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- The video argues that the ceasefire in the Iran conflict is collapsing and predicts a renewed crisis in three days, citing Professor Robert Pape who predicted “three days left” for a developing disaster. The Strait of Hormuz is described as never having truly opened, with ongoing restrictions and navigation dangers. - The presenters criticize mainstream reports that markets were surging and that the Strait was open, asserting these were lies. They claim Iran is signaling through radio to ships and that ships, including those linked to the United States and Israel, remain barred or require special coordination with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. They note continued mine risks flagged by the U.S. Navy and that several vessels attempted to pass on Friday but turned back. - They quote a statement that a deal would be announced and a supposed opening would be conditional and unstable, and they reference Trump aboard Air Force One admitting that bombs would likely start falling again if no deal is reached by Wednesday when the ceasefire ends. - A discussion of purported market manipulation follows: Reuters reportedly stated that about twenty minutes before an announcement that Hormuz was open, traders dumped nearly 8,000 Brent crude futures, a $760 million bet that oil would fall. After the president’s announcement, crude prices dropped sharply. The presenters claim someone in the Trump administration likely knew the announcement in advance, suggesting insider trading and a broader pattern of insiders making large bets just before news hits. - On Saturday, the narrative of “open passage” collapsed publicly: Britain’s foreign secretary said there was still no normal passage; Iran’s Revolutionary Guard officials said only a limited number of tankers would pass and that Hormuz would remain under strict Iranian control, allowing certain nations but not the U.S. They note the U.S. did not ensure full freedom of navigation for Iranian-linked shipping, and that at least two merchant ships, including two Indian-flagged vessels, were hit while attempting to cross. - Iran’s side is cited: a professor on the show claimed Trump lied and fabricated the whole situation, suggesting that Iran did not agree to the commitments Trump claimed. The blockade by the U.S. is described as ongoing, with over 10,000 U.S. personnel and multiple ships involved, and U.S. officials reportedly planning to board and seize Iranian-linked tankers in international waters with gunships. - An Iranian general is quoted as warning that if the war restarts, it could become a wider world war. Professor Pape’s warning is emphasized: within ten days, shortages could occur, moving from price shocks to physical constraints to economic disaster, with today’s date cited as April 19 and the three-day forecast implying disaster around April 22. The Financial Times is cited for a story about a coming global food crisis due to the war. The Strait’s lack of genuine normalization is claimed to threaten fuel, plastics, fertilizer, supply chains, food prices, and manufacturing, potentially impacting every family. - The video ends with a warning to prepare with food stores and family protection, reiterating that the Strait was never truly opened and that a market fairy tale was fed to investors. It suggests a new escalation could occur in the coming week, with those who lied on Friday potentially denying responsibility. - Sponsorship segment: The video promotes US Gold Mining Incorporated (ticker USGO) and the Whistler project in Alaska, detailing a positive preliminary economic assessment (PEA) projecting 2.7 million ounces of gold, nearly 600 million pounds of copper, and nearly 6.6 million ounces of silver over about a 15-year mine life. It notes a potential life-of-m mine of about 3.6 million gold-equivalent ounces, with payback estimates varying based on gold pricing. The sponsor highlights favorable tailwinds from Washington, Alaska’s mining-supportive policies, and a tight ownership structure (roughly 74% held by the parent company and 4.5% by insiders). The presenter urges viewers to conduct their own research using links in the description and highlights exploration targets and political support for domestic mineral production.

