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Shortly after 9/11, the speaker encountered Secretary Rumsfeld and Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz at the Pentagon. A general called him urgently, revealing that they had decided to go to war with Iraq. When asked why, the general admitted they didn't have any new evidence connecting Saddam to Al Qaeda. The decision was made because they didn't know what else to do about terrorism and believed their military could overthrow governments. Weeks later, the speaker asked if they were still going to war with Iraq, to which the general responded that it was even worse. He showed the speaker a classified memo outlining plans to attack seven countries in five years, starting with Iraq and ending with Iran. The speaker regrets not seeing the memo and asks for the general's name.

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The speaker discusses the Iraq war and how they believe the American people were deceived by the neocons. They claim that false information was spread about Saddam Hussein's involvement in the World Trade Center attacks and the anthrax attacks that followed. The speaker also mentions that the FBI traced the anthrax to a U.S. government source at Fort Detrick. They argue that the Patriot Act, which was passed during this time, undermined the Constitution and reopened the bioweapons arms race. The speaker concludes by stating that the act allowed federal officials to violate international bioweapons agreements without facing prosecution.

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How could Mohammed Ada's passport survive the plane crash that supposedly cremated him, only to be found in readable condition within 48 hours? Why did these men even need passports for domestic flights? And if they were so easy to identify, why weren't these 19 accused Muslims under surveillance? Then, three weeks after 9/11, the anthrax letters killed five people and were worded to blame Muslims, but it was proven that the anthrax came from a US army lab and was never mailed by Muslims. Also, there are no airport security videos of any of the 19 accused Muslims boarding any of the hijacked planes.

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After the anthrax attacks in 2001, the Patriot Act was quickly passed, targeting two senators who opposed it. The anthrax incident was used to justify the war in Iraq, as the CIA claimed Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. George W. Bush's reliance on the CIA's assurances led to significant military action despite Saddam's lack of involvement in 9/11. The Patriot Act, rushed through Congress, included provisions that undermined constitutional protections and allowed federal officials to violate international treaties without prosecution. The FBI later determined that the anthrax strain used was linked to a CIA lab at Fort Detrick, suggesting involvement from the Pentagon or CIA in the attacks.

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The speaker is working with Jay Bhattacharya and Secretary Kennedy to investigate US-funded gain of function research, including at the Wuhan lab, which they believe may have led to the COVID-19 pandemic. They aim to provide evidence linking this research to the pandemic. The speaker claims Anthony Fauci denied this research under oath and may have sought a preemptive pardon. They argue that gain of function research continues in biolabs worldwide, posing a risk of future pandemics. The speaker faced criticism for warning about US-funded biolabs in Ukraine. The speaker questions why the intelligence community was reluctant to conclude that COVID-19 originated in a lab, contrasting this with instances where they quickly make assumptions without conclusive evidence. They attribute this to the politicization of intelligence, citing the Iraq War as an example of intelligence being used to influence policy.

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The speaker reveals that the Patriot Act, which was introduced in 1994, was actually written by civil libertarians. However, it was defeated at that time by right-wing individuals who were concerned about the potential consequences. The speaker clarifies that the current version of the Patriot Act is very similar to the one they introduced in 1994. They also mention that the right wing was responsible for its defeat back then, while acknowledging that the audience had no involvement in that.

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The speaker discusses how the pandemic was misused for control and profit by the pharmaceutical industry and to introduce surveillance measures. They highlight the involvement of intelligence agencies and the military in the pandemic response, with the NSA and Pentagon leading Operation Warp Speed. The speaker claims that vaccines were developed by NIH and manufactured by military contractors, with Pfizer and Moderna acting as fronts. They also mention multiple simulations of coronavirus outbreaks sponsored by the CIA, including one in October 2019. The speaker questions the origins of the virus and the involvement of the CIA and Chinese CDC. They suggest a historical connection between the CIA and bioweapons research, and how the Patriot Act revived the bioweapons arms race.

