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Time will diminish the focus on January 6th because the media needs content and people will lose jobs over it. The speaker questions the existence of a plan for an insurrection, stating that those in the military know an insurrection requires strategic planning, which was absent on January 6th. The speaker calls it the "sorriest interaction" of the 21st century, noting the absence of guns and mentioning someone smoking pot.

The transcript follows a chaotic, multi-voiced discussion centered on political information networks, election integrity, and coordinated activism around protests and media narratives. - Speaker 0 and Speaker 1 repeatedly question the sources of information: “Who the fuck is Jeremy? Where do I get my information? Why did I delete karaoke?” and the same for Jonathan, signaling concern about where information originates and how it is disseminated. - Speaker 2 describes a sense of purpose from sharing information and notes that Wisconsin was the first state where “the evidence that I and my one of my associates, Chris, had put together for Peter, Wisconsin was the first state where it was actually presented, under oath in, you know, a senate… the Wisconsin Senate Committee on Election Integrity.” - Speaker 3 references multiple online presences, including YouTube and Facebook (Jeremy Oliver, Onslaught Media Group), and mentions protesting activities as part of the narrative. - Speaker 4 mentions “Using other state capitals for practice dry runs,” implying rehearsal for protests or political actions. - Speaker 1 indicates a readiness to “storm the capital” and notes that participants are “all actors,” signaling a performative or coordinated element to actions. - Speaker 3, as a journalist or news producer, plans to stream live from protests to show “the real story” and “support the people that are out there fighting for our First Amendment rights.” - A dialogue involving Speaker 1 and Patrick discusses Mary Fanning and Mary Fenix, with questions about speaking to Patrick and perceived fairness in conversations, leading to a strained exchange. - Speaker 5 asserts that “Donald Trump has no business being president,” and introduces a coalition or think tank that includes Biden, Harris, Mike Flynn, and Simon Johnson (an IMF chief economist by birth in England), framing a network with both Democrats and Republicans. - Speaker 3 introduces Brian Gamble as CIO of the America Project, founded by Patrick Byrne, who sits on the Council on Foreign Relations with Stanley McChrystal. The claim is made that Flynn registered Flynn Intel Group from McChrystal’s home; McChrystal is described as an advisor for the Defeat Disinfo Pack, an AI system that detects Trump-trending content and promotes opposing viewpoints. The system is said to share opposing viewpoints, connecting to efforts involving the Flynn network to target the Patriot movement. - Speaker 6 expresses disbelief at the unfolding information, while Speaker 1 dismisses an interruption during a conversation, showing friction in interviews and onlookers. - Speaker 8 details that “the entire Flynn network was there,” naming Ali Alexander (a former CMP member) as a lead organizer, and Michael Flynn’s appearance on the CMP staff roster. The aim is stated as “creating instability as they’re trying to carry out a color revolution.” The speaker lists a list of Flynn network traits: a united and organized opposition, the ability to drive home the claim that voting results are falsified, compliant independent media to inform citizens about the falsified vote, and the mobilization of tens of thousands of demonstrators. - Speakers 9 and 10 discuss 2020 in Maricopa County, noting 395,000 in-person voters on election day (a figure they describe as low due to COVID) and debating how many Republicans intended but did not vote in Maricopa in the midterms. Projections estimate large missed numbers (700,000 or around 150,000 in later drafts), with debate on whether turnout would favor one party given demographics and turnout expectations. - Speaker 8 critiques associated figures: Patrick Byrne, Roger Richards (tattoo of Lucifer, propaganda space films with Jordan Sather), Emily Newman (ties to US Agency for Global Media, linked to Hillary Clinton and John Kerry), and Brian Gamble’s background in information warfare. - There are digressions about fundraising sources, rockefeller connections, and a tension between reform goals and control, with Speaker 12 suggesting figures like Charlie Kirk publicly advocate doing “the same things that got us into this place” to “beat the system,” implying a critique of reform vs. control within the movement. - The dialogue closes with personal anecdotes about Wisconsin politics, a case discussed with a Supreme Court justice race, and a strained, emotional confrontation that underscores distrust and the perception of manipulated information flows.