Over the past few days, the conversation covered rising U.S. gas prices, with average prices surpassing $4 per gallon on Tuesday, the highest in nearly four years. The discussion then shifted to geopolitical tensions around Iran, Israel, and the United States. It was noted that Donald Trump is reportedly seeking an off ramp from the war against Iran, but every time there are negotiations toward ceasefires or frameworks for talks, Israel allegedly bombs to scuttle those plans. Joe Kent was cited as saying that there is significant frustration inside the Trump administration because Israeli actions derail negotiations. Further comments stated that whenever Trump attempts to move toward negotiation, Israelis “come in and they kill negotiators,” “kill members of the government,” and “bomb the infrastructure” to show that the U.S. is not negotiating in good faith, with the implication that U.S. verbal assurances are hollow while Israel acts unrestrained. It was suggested that only when the U.S. actually restrains Israel’s support will their behavior change, despite reports of high-level admonitions from the Vice President or others. Trump published a note on Truth Social addressed to Europe and the UK, criticizing their inability to obtain jet fuel due to the Strait of Hormuz and urging the United Kingdom to buy oil from the United States, build up courage, and take control of Hormuz, implying the U.S. would no longer assist them. The program then brought in economist Professor Richard Werner to analyze global economic directions amid oil and gas price concerns, food stocks, fertilizer, helium, and related supply chains. Werner, based in Europe, emphasized Europe’s dependence on energy, fertilizer, and other raw materials from abroad, noting that Europe has thrived on an international trade model that moved up value-added production. He described the current situation as a policy-induced crisis or potential catastrophe, with energy supply already restricted by past policy choices (e.g., cutting ties with Russia for energy, decommissioning nuclear and coal plants). He warned of a possible major shock to the economy, comparing the risk to the 2020 experience of policy-induced throttling. The discussion touched on financial vulnerability, including concerns about how embargos or disruptions could affect food supply chains and economic stability. Werner described the situation as intentional policy shifts and indicated a broader realignment of the global order, with institutions like BRICS, the Belt and Road Initiative, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and the New Development Bank fostering greater influence for China and other non-U.S. actors. He asserted that there is a push for a new international order that gives more power to alternative players, criticizing U.S. dominance in the IMF and World Bank. Werner argued that the “petrodollar system” established after the 1970s allowed continued U.S. economic supremacy, and suggested the world is witnessing a shift away from the dollar’s dominance toward alternative systems, potentially including digital currencies. He claimed Western countries are moving toward digital control measures, including strict currency surveillance and restrictions, while BRICS countries show more interest in gold as a store of value. He also described increasing censorship and sanctions in the EU regarding dissenting opinions, tying this to the rollout of digital currencies and the potential for controllable spending if governments “switch off” money. The exchange concluded with gratitude for Werner’s analysis and a hope for cooler heads to prevail to minimize impact, while acknowledging the likelihood of a new world order.

The dialogue centers on the current crisis between the United States and Iran, two weeks after a previous discussion. The speakers outline the evolution of events, the prospects for negotiations, and the broader political and ideological context driving the confrontation. Key events and the trajectory of negotiations - Speaker 1 describes recent moves as undermining talks: “Trump announced this blockade, which is an act of war under international law. … And then they were supposed to have a second round of negotiations … and The US shot at an Iranian ship, took over the ship, took the crew hostage.” Negotiations are framed as lacking good faith, with derisive language used by Trump toward Iran. - The atmosphere is described as deteriorating: “democracy diplomacy is not doing well. More chances of a military confrontation.” - There is concern over a potential new round of attacks by the US, and about the legality of continued operations beyond a sixty-day War Powers window without congressional authorization. Iran’s leverage, demands, and feasibility of a deal - The discussion centers on whether Iran’s demands—such as delaying nuclear negotiations, removing the blockade, and controlling who passes through the Strait of Hormuz and at what cost—are feasible for a deal. Speaker 0 notes Iran’s desire to delay negotiations and control Hormuz, while asking whether Trump would accept not getting any concessions and whether Iran’s price could be feasible for a settlement. - Speaker 1 counters that Iran has long-held leverage over Hormuz, which the US seeks to counter with pressure, and argues