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The transcript depicts an undercover investigation into alleged fraud surrounding the federal 8(a) and pass-through programs used to award contracts to minority-owned small businesses. The participants discuss how government contractors, including ATI Government Solutions, allegedly leverage Native American status to win and maximize contracts with limited competition. Key points asserted in the dialogue: - ATI would supposedly handle about 20% of the actual development work, while subcontractors would perform roughly 80% of the work. This arrangement is framed as a “pass-through” scheme in which the prime contractor profits while outsourcing most of the labor. - It is claimed that because ATI is allegedly Native American–owned, it benefits from set-asides and government contracts with little or no bidding. The conversation emphasizes that Native status enables “an automatic win because of your Native American status” and that there is “no competition” in certain bids. - The discussion references a mechanics of 51% ownership on paper versus real control: “On paper 51%,” with the assertion that the tribal ownership is maintained on paper for compliance, while the supporting operations are controlled by non-Native executives. The participants claim this arrangement allows ATI to secure large contracts (e.g., “$100,000,000 contracts”) with minimal direct work by the Native-owned entity. - The investigation identifies Malayne Cromwell, ATI’s director of contracts, and describes her explaining pass-throughs and the 51% on-paper ownership. It is claimed that ATI’s on-paper tribal ownership is designed to ensure favorable treatment in bidding, while the actual work is done by subcontractors. - The transcript also includes a broader claim that the Susanville Indian Rancheria appears to own ATI on paper, but two non-Native executives—Furmidge Crutchfield (CEO) and Scott Deutschman (CDO)—manage operations, with Crutchfield and the ranchería’s involvement described as minimal in practice. Cromwell allegedly confirms that ATI adheres to the 51% tribal ownership on paper. - A hypothetical arrangement is discussed in which the tribe would own 51% of a new company to obtain government contracts, with the actual work performed by others. The conversation asserts this would allow a party to pose as Native American-owned to gain bids. - The investigation notes the potential legal risk and references cases like Cusisis v. United States, noting that deception in securing contracts can lead to wire fraud charges. It cites a Supreme Court interpretation emphasizing deception as the focus of the fraud statute. - The report highlights a dramatic rise in ATI’s profits from about $2,000,000 in 2019 to $100,000,000 projected for the current year, suggesting the structure is being exploited to generate large sums under the 8(a) program. It also mentions SBA thresholds for small-business status and describes how Crutchfield allegedly cycles through new companies to stay below those limits. - The investigators reveal themselves as undercover journalists and promise to release more material (part two) detailing ATI employees’ statements. They claim to have recorded Cromwell stating that many comments were her opinion and that she wanted the public not to know about the alleged scheme. - The piece closes with a call for DOJ accountability and an appeal for donations to support ongoing investigative journalism, inviting viewers to stay tuned for future installments. Notable names include Malayne Cromwell (ATI director of contracts), Furmidge Crutchfield (ATI CEO), Scott Deutschman (CDO), and Arien Hart (head of the Susanville Indian Rancheria). The narrative frames ATI as embodying a widespread, under-scrutinized system of pass-through contracts that purportedly prioritize tribal status over actual labor contribution.

IBM CEO Irvind Krishna is facing allegations of systemic anti-whitism within the company. James O'Keefe obtained internal communications revealing that IBM incentivizes managers to not hire white people and even threatens to withhold bonuses or fire them if they do. The videos, from 2021, have sparked an investigation by the Justice Department for discrimination. Krishna discusses the need to increase representation of underrepresented groups, such as blacks and Hispanics, while stating that Asians are not considered an underrepresented minority in the tech industry.