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The federal government ended gain of function research funding, which the US military and intelligence agencies engaged in beginning in 1947. By 1969, the CIA claimed they could kill the entire US population for 29¢ a person. President Nixon announced a unilateral end to dual use research and persuaded over 80 countries to sign the bioweapons charter in 1973, ending gain of function research globally until 2002. After the anthrax attacks, the Patriot Act included a provision stating that US Federal Officials who violated the bioweapons charter and Geneva Convention could not be prosecuted. This relaunched a bioweapons arms race driven by gain of function research. In 2014, three bugs escaped from US labs, leading President Obama to place a moratorium on future use, and much of the research was moved offshore to the Wuhan Lab.

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The U.S. bioweapons program, initially run by the CIA after World War II, involved recruiting German and Japanese scientists. They conducted unethical experiments on the American public, including spraying toxins in cities and testing bioweapons. In 1969, President Nixon ended the program due to concerns over the potential for widespread harm. However, the CIA secretly retained samples and continued bioweapons research. Following the 9/11 attacks, the Patriot Act was passed, allowing the CIA to bypass legal restrictions on bioweapons. Funding for bioweapons development surged, with Tony Fauci becoming a key figure in this area. Despite a moratorium on gain-of-function studies, Fauci moved research overseas. The CIA also funneled money through organizations to obscure its involvement. The discussion highlights the dangers of government overreach and the importance of resisting authoritarianism.

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In this video, the speaker discusses the history of the U.S. bioweapons program and its connection to the CIA. They explain how the CIA brought German and Japanese scientists involved in bioweapons programs to the U.S. and conducted experiments on the American public. They also mention President Nixon's decision to end the program in 1969 due to concerns about the proliferation of bioweapons. However, after the 9/11 attacks, the Patriot Act was passed, allowing the CIA and other agencies to resume bioweapons development. The speaker highlights the role of Tony Fauci and the funding of gain-of-function studies. They also touch on the CIA's involvement in mind control experiments and the importance of resisting government overreach.

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The speaker suggests that American tax dollars funded gain-of-function research that created the virus. They claim that Dr. Fauci and various government agencies, including the NIH, State Department, USAID, and DOD, were involved. They argue that Fauci funded a study that taught Chinese military scientists how to build weapons of mass destruction and hide human tampering on the virus. They question why the U.S. government would fund such research and why they were teaching Chinese scientists. They also mention the CIA's involvement and their role in the cover-up. The speaker raises concerns about the lack of medical benefit and the potential bioweapons implications.

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The first participant asks the second to identify who did each major event. For MLK Jr., the second participant says, “That was a CI operation because they considered him a dangerous communist. And but the FBI was bugging the, in churches where he was giving some of his speeches in churches. They were bugging the podiums and following him around. He was a top target, for elimination.” For JFK, the second participant states, “I think that was a CI hit. They they may have employed some mafia connections to carry it out because that was their mafia assassination program.” Concerning LBJ, the first participant notes, “LBJ was very involved in all that in Dallas. So,” and the second participant adds, “he an evil man.” The first participant affirms, “He was an evil man.” Turning to Pearl Harbor, the second participant claims, “They knew the attack was coming was coming. They knew where it was gonna happen in Pearl Harbor and when. And they they told no one, and they let it happen on purpose. That that's from the commander of the Pacific Fleet. I would say that's a pretty pretty credible witness.” He continues, “So, yeah, that that was a false admitted that. They admitted they had the and they heard it was gonna happen. And, you how know, else were you gonna get Americans to be on the side of this war that had nothing to do with us?” This leads to the discussion of 9/11. The second participant says, “My opinion. As a criminal investigator, as a former CI officer, nine eleven was not the act of a bunch of poorly flight trained terrorists that executed an unbelievably meticulous, piloting of those aircraft, even even pilots. There's there's pilots for nine eleven truth now, and they say, we could not have done that. Not possible.” He adds, “And then we go to the passport issue, and we go to the Tower 7, which was a controlled demolition.” The second participant further asserts, “You talk to any structural engineer, and and and I I have. And the fact I think George w Bush blacked out. I think it was 40 pages of the 09/11 report dealing with Saudi Arabia. So what wait a minute. This report was supposed to be for the American people on what happened, and you blacked all these pages out? What in the world?” He continues, “I do not think that it was a bunch of un poorly trained or untrained terrorists that did it. I think there was another source behind it. I think it was intentional, and I'm going just from a a criminal invest investigative perspective just looking at the evidence, what evidence we have, that that was an intentional act, And it would fall right into the MO that you and I are talking about.” He concludes that the event was “Horrible” and emphasizes that “the shadow government deep state or especially the CIA. It does not matter. Their pawns on their chessboard, they don't care that three thousand people were horribly killed that day, but it achieved the aim of gutting the US constitution, bringing in the horrific Patriot Act Mhmm. Giving the CIA unthinkable authority for secret prison prisons and torture beyond waterboarding and and secret renditions and all of that, the FBI, the ability to to, spy on Americans came out of the Patriot Act. So it was the perfect national security state, energizer that the Patriot Act was, and 70 of the congressmen and senators that read the Patriot Act didn't even read it. They just signed off on it without even reading the bill.”