that both sides seek a diplomatic solution but with differing terms. There is an assertion that blockade of Hormuz is illegal and that Iran has a right to respond under self-defense if attacked. Strategic calculations and potential actions - The Strait of Hormuz is treated as a central strategic chokepoint; Iran’s coastal status and territorial waters are discussed at length. The possibility that Iran would shoot back if attacked is framed as legal self-defense, while the blockade is described as an act of war. - Speaker 1 entertains a mixed approach for Iran: “Both. I would advise Iranian leaders to do both. Give diplomacy opportunity if Trump is interested. … don’t accept bullying because if you accept bullying, then you have to hand over Iranian oil to Trump.” - There is acknowledgment that if Iran chooses to respond, it would be legal and within its rights to do so, given the blockade’s status. Regional dynamics and actors - The UAE’s actions are scrutinized: Israel’s presence and the UAE’s alignment with the US and Israel are discussed, including the UAE’s role in OPEC and broad regional ties. Speaker 1 characterizes UAE as having provided more support to US/Israeli aims and notes a “wrong decision” by the UAE in its current course, suggesting a potential recalibration. - Iran’s broader strategy of “resisting” is described as its single option, with emphasis on not accepting bullying or endless concessions, and with a call to pursue both diplomacy and sustained pressure. Ideology, governance, and internal critique - The conversation shifts to a discussion of the Iranian revolution’s ideology and its domestic implications. Quotes attributed to the late leader Ayatollah Khomeini are examined, with Speaker 1 arguing that translation matters matter and that Islam, properly understood, is a world religion that seeks justice, not domination. The claim is made that Islam is not inherently violent and that the misperception of Islam as a violent force is part of Islamophobia. - A critique is offered of Iran’s domestic social sciences: Iran’s engineering and medical achievements are praised, while the social sciences are described as underdeveloped and too reliant on Western frameworks. The suggestion is that Iran should develop indigenous social sciences to better guide policy and society, arguing that “Iran could do much more” in this area. Personal outlook and conclusions - The speakers acknowledge that both sides appear unwilling to yield on core issues, with a double-track approach suggested: pursue diplomacy when possible, but prepare to resist and potentially escalate if pressures persist. - The conversation closes with an openness to future discussions, including the possibility of a separate program focused on Iran’s internal dynamics and the revolution’s core tenets, to better understand regional concerns and policy decisions.

CENTCOM reports more than 10,000 U.S. sailors, Marines, and airmen, along with over a dozen warships and dozens of aircraft, are enforcing a blockade of ships entering and leaving Iranian ports. In the first 24 hours, no ships passed the blockade, six merchant vessels turned around and reentered an Iranian port in the Gulf of Oman, while other reports claim two U.S.-sanctioned Iranian ships and another Panamanian ship managed to pass. With mixed accounts of what’s getting through and what’s blocked, the discussion turns to Scott Ritter, a former UN weapons inspector, who has been closely tracking the situation. Ritter and the hosts discuss the Strait of Hormuz and what the United States can actually do there. They speculate the U.S. plan is to block at the opening of the strait. Reports of mixed passage capabilities are noted, including a quip about Iranian embassies posting that “you cannot block someone who blocked you,” and the group questions how such blocking would work and whether it could be followed by firepower, given a current ceasefire. Concerns are raised about what would happen if a ship simply proceeds in defiance. The possibility of firing on merchant vessels is framed as piracy, and there’s mention of threats against U.S. ships from Iran. The ceasefire’s remaining duration is noted as only a few days, with online betting markets (Polymarket) showing odd optimism that the conflict could end imminently, which is questioned by the panel. The conversation broadens to regional implications: Lebanon is seen as not halted by the current actions, and Gaza ceasefire violations persist amid ongoing rhetoric and Hezbollah presence. The discussion shifts back to awaiting Ritter’s input. When Ritter appears, he weighs in on whether the blockade can be escalated and what Iran’s response might be. He argues that if the United States wanted to resume pre-ceasefire behavior, it could bomb Iran, absorb Iranian missiles, and endure destruction to U.S. infrastructure, but that is unlikely, as the blockade is “a joke” used for posturing to justify negotiations. He suggests a political off ramp is sought, with a resumption of negotiations likely on Thursday through Pakistan, since the blockade’s effectiveness is limited and other nations have told the United States to “pound sand.” Regarding the blockade’s impact, Ritter notes that most Iranian shipping has already moved out of the trade routes or is skirting the