The documentary-style segment follows Nick Shirley and David as they investigate widespread fraud in Minnesota, centering on nonemergency medical transportation (NEMT), daycare operations, and the way state funds are billed for services that may not be delivered. They present a pattern where transportation companies appear to underpin multiple fraud schemes across childcare, adult daycare, autism services, and interpreter services, with transportation acting as the “belly of the beast” that ties these lines of fraud together. Key findings and claims include: - The investigation asserts that Minnesota’s NEMT sector is dominated by Somali-owned companies. David notes about 20 NEMT companies in Minnesota, with more than 90% Somali-owned, many hosted in addresses that appear noncommercial or vacant (an apartment, a house, a convenience store, or a vacant building) with little or no signage or staff. - The group argues the average national vehicle count per NEMT company is 20. They estimate Minnesota could have approximately 800 Somali-owned NEMT companies, each with about 20 vehicles, and claim payments from the state are based on electronic submissions of trips and miles, with trips typically paid at about $50 per trip (round trips $100). They contend many trips are never performed, yet payments are made once the electronic form is submitted, with no verification of actual service delivery. - The symposium of fraud is described as consisting of daycares, adult daycares, autism services, and other welfare providers that rely on the transportation brokers to create a paper-trail justifying payments to the providers, even when services aren’t delivered. This paper trail allegedly enables continued state funding for many supposedly operating centers. - Safari Transportation (607 Cedar Avenue South, Minneapolis) and Dreamline Transportation (617 Cedar Avenue South) are presented as examples of fraudulent listings: Safari Transportation is alleged not to exist at the listed address; Dreamline Transportation is said to be housed in a liquor store at 617 Cedar Avenue South, with multiple addresses showing confusing or false registration. On-site checks reveal no functioning transportation company or vans, and staff acknowledge the addresses are misleading. The reporting team notes that the listed addresses often correspond to other, non-transport businesses (e.g., money-wiring shops or liquor stores), with no observable fleet and no evidence of active transportation services. - They visit other addresses tied to transportation, such as Epimonia Transport (at 305/308 area) and Crescent Transportation in Saint Louis Park; Epimonia is described as lacking vehicles and consistency in address listings, while Crescent Transportation is found to be an apartment complex rather than a storefront, casting doubt on the legitimacy of these entities. - The Hopkins Child Care Center is highlighted as an example of large state funding for a facility licensed for 118 children, with reported funding of around $2.25 million for a given year and millions across multiple years, yet the center is observed as shuttered or lacking visible child activity, with many vehicles reportedly idle and windows blacked out. Similar patterns are noted at other daycare centers such as Quality Learning Center and Proud Child Care Center in Eden Prairie, which also show high funding receipts (e.g., $1.9 million for Quality Learning Center in a given year; Proud Child Care Center receiving about $1.25–$1.26 million in recent years), but with no apparent foot traffic or detectable enrollment. - The investigation connects the fraud to political actors and public officials, alleging cover-ups or complicity, and raises questions about accountability for figures like Tim Walz. They assert that investigations and governmental actions have been insufficient or misdirected to address the alleged fraud. - In a broader fraud narrative, they claim millions of dollars were being funneled through TSA at Minneapolis–Saint Paul International Airport, with whistleblowers recounting large sums (often in the millions) moved by Somali-descent individuals, sometimes via routes through Atlanta to Dubai before wiring money to Somalia. A former TSA narcotics investigator describes routine cash movements at checkpoints, suggesting that declarations of large sums did not trigger meaningful enforcement, and implying the funds were linked to the daycare and welfare networks described earlier. Throughout, the speakers attempt to confront individuals at various sites, record responses, and juxtapose the alleged abundance of funding with the lack of visible services or vehicles. They emphasize that even when fraud is spotlighted, participants often respond with hostility or denial, while security is required to manage confrontations. They conclude with a call for accountability and reforms, asserting that the fraud spans the entire state and that transportation companies are central to the ability to sustain fraudulent payments.