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In this video, the speaker discusses the connection between pandemic simulations, the 9/11 attacks, the passing of the Patriot Act, and the increase in bioweapons development. They claim that the CIA and neoconservatives used the anthrax attack on the U.S. Capitol to justify going to war with Saddam Hussein and passing the Patriot Act. They also mention that Tony Fauci became the bioweapon czar in 2001 and received a significant budget increase. The speaker alleges that Fauci and others funded gain-of-function studies in Wuhan, China, and Ukraine. They criticize the lack of a thorough investigation into the origins of COVID-19.

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About 10 days after 9/11, the speaker met with Secretary Rumsfeld at the Pentagon. A general informed him that they had decided to go to war with Iraq, but when asked why, the general had no answer. There was no evidence linking Saddam to Al Qaeda, but they felt they had a strong military and could overthrow governments. Later, the speaker learned that there was a memo outlining plans to attack seven countries in five years, starting with Iraq and ending with Iran. The speaker asked if the memo was classified, and it was confirmed to be so.

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The video discusses the relaunch of the bioweapons arms race through the Patriot Act, which allowed federal officials to engage in bioweapons research without prosecution. The Pentagon sent the research to Anthony Fauci's shop, NIAID, which became the official biodefense agency of the US government. Bioweapons research is always done alongside vaccine research, as vaccines are necessary for offensive bioweapon programs. In 2014, three deadly bugs escaped from US labs, leading 300 scientists to urge President Obama to shut down Anthony Fauci's gain of function research. Instead, the research was moved offshore, including to the Wuhan lab in China. The US bioweapons program inherited its culture and techniques from Nazi and Japanese scientists. Pandemic preparedness and response is seen as a forever war, involving the collection of potential zoonotic spillover bugs, the creation of dangerous pathogens for defense purposes, and the coordinated governmental response to remove civil rights. The speaker suggests that gain of function research should be criminalized and an international treaty should be established to stop it. The key individuals to depose would be Anthony Fauci, Francis Collins, Jeremy Farrar, Bill Gates, April Haines, Peter Daszak, Xi Jingli, and Ralph Baric.

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COVID-19 had telltale signs of being made in a laboratory from the beginning. The CIA has stated the virus came from a lab, but what they didn't say is that it was almost surely made in a US laboratory, possibly at the University of North Carolina, and may have been tested in a Chinese laboratory. The Biden administration hid this. One theory is that US scientists wanted to test the virus on a specific bat population in the Wuhan facility. The FBI should crack the case, as it is an inside US job. The University of North Carolina is withholding 2019 emails and fighting to keep them from public scrutiny. There is reason to believe that Tony Fauci funded reckless, dangerous research that went awry.