coast, and major actors like China, Russia, and India have signaled they will not be pressured by the blockade. He challenges CENTCOM to show one instance of boarding a Chinese vessel to turn it around, while noting the U.S. Navy would risk being sunk if challenging shipping along Iran’s coastline. He stresses that a blockade is technically an act of war, and the United States would need a new description for its current actions. On nuclear negotiations, Ritter states Iran does not have a nuclear weapons program and that there is no evidence of one sustaining past claims; he argues that the 60% enriched uranium is a provocation and explains that Iran’s leadership has claimed enrichment to maintain leverage in negotiations. He recounts past discussions with Iranian officials about limiting enrichment to 3.75% under IAEA supervision, arguing that Iran has the right under the NPT to possess the totality of the nuclear fuel cycle and that a mutual agreement could permanently limit higher enrichment pathways, potentially resolving the issue. He criticizes U.S. and Israeli positions and asserts that Israel’s influence is obstructing a straightforward resolution. The discussion touches on U.S. policy shifts and the idea that Netanyahu’s influence is affecting negotiations. Ritter concludes by reiterating that a realistic off ramp and negotiations are the preferred path, with a termination of the blockade and a resumption of talks anticipated. The hosts thank Ritter for joining and note audience appreciation from viewers who view his insights as truthful.

Russia claims US intelligence is secretly moving ISIS terrorists from prisons in Syria into Iraq to prepare an attack on Iran. The report Russia cites says Western spy agencies plan to use Syrian militants as a proxy force against Iran, framing this as part of a broader effort to manipulate militant groups. Colonel Douglas McGregor says this kind of tactic has “been going on forever” in the region, pointing to past US and allied support for groups designated as terrorist organizations and to similar historical patterns of arming proxy forces. He argues Iran is “eminently well-equipped” to deal with such threats, including recalling an earlier incident in which a Turkish-backed group of Azari Turks and Kurds was stopped after warnings reached Iranian authorities. He says the larger effect is to reinforce Tehran’s belief that any agreement with the US is worthless because the US cannot be trusted. The discussion also centers on an alleged “final draft” of a US-Iran peace memorandum obtained by Al Arabiya. The transcript describes it as a “laundry list” of US demands that Iran likely will not accept, including: reopening the Strait of Hormuz to international navigation without fees or tolls; slowly removing sanctions on Iranian oil in phases over many years; ending Iranian military operations, including assisting Lebanon; and stopping Israeli bombing of southern Lebanon, with an asserted Israeli component in expected outcomes. McGregor says such elements are difficult to keep concealed and argues they reduce the likelihood of a lasting agreement. A key dispute involves Strait of Hormuz control and sanctions. The transcript states President Trump said the strait would be open to everyone, not controlled by any country under any Iran deal, and that there would be no discussions about easing sanctions. Iran is also said to have stated it would strike back after recent attacks over the weekend, with McGregor arguing there is no coherent strategy apparent and that policy changes occur “tweet to tweet.” He criticizes the claim that Iran would not control the strait by describing prior international arrangements (the Montreux Convention) as a reason to expect a Turkish framework and “de facto” Iranian control due to Iran’s coastline and incentives to keep shipping and trade flowing. McGregor identifies two major obstacles: Israel’s influence over US decisions via Netanyahu’s demands to Iran, and Trump’s personal political constraints about escaping a failed approach without appearing weak. He also claims that withholding or reducing protection and exerting political pressure would keep US actions aligned with those demands. The transcript shifts to economic concerns, linking the Iran crisis to potential financial instability. McGregor cites inflation rising from 3.2% to 3.8% and suggests possible acceleration to 6%, arguing that raising interest rates to match inflation could collapse the financial system. He also says Trump sold about 17.8 million barrels of oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve to keep prices below $110 per barrel, warning the reserve could be exhausted by late July or early August, especially if sales occur below market price. He predicts wider economic harm, including a potential 36% reduction in global economic size, and compares current conditions to the Great Depression. He argues wealth and spending concentration make collapse-driven social change likely, describing the US as on an “unsustainable” path with debt and market distortions such as long-term mortgages and market manipulation benefiting the wealthy. He concludes that Trump’s decision to go to war with Iran accelerates the process and that a reckoning will eventually occur, though he does not specify timing.

