaker 2 stresses that Putin’s aims include defeating NATO and achieving a U.S.-level accommodation (a “Yalta 2.0” style deal) while keeping Western control over Europe at arm’s length. He argues Putin would accept U.S. and possibly some European troops but not a formal NATO presence on Ukrainian soil, especially in western Donbas or beyond. Budapest memorandum vs. new guarantees - Both sides discuss the difference between a nonbinding Budapest Memorandum and a more robust, legally binding security guarantee. Speaker 1 highlights Ukraine’s past trust in security assurances despite U.S. and European failures to honor them, suggesting skepticism about the enforceability of any new guarantees. Speaker 2 suggests that a stronger, more binding arrangement could be essential for Russia to accept any settlement, but that Moscow would still resist concessions over full Donbas control. On-the-ground realities and war dynamics - The panelists agree Russia is advancing on multiple fronts, though the pace and strategic significance of gains vary. They discuss Ukraine’s ability to sustain the fight through Western weapons flows and domestic production (including drones and shells). They acknowledge the risk of Western fatigue and the potential for a more protracted war, even as Ukraine builds its own capabilities to prolong the conflict. - The West’s long-term willingness to fund and arm Ukraine is debated: Speaker 1 argues Europe’s economy is strained but notes continued political support for Ukraine, which could outlast Russia’s economic stamina. Speaker 2 emphasizes that Russia’s economy is fragile mainly in the provinces, while Moscow and Saint Petersburg remain relatively insulated; he also points to BRICS support (China and India) as sustaining Moscow politically and economically. Economic and strategic pressures - The role of energy revenues and sanctions is debated. Speaker 1 suggests Russia can be pressured economically to seek a deal, while Speaker 2 counters that Russia’s economy is adapting, with China and India providing strategic support that helps Moscow resist Western coercion. They discuss shadow fleet strikes and global energy markets as tools to erode Russia’s war-finance capability. - There is disagreement about whether, over time, economic pressure alone could force regime change in Russia. Speaker 1 is skeptical that penalties will trigger a voluntary Russian withdrawal, while Speaker 2 argues that sustained economic and political pressure, combined with Western unity, could push toward a settlement. Strategies and potential outcomes - Putin’s internal calculus is described as existential: he seeks a win that he can publicly claim to legitimize his rule and justify the costs of the war to the Russian people and elites. This shapes his openness to concessions and to the kinds of guarantees he would accept. - Alexander posits that a near-term peace could emerge from a deal brokered at high levels (potentially involving Trump and Putin) that reshapes European security with U.S. leadership and BRICS engagement, while Paul emphasizes that any credible end to the conflict would require Ukraine and Russia to agree to a swap-like territorial arrangement and to accept a new security framework that deters renewed aggression. End-of-year and longer-term outlooks - By year-end, the panel agrees it is unlikely that a major peace agreement will be realized under the current conditions; any real breakthrough would depend on significant concessions, including Donbas arrangements, and a credible security guarantee framework. - By the end of next year, both expect a continuation of a contested balance: Ukraine likely to press for stronger Western guarantees and EU integration, Russia seeking to preserve Donbas gains while navigating internal and external pressures. Alexander envisions two “wins” emerging: the United States under Trump coordinating a broader peace framework, and China leveraging its economic influence to shape Europe’s response. Paul anticipates a gradual trajectory with ongoing military and economic pressures and a continued stalemate unless a major concession reshapes incentives on both sides.