The video presents an undercover investigative report into what the presenters describe as “eight a pass-through” schemes linked to minority-owned small business programs, centering on ATI Government Solutions. The speakers claim that ATI leverages Native American status to win large federal contracts with little competitive bidding, then passes most of the work to subcontractors while keeping the majority of the profits. Key claims and dynamics described: - ATI would do 20% of the work while subcontractors do 80%, enabling ATI to collect a large share of the contract money. A participant states, “So we we do about 20% of the work,” and another confirms, “Correct. Yeah. They’re doing most of work.” - Pass-through arrangements are highlighted as a mechanism where Native American status guarantees automatic wins, with subcontractors bidding in their industry but not being American, thus enabling ATI to win via the Native status. A responder says, “with pass throughs, because you’re Native American, right, if you have… all they do is partner with you. They use their people. They subcontract to them. They became our sub, and it’s an automatic win because of your native American status.” - The program is framed as already well-known in Washington as a “best kept secret,” with claims that “There’s no competition because you’re Native American” and that this system is designed to enrich the prime contractor at the expense of taxpayers. - The investigation identifies ATI as a technology services company obtaining federal contracts for next-generation computing solutions, and asserts ATI benefits from eight(a) tribal status, which is described as heavily favored by federal contracts. - Malayne Cromwell, ATI’s director of contracts, purportedly explains that the company’s native American ownership is what enables the contracts, and discusses pass-throughs as a strategic advantage. A journalist notes that Cromwell told them about pass-throughs and indicated that “pass throughs are a great thing as well.” - The footage asserts ATI’s claimed ownership structure on paper shows 51% Native American ownership, enabling access to set-aside contracts. The video questions whether the Susanville Indian Rancheria actually owns ATI and investigates the role of tribal ownership in practice. A participant explains that “ATI is abiding by this 51% tribal ownership on paper.” - The investigation reveals that ATI’s leadership includes non-Native executives—Furmidge Crutchfield (CEO), his fiancée Marina Mogalyeva (CFO), and Scott Deutschman (CDO)—while the Rancheria appears to have limited involvement in operations. An interviewee claims the tribe is the owner of ATI on paper, but the executives run the company and perform the work. - The reporter notes that the tribal arrangement would facilitate similar schemes for others who seek government contracts, suggesting a model where 51% ownership is held by a tribe “on paper,” while the actual work is done by others. - The discussion cites the 51% rule codified in the Federal Acquisition Regulations as FAR 52.219-14, stating that the prime contractor must do at least 51% of the work. The video alleges ATI may be violating this rule by directing most work to subcontractors. - The investigation references usaspending.gov data showing ATI’s profits rising from about $2 million in 2019 to about $100 million in the current year, and discusses SBA small-business thresholds (net worth, AGI, assets) that prompt Crutchfield to create new entities to stay within “small business” criteria. - The segment mentions a related Pennsylvania case (Cusisis v. US) in which a contractor was convicted of wire fraud and conspiracy for fraudulent inducement related to disadvantaged business enterprise schemes, highlighting the legal risk of deception in these arrangements. - The report concludes with a staged reveal of the reporters’ identities and promises forthcoming parts, urging viewers to donate to the Citizen Journalism Foundation and signaling ongoing journalistic accountability efforts. Note: The transcript contains specific names and quotes attributed to individuals involved in ATI and allied entities, as well as investigative claims about ownership structures and regulatory interpretations.