- Speaker 0 expresses a core problem: how to support the Donald Trump presidency when the figures associated with his circle (Alex Jones, Owen Shroyer, Ian Carroll) embody traits they oppose, prompting questions about alignment with their side. He asks how to reconcile supporting Trump with these associations, calling it an objective problem. - Speaker 1 responds that he has not researched certain controversial items (Eric Prince’s phone) and notes that Eric Prince is a polarizing figure from the military-industrial complex world. He argues that involvement in war fighting does not automatically make someone evil and that a full picture requires digging beyond initial impressions, acknowledging he hasn’t done all the research. - Speaker 0 challenges this, citing his own video: Eric Prince has three CEOs for Blackwater, all with intricate ties to the IDF. He questions coincidence between Palantir Technologies and the surveillance state, Israel’s influence, and three IDF-affiliated Blackwater CEOs, referencing USS Liberty and suggesting Eric Prince’s past atrocities and a lack of accountability. He asks whether such a figure could ever be considered a good person and whether repentance is possible, noting he hasn’t seen Prince acknowledge past wrongs. - Speaker 0 adds BlackRock as another easy target, claiming BlackRock, with help from the Trump administration, bought two ports in the Panama Canal for $22.8 billion, and contends Trump mentioned a company would buy the Panama Canal during the State of the Union, but did not name BlackRock. He challenges the listener to consider whether Trump is on their side given this nugget of information. - Speaker 1 says he was not endorsing a specific device or action, calling the “phones” comment offhand and irrelevant. He reiterates he isn’t waiting for Trump or Elon Musk to act in the interest of people, and states he’s intentionally not waiting for them to do so. He emphasizes starting change bottom-up, and encourages starting conversations rather than trolling, suggesting Seven Seas could help. - Speaker 0 shifts to a broader miscommunication problem: there’s a gap where people misread each other, treating allies as enemies. He advocates filling this gap through dialogue with diverse figures like Seven Seas, Ian Carroll, Joe Rogan, Whitney Webb, Derek Brose. He mentions a planned March sit-down interview between Derek Brose and Ian Carroll, hoping for a productive exchange, while noting past heated exchanges where ad hominem attacks diminished constructive dialogue. He cites Clint Russell and redheaded libertarian as examples of contentious interactions. - They discuss disagreements over Trump’s ideology and policies, including concerns that Trump still praises the VA, pharma, and large-scale spending, which confounds libertarian critiques. He cites a national debt comparison between Obama and Trump era spending, arguing that debt devalues the dollar and harms Americans, regardless of party. - Speaker 0 reiterates suspicion that the criticism of Trump and Elon Musk coexists with perceived support for them, labeling it an inconsistency. He promises to withhold calling someone a shill until there is clear intent to deceive. Speaker 1 suggests focusing on good-faith arguments, mentioning Glenn Greenwald with respect, and invites Seven Seas to share their take on Ian Carroll’s reaction to Seven Seas’ post.

Speaker 0 claims that someone tells edgy jokes about the holocaust and cookies to appear cool. Speaker 0 says that the next step is to declare oneself the true conservative, not a "bunch of masturbating losers who live in your mother's basement." Speaker 1 states that someone was making holocaust jokes. Speaker 1 asks if Nick Fuentes, described as a "weird little gay kid in his basement in Chicago," is participating in a super PAC to bump off Joe Kent.

- "The January 6 stuff was a culmination of what started many years ago back when Obama was in office." - "They decided to use it for their own self interest." - "There were a few at the very top, both sides, who knew exactly what was coming and tried to add to it." - "Yeah. And it was a coup." - "They were going to eliminate Pence." - "There were phony FBI out there." - "There were phony Secret Service, and there was phony US marshals." - "So the original plan was to take over the sledblade, and the marshals had to come in." - "That's why he was phoning marshals out there."