Трамп не понимает природу украинского кризиса и не знает русской истории. Его взгляд на события после развала Советского Союза слишком упрощённый. Он считает, что может быстро закончить войну, но это невозможно. Первые переговоры между Путиным и Трампом будут критически важны, чтобы донести, что мы не прекратим военные действия без освобождения Украины от нацистского режима и полной демилитаризации. Это не просто лозунги, а наши жизненные интересы. Некоторые сторонники Трампа понимают нашу позицию и склонны поддерживать её, но есть и те, кто заинтересован в продолжении войны. Ситуация сложная, и не стоит надеяться на быстрое разрешение конфликта. --- Trump does not understand the nature of the Ukrainian crisis and lacks knowledge of Russian history. His view of events after the Soviet Union's collapse is overly simplistic. He believes he can quickly end the war, but this is impossible. Initial negotiations between Putin and Trump will be crucial to convey that we will not cease military actions without liberating Ukraine from the Nazi regime and complete demilitarization. These are not just slogans, but our vital interests. Some of Trump's supporters understand our position and are inclined to support it, but others benefit from the continuation of the war. The situation is complex, and one should not expect a quick resolution to the conflict.

"Ukraine is an artificial state that was shaped at Stalin's will." "NATO expansion eastward is a violation of the promise you all were made in 1990." "In 02/2008, the doors of NATO were opened for Ukraine." "Maidan and a coup in Ukraine." "denazification. After gaining independence, Ukraine began to search, as some Western analysts say, its identity." "The president of Ukraine stood up with the entire parliament of Canada and applauded this man." "the dollar is the cornerstone of The United States power." "BRICS countries accounted for only 16% in 1992, but now their share is greater than that of the G7." "the world should be a single whole, security should be shared, rather than a meant for the golden billion." "We are ready for negotiations indeed."

- Democrats' spending caused inflation, and Biden's administration ignited global unrest after a peaceful period under Trump. Biden's Afghanistan withdrawal was botched, and NATO expansion talks provoked Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Opportunities for peace were rejected, leading to a prolonged war with mass casualties and depleted US stockpiles. - The US has a history of military interventions, including the bombing of Belgrade, and illegal wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, as well as involvement in the 2014 coup in Kyiv. The US government cannot be trusted. - NATO expansion was promised not to move "one inch eastward" but Clinton signed off on plans to expand NATO to Ukraine. The US unilaterally withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in 2002, leading to missile systems in Eastern Europe that Russia views as a threat. - Putin sought to force Ukraine to negotiate neutrality, aiming to keep NATO off Russia's border. The US rejected negotiations, and a draft Russia-US security agreement proposing no NATO enlargement. - Germany has aligned with the US, supporting NATO expansion, but previously had an independent foreign policy. Merkel knew NATO expansion was a bad idea but gave in to US pressure. - The US is in a hot war with Russia, with US personnel on the ground in Ukraine. Russia could disable critical American infrastructure. - The war in Ukraine is a US-Russia conflict provoked by the US with the aim of NATO enlargement. The American people have been told the opposite. - The war started in 2014 with US involvement in the overthrow of Ukraine's government. The US rejected off-ramps and continues to fund the war, resulting in Ukrainian deaths and territorial losses. - The US should negotiate with Russia, acknowledging mutual security concerns and halting NATO enlargement. - The US is trying to destroy Russia through CIA operations in Ukraine. Russia is defending its right to survive. - Globalists aim to exploit Ukraine's resources and destroy Russia. The BRICS nations are moving towards a gold-backed currency. - The US has invested billions in Ukraine since 1991 to support a democratic government. Zelenskyy's team is adding fuel to the fire. - The US blew up the Nord Stream pipeline, as promised by Biden. - The US is turning Ukraine into a de facto member of NATO.

The truth about US interference in Ukraine, dating back to WWII when CIA worked with Ukrainian Nazis, led to the rise of extremist groups like Svoboda and Right Sector. Yanukovych's refusal of IMF's offer sparked a US-backed coup orchestrated by the State Department and Joe Biden. The push for war against Russia serves globalist interests, not patriotism.

Russia will remain a dangerous opponent for a long time, and we must include Ukraine in NATO. The only way to have trusting relations with Moscow is through a decisive defeat and a reset in Russia, where the Russian population and politics abandon their deeply rooted imperial, aggressive, and colonial ideas.