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Speaker 0 argues that parasites have become a problem because they have been weaponized. They reference a Nobel Prize-winning finding showing that a certain parasite could produce stomach cancer in rats, and that a different parasite produced this effect in Japan. They note these results only worked in animals that ate a high-sugar diet or were vaccinated, not in healthy animals. They then connect this to twentieth-century American policy: vaccination began with troops during World War I and continued in the military, then expanded to schoolchildren after World War II. The speaker predicts that vaccines at school would eventually affect broader segments of the population, not just children, and claims that vaccines have the effect of making people more susceptible to parasites, including those that cause cancer, not just toxoplasmosis. Regarding diet, the speaker mentions the food pyramid of the twentieth century, pointing out that the bottom consisted of carbohydrates, implying a link to susceptibility. The speaker then discusses bioweapons policy: in 1971, Nixon declared an end to the United States bioweapons offensive program and signed a treaty (they mention a 1978 figure, implying a multinational agreement). They claim that, despite this treaty, the Soviet Union and others violated it, and that perhaps everyone violated it. They assert that, at the same time the treaty was signed, Fort Detrick was converted from a bioweapons lab to be part of the National Cancer Institute. They compare this to Nazi Germany, stating that they hid bioweapons under cancer research, and claim that the United States did something similar. The transcription ends with emphatic agreement.

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In this video, the speaker discusses the history of the U.S. bioweapons program and its connection to the CIA. They explain how the CIA brought German and Japanese scientists involved in bioweapons programs to the U.S. after World War II. The CIA conducted experiments on the American public, including spraying toxins and conducting aerial dosing. In 1969, President Nixon shut down the U.S. bioweapons program, but the CIA secretly stored the weapons. The speaker also discusses the CIA's involvement in pandemic simulations and the role of Tony Fauci in bioweapons development. They highlight the importance of resisting government overreach and restoring freedoms. The speaker also briefly mentions the issue of child trafficking.

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In this video, the speaker discusses the history of the U.S. bioweapons program and its connection to the CIA. They explain how the CIA brought German and Japanese scientists to the U.S. after World War II and conducted unethical experiments on the American public. They also mention how President Nixon shut down the bioweapons program in 1969, but the CIA secretly continued their research. The speaker then goes on to discuss the role of Tony Fauci and the CIA in funding gain-of-function studies and the development of bioweapons. They conclude by urging people to resist government overreach and fight for their freedoms.

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The speaker is working with Jay Bhattacharya and Secretary Kennedy to investigate US-funded gain of function research, including at the Wuhan lab, and its potential link to the COVID-19 pandemic. They aim to provide evidence showing why ending this research is in the American people's best interest. The speaker claims that Anthony Fauci funded the pandemic and then denied it under oath to Senator Rand Paul. They also suggest Fauci sought a preemptive pardon from President Biden. The speaker was attacked for warning against US-funded biolabs in Ukraine, fearing potential pathogen releases. The speaker questions why the intelligence community was reluctant to conclude that COVID-19 originated in a lab, suggesting politicization of intelligence to meet objectives or influence policy. They draw a parallel to the intelligence used to justify the Iraq regime change war and its consequences. The speaker emphasizes the need to address these issues within the intelligence community and highlights the importance of leadership.

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After the anthrax attacks in 2002, the Patriot Act was passed. The anthrax was sent to two individuals who were blocking the act. It was later discovered that the anthrax was used by the neocons and the CIA to justify going to war in Iraq. The head of the CIA at the time, George Tenet, misled President George W. Bush about Iraq having weapons of mass destruction. The anthrax attack had no connection to 9/11. The Patriot Act was quickly passed without being thoroughly read, and it not only violated the constitution but also reopened the bioweapons arm race. The FBI investigation revealed that the anthrax came from the CIA lab in Fort Detrick, suggesting involvement from the Pentagon or the CIA.

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The speaker discusses the Iraq war and how they believe the American people were deceived by the neocons. They mention that false information was spread about Saddam Hussein's involvement in the World Trade Center attacks and the anthrax attacks that followed. The speaker claims that the anthrax came from a U.S. government source and was sent to senators who were opposing the Patriot Act. They argue that the Patriot Act, which was passed during this time, infringed upon the Constitution and reopened the bioweapons arms race. The speaker concludes that the act effectively allowed for crimes without punishment.