President Putin spent nearly two hours on the phone with President Trump, delivering a forceful warning that if the United States and Israel restart a war against Iran, there would be “dire, extremely dire” consequences for the region. The show then shifts to the wordplay about Taco Tuesday and a new word: nacho, standing for “not a chance” or “Hormuz opens,” with Axios reporting that Trump rejected Iran’s proposal to open the Strait of Hormuz and that the U.S. has prepared a plan for a short, powerful wave of strikes on Iran. Trump reportedly met with energy CEOs, informing them that the blockade of the Strait could go on for a long time with no end in sight. Trump posted on Truth Social claiming Iran is “in a state of collapse” and that they want the Hormuz Strait opened as they figure out their leadership. The panel notes this may be delusional or not true, referencing a Moon of Alabama post arguing that bombing would not alter Iran’s decision making and that the U.S. has lost its war on Iran, with Iran delivering “the checkmate” by controlling Hormuz. Secretary of War nominee discussions and testimony are recapped, highlighting contradictions: the claim that Iran was destroyed, but that Iran still controls Hormuz, and that Iran was not close to nuclear weapons, yet bombing occurred due to ambitions. Speaker 2’s remarks emphasize that Iran’s nuclear program was said to be “completely obliterated,” but ambitions remained, leaving the situation in a stalemate. The hosts and guests debate what constitutes “winning” in the context of Iran closing Hormuz, with instances of the blockade becoming a reciprocal constraint, and a comparison to “tag” or “double stamp” dynamics. Colonel Daniel Davis and Colonel Douglas McGregor join to unpack the day’s events. Davis notes Putin’s warning implies global implications beyond Iran. He cites fertilizer shortages and rising energy prices, noting the Department of Agriculture’s letter about risks to U.S. farmers, rising bankruptcies, and the potential for a different outcome if war resumes. He questions whether the blockade will produce a different result than prior attempts and points to a potential long-term economic impact. Colonel McGregor adds that Israel’s demands, particularly Netanyahu’s, drive the policy: no more nuclear enrichment, dismantling missiles, and regional coercion, which he argues Iran will not accept. He warns that the U.S. economy hinges on cheap energy and cheap credit, and as energy prices rise, liquidity problems could cascade through private equity and financial markets, potentially resembling or surpassing the 2007-2008 crisis. He posits that Putin’s warning signals fear of global economic consequences and possible coalition formation against U.S. actions, including China and others who could hedge their dependence on energy, and argues that allies in the Gulf face mounting costs and possible strategic realignments. The discussion extends to regional shifts: UAE leaving OPEC, potential breakdown of alliances with the United States and Israel, and fears of broader regional instability. McGregor suggests five of six GCC states are near storage limits, threatening supply flows, and that allied states might ultimately align more with alternative partnerships, such as with China as a safer economic and financial hub. Davis emphasizes the human and civilian toll in Lebanon, Gaza, and Syria, noting destructive actions and questioning the moral and strategic justification. The panel concludes with a warning that the blockade could provoke broader escalations, including potential responses from Iran or other regional powers, and that domestic economic pressures could intensify if the situation remains unresolved. The hosts and guests express concern that cooler heads must prevail, acknowledging the serious risks of a wider conflict and global economic collapse.