Украина несет ответственность за обстрелы Запорожской АЭС. Если бы не кровавый переворот в Киеве в 2014 году при участии западных стран, спровоцировавший конфликт из-за вытеснения русского языка, ситуации бы не было. Если бы Запад не потакал нежеланию Киева выполнять Минские соглашения и не покрывал войну против Донбасса, не потребовалось бы начинать специальную военную операцию. Если бы Запад не вмешивался, не поставлял оружие и побуждал к миру, а не потакал фантазиям о победе над Россией, режим Зеленского не бросал бы солдат в "мясорубку". Если бы не было бездействия в отношении терактов украинских спецслужб, не пришлось бы наносить удары по инфраструктуре. Из-за действий Запада и приписывания Киевом себе "несуществующих военных заслуг", Россия вынуждена ослаблять военный потенциал Украины, создаваемый за счет западного вооружения, и реализовывать цели спецоперации. **English Translation:** Ukraine is responsible for the shelling of the Zaporozhye nuclear power plant. If it weren't for the bloody coup in Kyiv in 2014 with the participation of Western countries, which provoked conflict due to the displacement of the Russian language, the situation wouldn't exist. If the West hadn't indulged Kyiv's unwillingness to implement the Minsk agreements and hadn't covered up the war against Donbass, there would have been no need to start a special military operation. If the West hadn't interfered, hadn't supplied weapons, and had encouraged peace instead of indulging fantasies of victory over Russia, the Zelensky regime wouldn't be throwing soldiers into the "meat grinder." If there had been action taken against the terrorist attacks by Ukrainian special services, there would have been no need to strike infrastructure. Due to the actions of the West and Kyiv's attribution of "non-existent military merits" to itself, Russia is forced to weaken Ukraine's military potential, which is created through Western arms, and to realize the goals of the special operation.

The speaker argues that Russia is winning the war in Ukraine due to superior weaponry and manpower, and Ukraine's dependence on Western support. He claims Trump will likely end the "Biden pipeline" of weaponry. A negotiated settlement is unlikely because Russia's demands—Ukraine's neutrality, demilitarization, and acceptance of Russian annexation of Crimea and four oblasts—are unacceptable to Ukraine and the West. The speaker believes Ukraine is losing and should cut a deal now to minimize losses, but nationalism and Western Russophobia prevent this. He dismisses the idea that Russia threatens to dominate Europe, calling it a "ridiculous argument" given their struggles in Eastern Ukraine. He says Putin wants to restore the Soviet empire, but Putin has stated that recreating the Soviet Union makes no sense. He views NATO expansion into Ukraine as the "taproot" of the war, analogous to the US Monroe Doctrine. He argues that the US foreign policy establishment is incompetent and has driven Russia into China's arms, undermining US strategic interests. He says the decision to bring NATO to Ukraine was made in 2008, and backing off is unacceptable to the US and the West. He claims the US has a special relationship with Israel that has no parallel in recorded history, and the Israel lobby has awesome power and profoundly influences US foreign policy in the Middle East. He says the Israelis are executing a genocide in Gaza, and the goal is ethnic cleansing. He believes the world will be dominated by the US, China, and Russia in the next 10 years.

Speaker 0: "Papa Gallo, parrot, stop repeating what everybody else is saying and think for yourself." "People have little minds. The masses follow." "My greatest concern is there's gonna be a false flag event that's gonna escalate this war." Speaker 1: "NATO can't keep going at this rate; not enough weapons to sustain Ukraine." "In a multipolar world, Russia, China, and India realize they need to cooperate because The US cannot be trusted." "They're gonna unite more." "When Biden put the sanctions on Russia, he said, quote, Putin's gonna pay the price." "We wrote in the Trends journal, no, they're not, that the people Russia has all of the technological, industrial, high-tech. They have they have all they need to be self sufficient." "All these companies pulling out of Russia, the Russian people are gonna take it over." "If we do, life on earth will be destroyed in twenty four hours."