Unlimited Hangout

9/11 and Anthrax 20 Years On with Graeme MacQueen
Guests: Graeme MacQueen
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Whitney Webb and Graeme MacQueen discuss two intertwined legacies from 02/2001: the 9/11 attacks and the anthrax campaign, arguing that public reckoning remains incomplete and that these events are linked in ways that challenge the official narratives. They begin with Building 7, the 47-story World Trade Center tower that was not struck by a plane yet collapsed in a symmetrical free fall. MacQueen emphasizes Building 7’s significance beyond its inconvenience to the official story: it housed the Office of Emergency Management for the mayor, as well as FBI and Secret Service spaces, making its collapse highly consequential if explained as a demolition. He notes foreknowledge of the collapse among Fire Department of New York personnel and cites his analysis of the World Trade Center Task Force report, which he argues shows unusual advance awareness. He references eyewitness accounts, such as Barry Jenkins, inside the building, who described abrupt evacuation and an explosion that affected stairs, and he cites the Halsey report from the University of Alaska, which contends the official narrative cannot account for the collapse without virtually simultaneous column removal, implying controlled demolition. CNN’s on-air missteps and BBC errors are also cited as indicators of the episode’s irregularities. Building 7 is presented as a linchpin, not merely a curiosity or meme, and its collapse is positioned as a focal point for questioning the broader narrative around 9/11. The conversation expands to the broader politics of 9/11, the transition from Cold War to a global war on terror, and the possibility that intelligence operations and insider actions were aimed at guiding that shift. They discuss Jerome Hauer’s role, the Office of Emergency Management, and the odd abandonment of secure offices prior to 7’s collapse, along with other high-security actors in the building. MacQueen cites the pattern of early, sometimes sensational media coverage and the later discrediting or neglect of dissent, including the assertion that the 9/11 Commission Report is flawed and incomplete. The dialogue moves to the anthrax attacks, noting overlaps in personnel between 9/11 and anthrax, including Florida connections, the first victim Robert Stevens, and Gloria Irish, a realtor linked to both Stevens and some of the hijackers. The “double perpetrator” hypothesis—Al Qaeda with Iraq as a sponsor—was proposed but collapsed when anthrax appeared domestically to originate inside the United States; the FBI later acknowledged this, leading to a narrative shift toward a lone perpetrator (Bruce Ivins) and a public-relations pivot away from 9/11 connections. They discuss Dark Winter, a pre-9/11 bioterror tabletop exercise that anticipated martial-law provisions, and the involvement of figures like Judith Miller, Dick Cheney, and others in shaping the narrative and policy, including the Patriot Act. The conversation emphasizes fear as a tool used by officials and media to consolidate power, the challenges of independent media censorship, and the need for careful, broad coalitions rather than personality-driven fights. They conclude by stressing the value of studying the consensus panels, archival work, and professional analyses, and recommending reading as a durable path to understanding, rather than quick online conclusions. Graham MacQueen promotes his book, The 2,001 Anthrax Deception, available on Amazon and Clarity Press.