A documentary-style investigation in Minnesota accuses widespread government-funded fraud across childcare, elder care, and health care services, alleging that hundreds of millions (potentially billions) of taxpayer dollars were funneled to fraudulent businesses, many run by Somali-owned entities, with insufficient or no evidence of actual children or patients being served. Key figures and setup - David: An investigator whose office is in Minneapolis, claiming firsthand exposure to fraud. He frames the problem as deeply entrenched, involving billions of dollars and potentially ties to terrorist groups abroad. - Nick Shirley: The presenter and filmmaker, documenting the investigation, confronting daycare centers, health care providers, and government officials. Main fraud allegations and examples - Childcare and early learning centers: - Multiple Minneapolis daycares listed at the same addresses, licensed for large capacities (e.g., 120 children) but with no children present in long-running site visits. - Examples include Mako Childcare and Mini Childcare Center: combined licensing for 120 children, but vans never moving and no children observed over repeated visits; fiscal year payments ranged from about 714,000 to over 1.6 million dollars for the two centers in various years. - ABC Learning Center and other nearby facilities: windows blocked out, doors locked, no children observed despite licensing for dozens or hundreds of children; payments in the hundreds of thousands to millions per year. - Sweet Angel Childcare and others: similar patterns—license capacity reported, payments received, but no children seen; in one case, ongoing operation with no obvious play area or evidence of childcare. - The video notes cases where two daycares share addresses or switch names (e.g., Creative Minds Daycare reopens as Super Kids Daycare Center) yet continue to receive state funding, suggesting “fraudulent” billing. - Some locations claimed to be open long hours and to serve many children, yet on-site visits found no children, locked doors, or hostile responses when questioned. In one instance, a staffer refused to discuss the operation or provide paperwork. - Specific sums cited include ownership of facilities with payments like 1.26 million, 987 thousand, 714 thousand, 1.6 million, 1.3 million, 1.0–1.6 million in various fiscal years, totaling near several millions per site and aggregating toward millions across multiple centers. - Home health care and other services: - A building housing 14 Somali-owned home health care companies under many different names, all operating from the same location, raising concerns about service provision and billing. - A broader claim that in Minnesota, 14–22 Somali health care businesses at the same address are part of the same ecosystem; government money (state and federal CCAP funding) is disbursed to these entities, with a perception that services may not be rendered as billed. - A separate building contains numerous health care providers; the interviewee asserts that 50–60 million dollars per year could be fraudulently routed through this single building. - Overall scale and claims: - David asserts the fraud is “far worse than anybody can imagine” with estimates initially as high as 7 to 10 billion, later revised publicly to around 8 billion; in total, a major portion of the state budget is implicated. - A central claim is that funds from CCAP (a blend of federal and state money, taxpayer money) are written as checks to providers who may not deliver corresponding services; the state’s checks are allegedly not effectively cross-checked for actual service provision. - Political and procedural dimensions: - The investigation contends that Minnesota governor Tim Walz is responsible for allowing or failing to curb fraud, describing the state as “ground zero” for the issue and criticizing political and procedural inaction. - The documentary frames fraud as nonpartisan, noting Medicaid fraud occurs across parties and administrations nationwide, but then presents a partisan friction as they confront lawmakers at a state Capitol hearing. - At the Capitol hearing, Republicans and Democrats discuss fraud, with some speakers asserting the problem is nonpartisan and rooted in systemic issues across administrations, while others push to hold specific leaders accountable and emphasize the need for transparency and enforcement. Confrontations and outcomes - The team encounters resistance and hostility at several sites, including doors locked, hostile staff, and in one instance, a confrontation resulting in police involvement at a building housing healthcare providers. - The investigators claim to have faced intimidation and even threats; they describe instances of violence toward them for asking questions about child and elder care fraud. - The film documents a tense, complex landscape of allegations, aiming to connect misallocated funds to non-delivered services, with ongoing investigations, raids, and political debate as the state capital becomes a focal point for accountability discussions.