The conversation centers on a shared focus on “deep state traders” and a distrust of the current political establishment. Speaker 0 insists that they are “focused on higher IQ conversations here” and that they want to “go after the deep state traders,” asking who is paying them and noting that the “Washington field office is one block away” from their location, implying proximity to the FBI in Washington, D.C. The exchange riffs on anti-establishment themes, with Speaker 1 adding that they have “gone dragged into forever wars on behalf of Israel,” questioning why the U.S. has been involved for “generations and decades” and asserting that Americans “will not allow” it, calling for white Christians to unite around “America First, America Only” and that there can be “competing interests.” The dialogue shifts to support for domestic groups and figures perceived as aligned with their cause. Speaker 0 says their priority is to gain reinforcements and to “pardon all the oath keepers.” Speaker 1 references the idea of aiding “the J sixers,” while Speaker 0 states they are focused on “the destruction of the world” and asks why they aren’t advocating for those groups. The conversation then explicitly identifies a racialized fear about the future, with Speaker 1 stating that “your children are gonna be black and Muslim,” and “your children’s children are gonna be black and Muslim,” attributing this not to genetic or demographic inevitability but to “the weak, feckless men that are allowing APAC to buy out our politicians and open up our borders.” Speaker 0 counters by describing “weak, tackless toxic, feckless men” in the country and reiterates that their priority is to “go after the traitors based on their actions and actions alone,” stressing that they have a “laundry list” of targets and that they do not care about appearances or which hair follicles or eye colors these people have. The two converge on the idea of targeting treasonous individuals, with Speaker 0 insisting that the focus is on those who have committed treason and that those who fund them come from all stripes. The overall thrust is an uncompromising approach to identifying and pursuing perceived traitors, tying together anti-war, nationalist, and white-identity rhetoric, while calling for pardons for controversial domestic groups and framing the fight as one against treason and influence from abroad.

If the Democrats lose the House, interest in the committee's work may wane. The initial trials will attract significant attention, but as time passes, especially if Democrats are out of power, public interest will likely diminish. The location of the trial is crucial; holding it in D.C. could present challenges due to the jury pool. There’s skepticism about moving the trial, as resistance is expected. The discussion shifts to the lack of a clear plan during the insurrection, highlighting its disorganized nature. Despite the serious implications, there are moments of levity regarding the individuals involved, particularly a known provocateur whose antics are seen as more performative than threatening. The speaker reflects on their personal history with these groups, emphasizing a more nuanced understanding of their motivations.

The discussion centers on whether January 6 violence was an FBI operation. Speaker 0 denies that the violence at the Capitol was part of any operation orchestrated by FBI sources or agents. Speaker 1 asks if the FBI had an engagement with embedded agents; Speaker 0 repeats denial. Several speakers challenge the lack of answers about how many agents were present, suggesting informants were involved. Speaker 5 says "attorneys for the Proud Boys revealed at least 40 undercover informants were doing surveillance on the defendants that day, including 13 working in the DC Metro Police." Plainclothes MPD officers on Capitol Grounds are referenced. Speaker 6 says he provided high-definition video to lawmakers and accuses the FBI/DOJ of ignoring it; he describes an open window and an operative pulling it. Speaker 7 concludes: "it was the FBI and not Trump supporters who led the insurrection of the Capitol on January 6."

The speakers discuss the potential loss of interest in ongoing trials after the Democrats lose power. They mention that the first trials will receive a lot of attention, but interest may wane once the Democrats are out of office. They also discuss the possibility of moving the trial location and express skepticism about the fairness of the hearings. The speakers touch on the lack of a clear plan during the events of the insurrection and share their personal experiences with the Proud Boys and their perception of their leader, Gavin McGinnis. Overall, they express amusement and disbelief at the current situation.

The speakers discuss the potential loss of interest in trials if dragged out after Democrats lose power. They mention concerns about trial location and the lack of a clear plan for the insurrection. They also touch on their familiarity with certain groups and individuals involved. Overall, they express skepticism and amusement at the situation. Translation: The speakers talk about the possibility of losing interest in trials if they are prolonged after Democrats lose power. They discuss concerns about the trial's location and the lack of a clear plan for the insurrection. They also mention their familiarity with certain groups and individuals involved. Overall, they express doubt and amusement about the situation.