Unlimited Hangout

20 Years After Anthrax with Robbie Martin
Guests: Robbie Martin
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Whitney Webb and Robbie Martin convene on October 15 to mark the twentieth anniversary of the anthrax letters, noting public announcements with October’s spread of events and the role of the letters in pressuring lawmakers during debates over the Patriot Act. They outline their focus for the discussion: Robbie will present new material on Florida’s overlap with a wider network that may link the September 11 events to the anthrax attacks, expanding on Graham McQueen’s thesis that the same network was involved; Whitney will emphasize Battelle Memorial Institute and the criticisms of the Ivins narrative, including suggestions that prosecutors and DOJ lawyers argued that Patel—Battelle’s counterpart—was a more likely source than Bruce Ivins. Robbie opens with Florida as a nexus for intelligence operations, organized crime, and private flying schools connected to 9/11, drawing on Daniel Hopsicker’s Florida-focused research and a Finnish investigative list of nine/eleven suspects’ addresses. He explains how he mapped addresses from the FIN list onto a resource map, then broadened the pool to five times that size to include related figures and locations. He cites Sarasota and Longboat Key, where George W. Bush’s activities the night before September 11 included a stop at Emmett T. Booker School and a mysterious van visit, and notes Muhammad Atta’s reported presence nearby, including socializing in bars with other hijackers. He argues the Florida scene raises questions about whether attackers were operating within a larger, clandestine web of intelligence, mob, and private sector players active in the state. Whitney interjects with background on the Israeli art student espionage narrative tied to the DEA’s investigations in Florida, noting that the DEA memorandum and subsequent leaks linked to “team leaders” in the Israeli art student network suggest a broader pattern of espionage against U.S. agencies. Robbie demonstrates that a known Battelle VP, Russell P. Austin, is unusually close to one of the Israeli art student figures on the map, hinting at a possible overlap between Battelle labs in Florida and the Israeli art student operation. They discuss how the DEA memo was kept alive by later leaks and how Don Foster’s Vanity Fair pieces, Barbara Hatch Rosenberg’s timeline, and the Hatfield-Bill Patrick circle factor into broader questions about who controlled or influenced the investigation. The group points to the fact that the Israeli operations allegedly targeted DEA labs and technicians, suggesting a shared motive or operational pattern. They pivot to the anthrax-specific core: the AMI Building in Boca Raton (home to Robert Stevens’ employer, The Sun) and Gloria Irish, a real estate agent who brokered apartments that housed hijackers, with FBI interest early on that faded or was sidelined. Robbie highlights how the FBI may have observed a chain of proximity between Gloria Irish’s properties and hijacker activity, raising questions about what the FBI studied and why certain lines of inquiry were dropped. They discuss the connection to Battelle’s work on anthrax, the presence of Battelle labs in Florida, and how this intersects with Battelle’s relationship with vaccine programs and with the United States’ broader bioterror preparedness apparatus in the early 2000s. A major thread concerns the St. Petersburg hoax letters, postmarked September 20 and October 5, which appeared soon after real letters were sent from New Jersey on September 18. The handwriting similarities between the hoax and real letters, and the claim that the Brokaw letter included Cyrillic characters, are presented as evidence that hoax letters were not mere diversions but part of a connected campaign, possibly used to trigger investigations and shape public perception. They reference Barbara Hatch Rosenberg’s timeline, Judith Miller’s experience with a hoax letter, and the suggestion that Stephen Hatfield’s circle (and Bill Patrick’s) formed the core of a network with a propensity for dramatizing bioterror scenarios. Whitney then surveys the broader ecosystem: Bill Patrick’s controversial patents on biodust, his gain-of-function work with Ken Alabek at Battelle and the Pentagon, the Gulf War vaccine program and its adverse effects, Emergent BioSolutions and BioPort, and the policy machinery surrounding DHS, the National War College, and the Answer Institute for Homeland Security. They stress that Kadlik, Patrick, Alabek, Hatfill, and their associates continued to influence public health and security policy long after the anthrax events, with Kadlik moving into high-level roles in preparedness and response and later intersecting with vaccine manufacturing and countermeasures. The conversation closes with a call for open-source collaboration to trace these threads, archive documents, and continue the investigation, acknowledging that Florida’s network and the anthrax case remain deeply intertwined with U.S. national security policy and bioterror preparedness to this day.