The transcript documents an undercover investigation into alleged abuses of the SBA’s 8(a) program and related “pass-through” schemes used to obtain federal contracts. The participants discuss a pattern in which a prime contractor, such as ATI Government Solutions, leverages Native American tribal status to win contracts, then largely subcontract the work to others while keeping the majority of the payment. Key points raised: - ATI’s claimed structure: ATI Government Solutions is described as a technology services company that secures hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars for federal contracts by exploiting a supposed Native American 8(a) tribal ownership. The program is presented as heavily favoring firms with Native American status, enabling ATI to win contracts with little or no bidding. - Pass-throughs and ownership: A recurring claim is that ATI uses pass-through arrangements to funnel contracts to subcontractors, with the majority of the actual work performed by those subcontractors and ATI taking a large share of the profits. The conversation indicates ATI does about 20% of the work itself, with 80% subcontracted, and that “pass-throughs” enable non-Native contractors to win through ATI’s Native status. - On-paper 51% ownership: The group cites the 51% rule (the prime contractor must perform at least 51% of the work), yet asserts that ATI is 51% tribal-owned on paper while performing little actual work, raising questions about the true ownership and control of the company. - Suspected real ownership and control: The investigation uncovers that ATI’s leadership is not Native American, and that two Caucasian executives, Furmidge Crutchfield (CEO) and Scott Deutschman (CDO), with associates, allegedly manage operations. The conversation suggests the Susanville Indian Rancheria’s ownership is largely on paper, with the tribe appearing to own the entity for show while the executives run the day-to-day business. - Drama of the “secret”: The participants emphasize that the Native ownership is treated as a secret and a supposed competitive advantage that should remain undisclosed, highlighting a culture of secrecy around the arrangements. - Specific individuals and roles: Malayne Cromwell (ATI’s director of contracts) is presented as confirming many of these practices, including the reliance on pass-throughs and that the stake held by the tribe is 51% on paper. Arian Hart (head of the Susanville Indian Rancheria) discusses how a tribal ownership appearance could be arranged to facilitate contract access, including potentially relinquishing 51% ownership. - Real-world implications: The dialogue frames these schemes as defrauding taxpayers and undermining the communities the programs are meant to uplift, with the 51% rule being exploited to obtain contracts while the workforce bears the bulk of the labor costs. - Legal context and examples: The report references the federal regulations (FAR 52.219-14, the limitations of subcontracting) and cites a related case (Cusisis v. US) to illustrate consequences of deceptive practices in similar contexts. - Growth and lifecycle: The investigation notes ATI’s profits rising from about $2,000,000 in 2019 to $100,000,000 in the current year, suggesting mechanisms to evade size standards by creating new entities to re-enter the 8(a) program when nearing small-business thresholds. - Call to accountability: The reporters reveal themselves as investigative journalists and promise to publish part two, asserting the need for Department of Justice action and accountability for the practices described. They urge donors to support Citizen Journalism Foundation and announce related events. Overall, the transcript portrays an undercover exposé alleging that ATI and connected entities exploit 8(a) and pass-through mechanisms to win contracts, avoid full competition, and divert most work to subcontractors while the owning tribe and executive leaders benefit financially, with the supposed tribal ownership maintained primarily on paper.

The transcript discusses how some immigrants are able to pass the commercial driver's license (CDL) tests with outside help. It highlights a case involving 35-year-old Jamie Middleton, who took CDL written exams for seven different people. Investigators say that each time she would use disguises, sunglasses, and surgical masks to look like a different person taking the exam. On the exam day, workers had on their computers a photo of the person who was supposed to take the test, but Middleton—clearly not the person on the screen—took the test instead. She would split a payment of 1,500 to 3,000 dollars for each bogus test with accomplices in the DMV. The conversation notes that this involved DMV workers being paid to allow immigrants to be on the roads, and it concludes with concern that this is dangerous.

Speaker 0 asks how many staff work at GC Strategies. Speaker 1 responds that they have 2 employees but outsource finance and legal. Speaker 0 asks about app programming or design, to which Speaker 1 says they do not do that. Speaker 0 clarifies Speaker 1's role in IT contracts with the government and bringing in individuals that the government doesn't have access to. Speaker 0 mentions the $54 million ArriveCAN app and asks if it's under RCMP investigation. Speaker 1 says they are not aware of any investigation. Speaker 0 questions Speaker 1's work with Bockler and the amount of money made from government contracts, but Speaker 1 doesn't have the exact numbers. Speaker 0 criticizes Speaker 1 for not having basic details about their work. Speaker 1 apologizes and offers to provide the information later. Speaker 0 asks how much Speaker 1 was paid for ArriveCAN, but Speaker 1 doesn't have the exact amount. Speaker 0 suggests $9 million, but Speaker 1 disputes it. Speaker 1 mentions that the number is publicized in the media and estimates it to be between 15% and 30% of that amount. Speaker 0 finds it interesting that Speaker 1 is not willing to share the exact number considering the amount of work not done on the app and the money collected.