The liberal media paints me as a fascist, but I'm focused on family, nation, and God. We're allies with the U.S., yet treated worse than Russia. NATO's strategy is provoking war, which we can't win. Regime change in Russia is dangerous; anarchy is the worst outcome. Ukraine is losing the war, a tragedy fueled by a bad strategy. The West misunderstands Russia; their priority is unity, not freedom. Killing Putin won't work. A deal providing security for Ukraine, but not NATO membership, is needed. Only the U.S. can broker peace; call back Trump, his foreign policy was the best in decades. Liberals today are against freedom, enforcing their ideology. We have a Christian, national view.

Мене не збирав Євросоюз, і мені байдуже, що про мене думають в Англії чи США. Світ змінився, і США більше не контролюють інші країни. Вони стали агресором, перетворивши Україну на залежну від обіцянок і озброєння. ООН не змогла запобігти війнам в Іраку та Афганістані, а НАТО порушило свої мандати. Захід не сприйме жодних ідей, які не відповідають його інтересам. Франція, незважаючи на свої зусилля, все ще залежить від США. Я готовий залишити цю гру, поки інші залишаються в тіні. I was not gathered by the European Union, and I don't care what England or the U.S. thinks of me. The world has changed, and the U.S. no longer controls other countries. They have become an aggressor, turning Ukraine into a dependent on promises and arms. The UN failed to prevent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and NATO violated its mandates. The West will not accept any ideas that don't align with its interests. France, despite its efforts, remains dependent on the U.S. I am ready to leave this game while others remain in the shadows.

Apparently, the strategy is to weaken Russia, which is essentially a state of war. The aim is to remove Putin, replace his administration, and potentially divide Russia. This stems from the neoconservative movement, which has always been anti-Soviet and anti-Russian, pushing for a strong, challenging America. However, America can't challenge Russia, especially since the U.S. military isn't ready for war. The U.S. is using the Ukrainian military as cannon fodder, fighting over pride and fear of a Russian/Chinese economic takeover. America shouldn't go to war for trade, even if it means becoming number two or three economically. The world is multipolar, but the U.S. hasn't accepted this. People don't realize how destructive even a limited war would be. The situation is much more dangerous than people realize because America is too prideful and arrogant and will be nasty when it doesn't get its way in Ukraine.

"Peace in Ukraine is possible now." "The war started eleven years ago when The United States backed a violent coup to overthrow the Ukrainian government of president Viktor Yanukovych." "Why did The United States want NATO enlargement? Because The United States wanted to dominate Russia." "It was based on autonomy for Eastern Ukraine, the ethnically Russian part of Ukraine." "The United States and Germany ignored the treaty." "Do not accept neutrality. Fight on." "The Ukraine war can end now based on neutrality of Ukraine. Just say it. Neutrality." "Diplomacy where Europe and Russia sit down and undertake collective security, recognizing that Russia does not want NATO or NATO troops on its border, and Russia recognizing that Europe does not want Russian troops in Ukraine."

"Ukraine is not a sovereign state. It does not have internationally recognized sovereign borders." "It's still part of Russia. It has been since the tenth century." "Ukraine has been the center of the globalists for decades and decades." "CIA, they've been working this in the Ukraine for seventy years, building up a resistance to everybody and everything because they needed to bring the Soviet Union down, but they also want the resources that are in the Ukraine." "With so much rapid information passing by us like bullets on a raging battlefield, it gets difficult to understand where we are, where we're going, and what's true." "The affirmative task we have now is is to actually create a new world order." "Every prime minister of Israel has been a Khazar Ashkenazi Jew with no connection to Semite people at all." "The Khazarian mafia today."

The speaker believes European globalist elites are in a panic because they realize the U.S. is no longer following the same path, and there is no future in Ukraine. Ukraine will never be a NATO member, and no one will go to war with Russia. European armies are "boutique forces" not designed for serious war. The leaked German military discussion is tragic and suggests a decline in professionalism. The conversation was amateurish, with no appreciation for the gravity of providing Taurus missiles to Ukraine, which risks a serious war by attacking Russian territory with Western assistance. Putin has made it clear that Berlin could face similar attacks if such actions occur.