Unlimited Hangout

Dark Winter Descends with Robbie Martin
Guests: Robbie Martin
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Whitney Webb opens Unlimited Hangout’s first episode, introducing an investigative thread with Raul Diego’s series about engineering contagion, a Merithrax-era framing, and the biotech imperial complex, and invites Robbie Martin to discuss his two-part miniseries on the Committee on the Present Danger China and its links to a broader neocon apparatus and the Dark Winter milieu. Robbie Martin explains that the Committee on the Present Danger China is a revived neocon group targeting China with trade, cyber, and geopolitical pressure, echoing older anti-China narratives and reusing a playbook that includes pressuring for accountability over COVID-19’s origins. He notes ties between this new apparatus and the old Dark Winter crowd, including individuals associated with Project for the New American Century. He highlights Steve Bannon’s role in relaunching the think tank and observes how some figures—like James Woolsey, Frank Gaffney, William Bennett—reappear alongside others more recently associated with anti-China discourse, such as Bannon, and how the anti-China push intersects with claims that COVID-19 is a Chinese bioweapon or lab-origin narrative. The discussion stresses that the narrative push relies on familiar tropes about state bioweapons programs and lab accidents, referencing prior actors and outlets that helped seed similar claims. Webb and Martin pivot to all roads leading to Dark Winter. They summarize the June 2001 Dark Winter biowarfare simulation at Andrews Air Force Base, with participants including Jerome Hauer (FEMA), James Woolsey (CIA), Judith Miller (New York Times), Sam Nunn, Margaret Hamburg, and other prominent security figures. They point out that the exercise was drafted by Johns Hopkins Center for Civilian Biodefense Strategies (led by Tara O’Toole and now Thomas Inglesby), the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Analytics Services Institute for Homeland Security, with RAND Larson connecting Kadlik and others. The live briefing involved actors in some public clips, while many real participants attended behind the scenes. Kadlik, a biodefense insider with ties to Larson, appears in the exercise’s echoing news clips, including a line about a “dark winter” related to a hypothetical Chinese corn/pork bioterror scenario. The conversation emphasizes the Dark Winter narrative’s alignment with a Gulf War–era frame: Iraq, Saddam Hussein, and Al Qaeda are repeatedly linked; grainy satellite “intel” photos of a suspected Iraqi bio facility surface; the exercise contemplates a bioweapons threat from Iraq via intermediaries and even contemplates a possible infection that could justify troop deployments to the Middle East. They note the use of a grainy, “defector”–style intelligence thread, similar to later real-world assertions that Iraq had Soviet-era bioweapons programs, even as no forensic evidence supported those links. The dialogue also highlights a 2005 Atlantic Storm sequel and the broader theme of biowarfare democratization. Webb and Martin discuss the end of Dark Winter, where a defector in the exercise claims Iraq’s involvement with the smallpox outbreak, a claim deemed highly credible despite lacking forensic proof. They note the exercise’s parallel to contemporary debates about China and the Wuhan lab, and the recurrent motif of satellite imagery and dubious “forensic” assertions fueling public fear. They also touch on how Dick Cheney was briefed on Dark Winter, and how Tara O’Toole and Inglesby briefed Cheney after the exercise, underscoring the intimate policy-to-scenario feedback loop. They transition to the anthrax attacks (Amerithrax). Bob Stevens’ death on October 5 marks the first fatal case, followed by five deaths and multiple infections from four letters to Leahy, Daschle, the New York Post, and Tom Brokaw. They discuss weaponized, finely milled anthrax in Leahy and Daschle’s offices versus inert powder in Judith Miller’s letter, the global reach of letters, and how the letters’ messaging tied to September 11 through “Death to America, Death to Israel, Allah is great.” They critique the FBI’s handling: destruction of the Ames strain’s database, early misdirections, and later debates over Bruce Ivins’ guilt, the NAS review, and Lambert’s whistleblower claims that evidence was stovepiped. They recount the crop-duster rumors, Atta’s potential attempts to access agricultural aircraft, and the broader media climate that amplified fear around bioterrorism. The conversation closes with reflections on how biodefense programs—BASIS, BioWatch, and post–9/11 stockpiling—transformed national security, often with questionable safety outcomes and expensive, sometimes ineffective, programs. They signal ongoing inquiries into Fort Detrick, Dugway, and the Pentagon’s handling of biosafety, while acknowledging that the Amerithrax case remains contested, with exculpatory evidence reportedly withheld and investigations intermittently politicized. The episode ends with acknowledgments of Patreon support and a tease toward future installments.
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