James O’Keefe and an undercover team report on the US Government Accountability Office (GAO). The GAO, historically tasked with overseeing government spending, is described as being in question by the undercover team. Speakers claim that administration actions have destroyed statistical agencies and data sources, but that they have stolen and backed up those data to preserve them. The team suggests this is in response to efforts to delete vaccine-related data, and that such actions could be aimed at undermining research on vaccines. Steve Putansu, a sixteen-year veteran at the GAO and a lecturer at American University, is presented as indicating that GAO is “stealing and preserving vaccine data that RFK and HHS has deleted,” a move described as potentially violating federal law. The narrative asserts that the GAO’s purpose is oversight and that its methods resemble a watchdog function, though the portrayal implies a more aggressive stance in protecting data. Within the dialogue, it is claimed that in some places there is resistance and that administration has destroyed statistical agencies and data sources. There is mention of “stolen and backed those things up,” with an implication that access to preserved data could be used to constrain or compel violations of law by others. The transcript notes that GAO faces political pushback, including threats of a 50% budget cut next year under the impoundment act, which defines as illegal the president’s withholding of funds congress has appropriated. GAO is said to have challenged spending changes as impoundment multiple times, prompting accusations of political targeting and leading to budget punishment. Legal experts are cited: Will Chamberlain, senior counsel at the Internet Accountability Project, is shown asserting that the director at GAO committed violations of three federal statutes. He describes this as a violation of the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act for “intentionally accessing a computer without authorization or exceeding authorized access to obtain information from a US government department or agency.” He contends that the director is not a DHHS representative, and that taking information from HHS servers would constitute purloining information. Chamberlain also cites possible violations of 18 U.S.C. § 641 (theft of government property) and 18 U.S.C. § 2701 (unauthorized removal of public records). The report closes with a prompt for tips to the investigative team and a teaser about an upcoming undercover report. The segment emphasizes exposing alleged wrongdoing by government officials, framed as holding the corrupt elite accountable.

The speaker discusses a conspiracy involving the US government and NGOs bringing illegal immigrants into the country. A DHS employee reveals how NGOs receive millions of dollars to facilitate this operation. The employee mentions Jewish Family Services receiving $600 million for a few months, with subcontractors requesting more funds. The partnership between NGOs and the government is described as a massive money laundering scheme.

Tell me who you are, sir. Walk me through, you overheard or you witnessed some of these people talk about pass-throughs. We have a check here, SIRC0, federal services, the Susanville Indian Rancheria that's dated last week, signed by Furmage Crutchfield, $2,000,000 to the tribe. So with this check for $2,000,000, where does the money go? Because how many—how many was it, $700,000,000 when I spoke with you—how much money has Sirco or Susanville Indian Rancheria taken in from these federal no-bid contracts? The people of the Susanville Rancheria are an impoverished community for the most part. So where is the $700,000,000 actually going? The tribe was taking 50% of the money. How was that happening? You mentioned a few people. Robert Kennedy was the guy that you had interacted with. Also Doyle Lowry. So Robert Kennedy is the CEO of Serco and now is the head of something called Bold Concepts in Maryland. Doyle Lowry, the CEO of Four Tribes Construction. Can you just walk through some of these players and who they were and how they participate in the scheme? Doyle Lowry was the CEO of Four Tribes Construction, and this is a lot for people to understand. How does Four Tribes relate to ATI and Serco? Is Four Tribes a different company? So why did you decide to come forward to me after the story we showed we saw with Anish and Malayne talking about pass-throughs, eight contracting systems? At what point did you realize something wasn't right? Why are you talking to me? And what do you want to happen? What do people need to know about this whole racket? Alright. Well, thank you for your time. And we will certainly be in touch and hopefully more people come forward.

A federal consulting group within the Department of Interior managed contracts for various agencies. One contract was for $830 million to conduct surveys. The surveys were simple, consisting of 10 questions on an 8.5 x 11 sheet of paper, easily created by a child or AI. This contract was stopped after the inauguration. The speaker stated that the contract was a fraud.