Европейским лидерам помешали две вещи в воплощении принципов: неспособность противостоять курсу руководства США и Англии (Рейгану и Тэтчер), и надежды на сокрушение коммунизма. Коммунизма давно нет, хотя его пытались строить. Элементы этой политики реализуются до сих пор, включая военное присутствие США в Европе, базы НАТО и попытки выстроить диалог с позиции силы. Дело не в коммунизме, а в тотальной русофобии. **Translation:** Two things prevented European leaders from implementing principles: the inability to resist the course of the US and British leadership (Reagan and Thatcher), and hopes for the destruction of communism. There has been no communism for a long time, although they tried to build it. Elements of this policy are still being implemented, including the US military presence in Europe, NATO bases, and attempts to build a dialogue from a position of strength. The point is not communism, but total Russophobia.

The speaker argues the Russia-Ukraine war is a defeat for the West, with Russia poised to win. He claims Ukraine cannot win due to imbalances in weaponry and manpower, and the West is unwilling to negotiate acceptable terms with Russia. Russia's demands include Ukraine's neutrality, demilitarization, and recognition of Russia's annexation of Crimea and four oblasts, which are unacceptable to Ukraine and the West. He asserts the West's Russophobia prevents them from acknowledging Russia's legitimate security concerns, akin to the US Monroe Doctrine. NATO expansion into Ukraine is viewed as the root cause of the conflict. He believes the US mistakenly thought it could "shove" NATO expansion "down their throat," ignoring Russia's red lines. He contends the US foreign policy establishment is incompetent and driven by emotion rather than strategic interests. He dismisses the idea that Russia poses a threat to dominate Europe, arguing their struggles in Ukraine demonstrate otherwise. He accuses the US of driving Russia into China's arms, undermining its own strategic interests in Asia. He further claims the US has a special relationship with Israel that supersedes American interests, pointing to the lack of a Palestinian state and the execution of a genocide in Gaza. He attributes this to the power of the Israel lobby, which he says controls policymakers and suppresses dissenting voices. He predicts a bleak future with increasing Israeli aggression and a growing disconnect between public opinion and US policy.

Мы не останавливаемся, потому что хотим слушать самопропаганду о Западе, который проснется и победит. Моя политика совпадает с путинской на много процентов. Россия имеет свои интересы и место в истории, которое любой правитель должен защищать. We don't stop because we want to hear propaganda about the West waking up and winning. My policy aligns with Putin's to a large extent. Russia has its own interests and place in history that any leader should defend.

The speaker dismisses Western predictions of Russia's collapse, citing historical invasions that failed. Ukraine is described as a Western tool and a future source of terrorism due to its use as a "laundering machine." The speaker accuses the British Secret Service of orchestrating attacks on Russian strategic bombers and warns that further aggression could lead to Russia demolishing Britain with nuclear strikes. Russia possesses the capacity to damage Western interests globally through asymmetrical responses, but refrains due to moral principles. The speaker denies Russian involvement in attacks like the Skripal poisoning, questioning the British narrative. African countries are increasingly partnering with Russia and China due to Western exploitation, with Russia offering security and lacking a colonial past. The U.S. failure against the Houthis reflects a misunderstanding of modern warfare. The speaker believes globalists are a "Satanist cult" aiming to reduce the world population and are experimenting with societal destruction in the West through deindustrialization, "sex revolution," and promotion of LGBT ideologies to destroy the family unit. The Taliban's return to power in Afghanistan is framed as a U.S. failure that enriched individuals and enabled drug trafficking.