Speaker 0 and Ivan engage in a heated exchange centered on identity, politics, and authority. Speaker 0 challenges Ivan’s stance, contrasting actions with labels and insisting on a focus on actions: “Focus on actions. Okay?” He accuses Ivan of being politically correct and weak, urging him to admit pride in being white: “Say you're proud of being white. Let's go. You better be white.” Speaker 0 references a problematic past event, saying, “Just like on January 6,” and attributes a stance of political incorrectness to himself and a lack of it to Ivan: “You’re politically correct. No. You’re weak.” He questions Ivan’s employment status and suggests a concern about keeping a job: “I was crushed, dude.” He notes Ivan is close to his employer, asking, “Who's my employer? FBI Washington field office,” and asserts that Ivan never faced indictment for January 6, saying, “Yeah. Because I’m that good. I run feds.” The exchange continues with provocative claims about who controls federal agencies: “I run feds. I think that's what the CIA does.” The conversation ends with Speaker 0 praising Ivan in a paradoxical way—“God bless Ivan. He’s a bulldog and freedom fighter.”—while accusing him of being debulled by the mainstream media, a remark about Ivan’s portrayal in media. The dialogue weaves bravado, insinuations about loyalty and employment, and references to FBI/CIA, all set against a backdrop of a charged confrontation over identity and political alignment.

Speaker 0 and Speaker 1 discuss whether arrests will occur under Trump and how they might be framed. - Speaker 0 asks if arrests will happen under Trump and if figures like Bill Clinton or Obama will be arrested, suggesting that any arrests might be part of “dark handing the keys off to the light” and that the deep state would sacrifice some players. - Speaker 1 responds by outlining alleged close connections: Trump was one of Epstein’s closest friends; Howard Letnick was Epstein’s neighbor; the first lady was Epstein’s girlfriend. He argues that Epstein’s relationship to Israel and the Mossad, and the president’s loyalty to Israel, are significant, and contends that many would say this loyalty goes beyond the United States. He adds a dismissive remark that the other speaker is “smoking dope.” - Speaker 0 contends there will be arrests but believes they will be for optics to bolster support for Trump, implying the releases would be to energize followers and that “deep state players” will be sacrificed. - Speaker 1 refers to certain individuals as “chew toys,” naming Fauci and Gates, suggesting they are used as targets or distractions. He reiterates skepticism that any arrests have occurred so far, noting that Trump has been in power for a year and there hasn’t been an arrest. - The conversation touches on the speed of data-center-related actions and mentions “Stargate” as part of what Trump did, implying rapid actions or moves on day one.

The speaker asks if the FBI had communication with their agents during the Capitol attack, to which Speaker 1 denies any involvement. Speaker 0 then asks about "ghost vehicles," but Speaker 1 is unfamiliar with the term. Speaker 0 claims to have evidence of two buses used by FBI informants disguised as Trump supporters during the attack. There is a brief interruption from Speaker 2, who reminds everyone to stay within their allotted time. Speaker 0 objects to his question being cut off, stating that the buses were nefarious and filled with FBI informants. The transcript ends with Speaker 2 attempting to move on to the next speaker.

Speaker 0 believes time will change the perception of January 6th. Speaker 1 argues there was no real plan or military strategy to the event, calling it the "scariest insurrection" with no guns, just people smoking pot and drinking beer. Speaker 1 wants Officer Lopez, who gave him water at the Capitol, subpoenaed for his case. Speaker 0 recounts meeting Emily Hernandez, who took a sign from Nancy Pelosi's office, and how the media attention led to a DUI and the death of a mother. Speaker 1 describes receiving a letter with white powder, possibly anthrax, and the FBI's seemingly greater interest in searching his office. Speaker 1 anticipates being labeled a white supremacist at trial and requests a Spanish interpreter. Speaker 0 vouches for Gavin McGinnis, founder of the Proud Boys, as a provocateur, not a serious threat.

Speaker 0: Jim Jordan played a significant role in Trump's attempt to challenge the election results. Speaker 1: Trump requested a vote recount, which is not the same as overthrowing the government. However, some believe the media's continuous portrayal of this narrative is influenced by project Mockingbird. Regardless, everyone involved is part of it.