Two individuals who ran a company with no other employees were hired by the government to do no IT work. Instead, they subcontracted the work and received over $11,000,000 for themselves. The government's decision to hire these middlemen who did not perform any IT work is questionable. The speaker questions why government officials thought it was a good idea to give such a large sum to these individuals. The response from Speaker 1 suggests that the hiring was done through a standing offer or supply arrangement. The speaker further highlights the absurdity of the situation, wondering why any two Canadians couldn't do the same. The lack of knowledge regarding who made the decision to hire these individuals is mentioned, with an ongoing investigation by the RCMP.

A small group of government contractors were allegedly hired to frame the Trump campaign, set him up for the Russia collusion investigation, provide impeachment witnesses, and provide administrative support to the DOJ during the Mueller investigation. This same group is also allegedly behind fake news, social media influence operations, and the defund the police movement. Both parties are allegedly covering up an even bigger scandal, Shadowgate, and the tactical role the shadow government played in a coup against President Trump. The shadow government consists of government contractors in defense, intelligence, and security. The government consists of compartmentalized desk jockeys to cover up that the real work is outsourced to contractors. These contractors have allegedly created an international criminal enterprise where blackmail is traded and personal data is gold.

We found 10,000 people using the same Social Security number. They are brought in illegally and given a number to pay taxes. Companies hire them across various plants and factories, all using the same number. The IRS only checks if there's an employer associated with the number, validating it. These individuals then use the number to obtain driver's licenses, leading to voter suppression. The government ignores this issue and these individuals don't pay taxes, as companies deduct them. The government has a $1.7 trillion slush fund, generating $100 million in interest monthly. This information is unsettling, revealing a corrupt system benefiting everyone involved.

We discovered 10,000 people using the same Social Security number. They are brought in illegally and given a fake promise to pay taxes. These individuals are spread across various factories and plants, all using the same Social Security number. The government turns a blind eye to this, as it only checks if there is an employer associated with the number. They use this system to manipulate voter registration and driver's license issuance. The government has accumulated a $1.7 trillion slush fund, generating $100 million in interest monthly. This revelation sheds light on why they tried to harm us. It's unsettling information about our country, revealing a unified party benefiting from this system.

The speaker asserts that fraud has been legalized and concealed through unethical behavior enabled by unethical legislation, effectively allowing the fraud to go unseen, untracked, and without accountability. The speaker highlights Nexus Family Healing, a nonprofit located in Plymouth, Minnesota, as an example. According to the speaker, Nexus Family Healing is a national nonprofit with an executive director earning well over $500,000 annually, who is awarded a $1,000,000 grant contract through Hennepin County. The speaker then alleges that this $1,000,000 grant morphs into a three-year $7,000,000 ongoing contract, and claims that nobody knows how or why this transformation occurs. The speaker notes that when Hennepin County workers approached Julie Blaha in the state auditor’s office with concerns, they were met with “complete radio silence.” The speaker contends that Julie Blaha refuses to take action. The claim is made that the state auditor’s office is currently opaque, with no visible duties, no responsibility, and no accountability arising from that office. The speaker adds that the office receives $8,000,000 in biannual funding, yet allegedly does nothing beyond purported TikTok dances. The overarching claim is that there needs to be someone in the state auditor’s office who actually takes responsibility for how taxpayer dollars are managed and accounted for. The speaker uses these points to argue that the current system enables undisclosed or unaddressed fraud through a combination of perceived legislative loopholes and a lack of oversight or action from the state auditor’s office. The narrative centers on alleged improper contracting and funding flows involving Nexus Family Healing, and the perceived non-responsiveness of Julie Blaha and the state auditor’s office in the face of county concerns about these matters.

Operation Warp Speed, the government's vaccine rollout, is being controlled by a defense contractor called ATI. This company is also responsible for propaganda and misinformation contracts with the Department of Defense. It is clear that the government is violating its own laws and engaging in deceptive practices. This is not a vaccine, but rather experimental gene therapy. The Department of Defense is seeking immunity under the emergency use authorization. It is important to take action by sharing this information with your US attorney and attorney general. This is a violation of federal statutes and needs to be addressed.