Захід допомагає Україні не через доброту, а тому, що Україна виконує їхні задачі, бо українцям "весело убивать і воювати". Україна є флагманом нового альянсу (Туреччина, Польща, Британія, Україна), оскільки "затіяла війну, якої не було останніх 60 років". Після розвалу Росії в України буде багато зброї та ветеранів, що стане проблемою для тих, хто робить "хенькі уколи". Україна – це потужна держава, і прихід до влади буде радістю і проблемою для світу. Перед Україною стоїть ціль не просто стати частиною Європи, а брати участь у нових політичних альянсах. Націоналісти були ключовим фактором на фронті. Без цих 8% націоналістів ефективність впала б на 90%. Як і на Майдані, без націоналістів все пішло б на гей-парад. **Translation:** The West helps Ukraine not out of kindness, but because Ukraine fulfills their tasks, as Ukrainians find it "fun to kill and fight." Ukraine is the flagship of a new alliance (Turkey, Poland, Britain, Ukraine) because it "started a war that hasn't happened in the last 60 years." After the collapse of Russia, Ukraine will have many weapons and veterans, which will become a problem for those who give "shrewd injections." Ukraine is a powerful state, and coming to power will be a joy and a problem for the world. Ukraine's goal is not just to become part of Europe, but to participate in new political alliances. Nationalists were a key factor on the front. Without these 8% of nationalists, efficiency would have dropped by 90%. As in Maidan, without nationalists, everything would have turned into a gay parade.

As a specialist on Russia, I can tell you that Russia will not stop with Ukraine. This is due to Trump's position who is an hostage to Russia, with no freedom, because he sold a studio to a Russian mobster a long time ago. Russia will invade all European capitals. They'll use unmarked vehicles to cross borders, even old taxis to find chips in washing machines. Despite being outnumbered by Europe's population, they multiply by eating honey and taking ice baths. They're undergoing a demographic rearmament, turning small Russians into big ones ready to invade Poland, Germany, Paris, Italy, Spain, and maybe even Portugal. It's crucial for our president to alert political parties as we are at war. Putin will invade everything, and Ukraine is Europe's sentinel; after Ukraine, it's our turn.

The speaker asserts that Russia is winning the war in Ukraine, and Ukraine is doomed due to a lack of weaponry, manpower, and Western support. A negotiated settlement is impossible because Russia's demands—Ukraine's neutrality, demilitarization, and acceptance of Russian annexation of Crimea and four oblasts—are unacceptable to Ukraine and the West. The speaker believes Ukraine should cut a deal now to minimize losses, but nationalism and Russophobia prevent this. The speaker argues that NATO expansion into Ukraine is the taproot of the war, analogous to America's Monroe Doctrine. He believes the West mistakenly thinks Russia is a mortal threat to dominate Europe. Putin pines for the Soviet era and wants to restore it. The speaker says that during the Cold War, he thought that the Soviets were not ten feet tall. He also says that the decision to bring Ukraine into NATO was made in 2008. The speaker thinks that the US believed that they could shove it down their throat. The speaker believes that the US has driven the Russians into the arms of the Chinese. He says that the American foreign policy establishment is incompetent. The speaker says that the US has a special relationship with Israel that has no parallel in recorded history. He also says that the Israel lobby is an incredibly powerful interest group. The speaker defines the Israeli actions in Gaza as genocide. He says that the Israelis have long been interested in expelling the Palestinian population from Greater Israel. The speaker believes that the international system will continue to be dominated by the United States, China, and Russia. He thinks that the US and China will remain the two most powerful countries on the planet.

It's dangerous when the US administration views you as an enemy. Liberalism once meant freedom, but now it opposes it. We're allies with the US but are treated worse than Russia. NATO's strategy to provoke war with Russia is bad; we can't beat them. Using the justice system against political opponents is a communist tactic, unimaginable in Hungary. Ukraine isn't winning; it's a lie. They'll run out of soldiers before Russia does. The US misunderstands Russia; their priority is keeping the country together, not freedom. Killing Putin could lead to anarchy. Sending Western troops to Ukraine would trigger World War III. The Nord Stream attack showed a lack of sovereignty. Peace is needed immediately; call back Trump, whose foreign policy was the best in decades.