If the Democrats lose the House and the committee disbands, interest may wane. The initial trials will attract significant attention, but after a change in power, the focus will likely diminish. The location of the trial is crucial; moving it could face resistance. There's skepticism about the planning behind the January 6th events, as it lacked military-like organization. It was a poorly executed insurrection, with no weapons involved. There’s a sense of irony in the portrayal of figures like Gavin McGinnis, who, despite being provocative, is now seen in a serious light. The speaker reflects on their past experiences with these individuals, emphasizing a disconnect between their past and current narratives.

Speaker 0 says he went and hassled asked straightforward questions to Ted Cruz, describing Cruz as a sitting senator who was “serving for Israel by his own description,” and notes he isn’t targeting Marjorie Taylor Greene (MTG) because she’s “the most sincere.” He questions why not go after Cruz. Speaker 1 recalls being a friend of MTG; she spoke at his conference, then “the day after, she pretended like she didn't know me,” describing a history that began in 2022. He explains views evolve as people interact with reality and as the reality of self changes, adding that now “everyone agrees with me,” and he would forgive hostility. He says he doesn’t know what MTG’s new views are, noting she’s come around on Israel “this year,” whereas he has spoken on the issue for ten years. He characterizes the past as “ BS” and claims he was treated as if he didn’t exist, canceled for ten years for discussing these topics, particularly during a time of intense censorship. Speaker 1 mentions MTG fired one of his staffers because someone found out a groiper was working in her office, and that person’s life was ruined; MTG allegedly knew exactly what the conference was, yet she pretended not to. He says the issue isn’t personal with MTG, but argues the past disagreement was because she was “on the other team.” Speaker 0 counters that many people were on different sides in the past and suggests the question is bigger than themselves, aiming to restore America for future generations. Speaker 0 adds a personal note: if Dave Rubin called to apologize for calling him “Hitler,” he would consider it meaningful, and he sees legitimate questions to consider. He emphasizes sincerity as central, stating he believes sincerity shows when someone’s heart is pure, and that Joe Kent appeared sincere despite not agreeing on everything, which led Speaker 0 to think Kent was a good person. However, Speaker 0 says Kent was later discredited as being a CIA officer (or contractor), which contradicted their impression, and he recalls showing each other a badge during a mutual suspicion moment. Speaker 1 recalls being disavowed by MTG for his views on Israel and criticized for talking about white people and Christianity, and notes that he worked with Blumenthal on an article while Speaker 0 had called him on the phone. Speaker 0 reflects that the exchange felt “inside baseball” and insists he was seeking a sincere politician, someone brave, regardless of full agreement. He cites Joe Kent as an example of sincerity despite disagreements, and recounts being surprised by Speaker 1’s later revelation that Kent’s CIA association changed his view of Kent.