The investigation into fraud in public daycare subsidies is described as massive and deeply obstructed. "Massive. They don't want a fraud unit to do anything. They want a fraud unit on paper." The discussion centers on Halicki, who was fired in 2013 while in the midst of a large probe. The county’s account of Halicki is that he was an insubordinate bully whose tactics hampered efforts to catch welfare cheats, while supporters call the firing part of a broader effort to suppress accountability. One side frames the situation as a cover up: “They don't wanna point fingers at various organizations and people. This is nothing but a giant cover up.” The reporting highlights deco daycare centers, with evidence that the company collected millions in public subsidies for providing bogus child care services to low income families. The overarching assertion is that, in essence, this scheme was a criminal enterprise. In December, Ramsey County charged the owner of Dico with fraud. The daycares shown are described as billing the county at rates over $100,000 a month. Halicki says that before his dismissal he was tracking a similar scheme in Hennepin County involving multiple child care centers. One building is noted as housing its third daycare center in as many years, with a new license granted despite concerns. The two previous centers had their public subsidies stopped by the county because of billing irregularities. Halicki recounts footage of centers with questionable visibility: “7AM to 6PM. There are no lights on.” He and the team visited centers that had no signs outside and, during posted business hours, no one answered. They checked state inspection records for each center on Halecki's tour, finding licensing violations—the kind that are red flags to the state's Department of Human Services. The core accusation is that this is a deliberate attempt by officials in Hennepin County to deceive taxpayers. Halicki claims to possess emails and documents proving knowledge of the wrongdoing and deliberate inaction. He cites an email to the supervisor of the fraud unit where the stated goal was to stop the bleeding quickly and protect taxpayer money from going out the door; the supervisor replies with a plan to tackle the centers, and Halicki reiterates, “It's nothing but a giant cover up.” Officials emphasize that the focus is on prevention, but they do investigate and take action with the county attorney when fraud occurs. In the two years since Halicki was fired, not one case has been prosecuted by the county. The report notes that most metro counties aren’t actively investigating daycare center fraud; instead, they’re handing those cases off to a DHS special team that was ramped up more than a year ago. Public frustration is voiced: “Nobody is more frustrated with the amount of time it's taking than we are.”

In the video, the speaker explains that Hunter Biden helped a company called Metabiota get federal contracts in Ukraine because his firm, Rosemont Seneca Technology Partners, had an ownership share in Metabiota. The speaker clarifies that Hunter Biden is not the mastermind behind the operation but rather relied on his partner to draft emails and make decisions. The speaker also mentions that the ownership of Metabiota has changed names and is now called Pilot Growth Equity. The speaker concludes by stating that Hunter's main business partner still owns a significant share of the company.

We found 10,000 people using the same Social Security number. They are brought in illegally and given a number to pay taxes. Companies hire hundreds of illegals across different plants, all using the same number. The IRS only checks if there's an employer associated with the number, validating it. With a Social Security number, they can get a driver's license and appear as citizens. These individuals don't pay taxes, as it's deducted by the companies. The government has a $1.7 trillion slush fund, generating $100 million in interest monthly. This is why they tried to harm us. It's unsettling information about our country, but everyone has benefited from this system at some point.

We are at an undisclosed facility in Tucson, Arizona, investigating the activities of the organization Elitas. They have been accused of using racial slurs and hiding their badges. We encounter resistance from the staff, who refuse to answer our questions. We witness buses transporting migrants to airports and encounter an Uber driver who confirms their involvement. We also speak with a person named Jorge, who denies any connection to Elitas. This investigation sheds light on a facility that operates under the radar, receiving millions in federal funding. Support our independent journalism by visiting okeefeshop.com. (123 words)

There is a pentagon that hides a billion dollars without any accountability, and it has never passed an audit. To uncover the truth, it seems that someone may need to leak information from these labs online, potentially facing dire consequences afterward.