Speaker 0 argues that control over the strait is more powerful than any nuclear weapon, noting that control is clearly in Iran’s hands, with additional mining of the southern portion forcing ships to sail right next to Iran’s total control. They criticize MAGA/Trump supporters for claiming Iran must open it immediately, saying, “you can say all the words you want, but Iran still controls the strait. And that means they control the backbone of the energy of planet earth, period.” Speaker 1 responds that Trump is desperate for a solution because the situation is humiliating the United States. They recount the U.S. posture since the Carter era, referencing the Carter Doctrine: to secure the energy-producing region in exchange for security guarantees, ensuring the Strait of Hormuz remains open. They remind that in 1987, during Operation Earnest Will, the U.S. Navy reflagged the Kuwaiti tanker fleet and escorted it through the Strait of Hormuz to protect it from Iraq and Iran. They say the Iranians watched and learned, and have since developed the capabilities to shut the strait down, and that the U.S. cannot keep it open—our navy, air force, and lack of sufficient ground power can’t do it. Therefore, Iran “own this. It is theirs, and they have declared it is ours.” Speaker 1 warns that if Iran continues to shut the strait, it will cause permanent damage, including permanent economic damage globally, with Europe facing an energy crisis it won’t recover from and Asia facing serious economic harm, including China. They note that China has intervened and pressured Iran to come to the table because a significant portion of China’s energy comes from the Middle East and from countries unable to ship oil due to the closure. They conclude that China told the Iranians they must sit down and talk with the Americans, and that Iran didn’t want to come to the table because they are “winning this war,” asserting, “they’re like, keep bombing us. We don’t care. You’re not destroying us. You’re not breaking our will. We’re destroying you. We’re humiliating you.” The Iranians, according to Speaker 1, were told by the Chinese to flow oil again and to begin talks, prompting Iran to sit down with the Americans.

Trump has announced Project Freedom, an effort to escort ships out of the Persian Gulf through the Strait of Hormuz, beginning today. It would involve tanker vessels and about 100 aircraft, though the number of ships is unclear. The speaker views this as an attempt to provoke a response from Iran to justify a renewed, larger war against it, effectively daring Iran to attack as ships are escorted through the Strait. There is debate over whether the Strait is international waters. The speaker notes that maritime law grants 12 miles of territorial waters to each country, and the Strait is so narrow that Iran’s 12 miles and Oman’s 12 miles together cover the entire strait, leaving no international-water segment. The northern portion is claimed to be within Iran’s territorial waters, while the southern portion is believed to have been mined, potentially forcing ships to use the northern portion and come within Iran’s range of drones or missiles. Questions are raised about which ships would be used to escort the tankers. The operation is labeled humanitarian, but the speaker recalls Trump’s past statements about targeting civilians, bombing infrastructure in Iran, and supporting actions in Gaza, arguing that such rhetoric and actions have been condemned as war crimes. The speaker notes a pattern of deceit by the U.S. military, suggesting a possibility that humanitarian rhetoric could mask an attack plan, potentially using civilian tankers as shields or enabling U.S. naval vessels to enter the Persian Gulf for an attack. The central question is Iran’s likely response. Iran has said that no ships will pass without its permission and has the capability to harass or attack vessels. Iran has previously attacked and destroyed commercial ships attempting to transit without permission. Possible Iranian responses include attacking commercial vessels, attacking U.S. naval vessels, doing nothing, or deploying more mines and waiting for ships to hit them. The speaker argues that Trump and the Pentagon are desperate, having failed to force Iran to surrender control of the Strait through financial pressure, mass bombing, sanctions, or fomenting domestic uprisings. Iran reportedly still holds leverage over the Strait, and the United States is attempting to reshape public perception and present itself as a humanitarian actor, despite history and geography suggesting otherwise. The takeaway is that the plan could be an attempt to provoke Iran into a military response that would allow another round of war, possibly under a War Powers Act extension, with U.S. sailors potentially used as bait—an outcome described as horrific and unethical. In the broader context, the ongoing oil shortages and potential global impacts are highlighted, with warnings that delays in opening the strait could worsen shortages of oil, gas, and fertilizer, raising fears of famine in the coming years. The speaker calls for peace and for negotiation with Iran, noting that compromise seems unlikely under the current administration. The closing sentiment emphasizes staying informed and seeking peaceful resolutions.