Speaker 0 asserts: I’m not suicidal. Any creator, politician, or celebrity who tries to make a film or documentary on CPS has wound up dead, including a senator. The November film will be their hardest hitting, and they will “rip the veil off” to the point where CPS shows up at your door. Our government is running the world’s largest child trafficking network. They emphasize they would never kill themselves, do drugs, or put themselves in dangerous environments; if anything happens to them, it is the United States government. They watched the first take of the film and say, “they’re gonna kill me.” They urge a trip down memory lane to discuss Pizzagate, stating this is where it all starts. Speaker 1 begins by saying the Pizzagate story has outrageous connections and promising brand-new whistleblower information that will blow minds. They provide an overview: back to Bill and Hillary Clinton, whom many believe to be child pedophiles. They say there’s never been direct evidence, but in 02/2016 WikiLeaks published Hillary Clinton emails with John Podesta showing coded language about a child trafficking ring centered in a Washington, DC pizza restaurant basement at Comet Ping Pong. Edgar Maddison Welch went to the restaurant with firearms to “liberate the children,” but no one was hurt; it was later said there wasn’t a basement, so the scandal was dismissed, though there’s more to the story. The transcript then ties Hillary Clinton to Laura Silsbee, who was involved in trafficking, and outlines a chain: Hillary Clinton and Laura Silsbee exchanged documents detailing logistics of trafficking children from Haiti to Boise, Idaho. Laura Silsbee had previously kidnapped several dozen children from Haiti and attempted to cross into the Dominican Republic; she was caught and the children were returned to their families. Shawnee M. King is cited for reporting on Silsbee’s case. Jorge Puello, an attorney for Silsbee’s group, was suspected of leading an international trafficking ring; Puello was arrested in investigations by ICE and Homeland Security; his wife faced charges of sexual exploitation of minors and women. The narrative claims Hillary Clinton and Laura Silsbee were connected; Bill and Hillary Clinton allegedly helped negotiate the release of Laura Silsbee and her accomplices after their imprisonment in Haiti. Speaker 1 then ties the connections to CPS: the number-one source of child trafficking is the U.S. CPS system, and the number-one gateway to sex trafficking in America is the foster care system. The foster care system allegedly lost over 100,000 children in the last twenty years, raised questions about where they went, and claims millions of children are abused in foster care by financially compensated foster parents and social workers. The Adoptive Safe Families Act (ASFA), championed by Hillary Clinton and signed by Bill Clinton in 1997, supposedly created and financed CPS/foster care by diverting Social Security funds to 50 states, giving a financial incentive to “kidnap” children. It is claimed that CPS targets poor and minority children and single-parent families, and that the system now functions as a government-subsidized child-trafficking ring. Speaker 1 lists correlations: CPS is a tool used to target conservatives; CPS offices get paid per child kidnapped; 83% of removals lack proof of abuse. The claim is that Hillary Clinton created the system and that Laura Silsbee, a friend of Clinton, is involved in Idaho’s CPS network. Laura Silsbee allegedly works with Idaho Department of Health and Welfare (IDHW) and is a registered foster care parent in Idaho, receiving monthly payments for children in her custody, as shown by whistleblower-provided screenshots. Idaho’s Attorney General Raul Labrador opened an investigation into IDHW financial misappropriations, but Idaho’s Department director Dave Jepison resigned and disappeared, and Judge Lynn Norton allegedly issued an order halting the AG’s investigation. The Idaho Department of Health and Welfare allegedly dominates Idaho’s budget, and Laura Silsbee’s role with IDHW is framed as proof of a nationwide system. The narrative concludes by warning Idahoans to beware of Laura Silsbee (aka Laura Gaylor), Judge Norton, and supporters of IDHW, asserting that the system extends to all 50 states, including Arizona, Texas, and Florida, which are described as among the worst offenders in CPS corruption.

The dialogue centers on accusations and revelations about political operatives and influence campaigns. Key points include: - A list of individuals named as problematic figures: Jack Kosobiak, Gabe Hoffman, Mike Cernovich, and Laura Loomer. Gabe Hoffman is described as “running hops on people” and as “a bad guy,” with a claim that these people are “evil” and unregistered foreign agents that the speaker will be watching closely. - A claim of infiltration and surveillance: one speaker asserts that someone close to them was likely there to infiltrate, and that “these people” attempted to set up someone they know and love, with the speaker vowing to monitor everything they do. - Allegations of role in broader disruptive actions: one speaker says, “We conduct riots and color revolutions and, you know, steal elections, and we overthrow governments we don't like. And I was part of that.” - The origin of operational concepts: one speaker mentions IIA, describing it as social media psychological warfare that began in 2007. - A sense of punitive consequence and manipulation: another speaker states that “they’re all being punished because they thought that what those important people told them was gonna happen,” and recalls being present during a plan to trash the capital, noting a lack of preparedness and security knowledge. - Reactions to claims about being controlled: one speaker says it pisses them off that others claim they’re being handled, with another agreeing that such claims have been heard before. - A warning tone about danger and preparation: one speaker warns that it is “very dangerous” that people are out there giving others hope, describing “a storm coming like nothing you have ever seen,” and asserting that not a single person is prepared for it. - Personal and on-site context: there are mentions of returning to a site to get a burner phone and use ghost accounts, and of attempting to coordinate around Breva, indicating ongoing, weaponized online activity and counter-movement tactics. Overall, the speakers blend accusations of manipulation and clandestine influence with admissions of involvement in disruptive actions, interspersed with warnings of impending upheaval and calls for vigilance.

Speaker 1: "Just because the other side... jokes about the bad things that happened to them, I don't think that makes it okay for us to turn around and do the same." Speaker 0: "No. We need to stop... the left just haven't cucked out enough." Speaker 0: "Trump is fucking insane because he has support from 90% of the conservatives in the Republican party who are entirely un American." Speaker 1: "One person is dead... a swing state voter." Speaker 1: "We don't know what the motivation of the shooter was." Speaker 1: "Just because there is fire burning doesn't give us leave to throw more wood on it." Speaker 0: "Donald Trump wanted absolute criminal immunity." Speaker 0: "Democracy only works when everybody participates." Speaker 1: "I reject this framing entirely."

The speakers discuss the lack of planning and organization during the insurrection, noting that it was the sorriest insurrection in the 21st century. They mention the absence of guns and highlight individuals involved, including a guy smoking a pipe and another guy drinking beer. They mention a person from Florida who is awaiting sentencing and speculate on the punishment they might receive. The conversation ends with a mention of someone wanting to subpoena Trump and others involved in the speaker's case.

Speaker 0 believes that the way people remember January 6th will change over time. They think that the media is currently exaggerating the event and that it will become less significant as time goes on. They also mention that people who were present at the event may lose their jobs, but it won't matter to them if they weren't there. Speaker 1 agrees and says that there was no clear plan or organization during the event. They mention that the military would have had a proper plan with instructions, but that was not the case. They also mention that there were no guns involved and someone was even smoking pot.

The speakers discuss the potential loss of interest in the trials if they are dragged out and if the Democrats lose power. They also mention the possibility of moving the trial location and the potential bias of the jury. They discuss the sentences given to some of the defendants and speculate on the government's intentions to seek longer sentences. They mention specific individuals and their actions during the events. They also discuss the strategy of using guilty pleas to pressure judges not to overturn prior convictions.

The speaker discusses the potential impact of dragging out trials after Democrats lose power. They mention the attention trials receive initially, but predict waning interest over time. The conversation touches on trial locations, sentencing discrepancies, and the use of certain cases to strengthen charges. Overall, they suggest that prolonging trials may lead to increased scrutiny and potentially harsher sentences. Translation: The speakers talk about the consequences of prolonging trials after Democrats lose power, noting initial interest followed by declining attention. They discuss trial locations, sentencing differences, and using specific cases to bolster charges. They imply that extending trials could result in heightened scrutiny and harsher penalties.

Speaker 0 argues that conspiracy theories have been made to look like lunacy, noting that the Kennedy assassination popularized the term “conspiracy theorist.” He says it wasn’t widely used before Kennedy, but afterward it became a label for “kooks,” and he’s repeatedly been called that. Speaker 1 acknowledges this dynamic. He and Speaker 0 discuss what a conspiracy is—“more people working together to do something nefarious?”—and Speaker 0 asserts that conspiracies have always happened. He disputes the view that most conspiracies are due to ineptitude, insisting that when there is profit, power, control, and resources involved, most conspiracies, in fact, turn out to be true. He adds that the deeper you dig, the more you realize there’s a concerted effort to make conspiracies seem ridiculous so people won’t be seen as fools. Speaker 1 remarks on the ridicule as well, and Speaker 0 reiterates his own self-description: “I am a conspiracy theorist,” a “foolish person,” and “a professional clown.” He mocks the idea that being labeled foolish is a barrier, and reflects on how others perceive him. Speaker 0 then provides specific, provocative examples of conspiracies he believes are real: Gulf of Tonkin was faked to justify U.S. entry into Vietnam; production of heroin ramped up to 94% of the world’s supply once the U.S. occupied Afghanistan; and the CIA, in the United States, allegedly sold heroin or cocaine in Los Angeles ghettos to fund the Contras versus the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. He states clearly that these claims are real and asserts that there are conspiracy theorists who are “fucking real.” Speaker 1 pushes back on reputation and judgment, and Speaker 0 reaffirms his self-identification as a conspiracy theorist who faces mockery. Speaker 1 suggests that this stance might give him a “superpower.”