People point out that after a major sell-off in markets—described as $1.3 trillion sold off in the afternoon—the Dow ends the day green. A claim is made that markets had “exploded to the upside” earlier on under “false hope” of a deal with Iran, then later suffered a sudden, headline-free plunge: the S&P 500 erased its gains and fell more than 2% from its daily high, in a “plummet” that is described as wiping out $1.3 trillion in about two hours. The sell-off is linked in the discussion to events surrounding an Apache helicopter incident. A tweet attributed to President Trump says he was informed by the military that Iran shot down a “highly sophisticated Apache helicopter” while patrolling over the Strait of Hormuz; Trump’s statement says two pilots were involved and “both are safe and uninjured,” and that the United States “must, of necessity, respond to this attack.” The conversation then cites conflicting claims from “sources” and reports about whether casualties occurred. The discussion also states that casualty numbers have been classified. Video is discussed: an RT post is referenced claiming to show an Apache helicopter forcing a crash. Colonel Daniel Davis, host of The Deep Dive, says the video “is definitely not” of an Apache helicopter going down and claims it is from the second or third day of a prior war when a Shahid drone hit a U.S. base. He describes a Shahid drone as a “point target” that travels from point A to point B and says hitting a moving helicopter is “nearly impossible,” adding that a helicopter hit by such a drone would be “obliterated” and “nobody would have survived.” Davis argues the event “doesn’t seem plausible” and suggests it could serve as an “excuse” for a U.S. attack, with “tankers going up in the air” presented as part of what could be “in the works.” Questions are raised about the location: the transcript suggests the incident might be over land rather than only over the Straits of Hormuz, and speculates about whether it was over international waters. Israeli sources are also said to be telling “Redacted” that a U.S. refueling aircraft took off from Israel, described as “large tankers used for big strikes.” The discussion moves to negotiations and messaging. It mentions Iran’s statement: “If we are attacked by the United States, we will respond with a massive attack on our own.” It also discusses an asserted report about “unfrozen three billion dollars in assets” allegedly moved from the UAE to Iran as part of a deal, while the U.S. withholds additional frozen assets. The transcript contrasts this with President Trump’s position on NBC News, attributed to Kristen Welker: Trump is described as categorically saying the U.S. will not release frozen funds up front and that any future steps would depend on Iranian behavior. The transcript also recalls “Operation True Promise Five,” described as an attack by Iran on Israeli military bases. Israel is said to claim nothing got through, though video is referenced as showing things did get through. The conversation includes a claim about low intercept rates versus higher rates being asserted publicly. Finally, the transcript references alleged U.S.-Israel coordination: it says President Trump warned Benjamin Netanyahu not to attack Iran or launch any response, and describes Netanyahu launching a response anyway. The discussion claims Vice President Vance is trying to push toward a negotiated settlement, while Trump is said to have “headwinds” from him that could undermine progress—connecting that concern to the purported “helicopter incident.” It ends with continued skepticism, noting that the incident is supported mainly by a “piece of paper” and a statement, not wreckage or verified evidence, and that convenient explanations are offered about how pilots could have been recovered without visible remains.

Professor Robert Pape warned on X that within ten days parts of the global economy will start running short of critical goods, based on thirty years studying economic sanctions and blockades. He said this would bring not just higher prices but shortages, and that markets are not ready for this. The Kobelisi letter stated the world is experiencing its biggest energy crisis in history with 600,000,000 barrels of lost oil supply, US gas prices up 47% since December, and inflation approaching 4% in a path similar to the 1970s. The discussion then touched on Iran’s war potentially returning to open conflict. The United States seized an Iranian-flagged cargo ship, which Larry Johnson described as piracy and an act of war aimed at clearing the Strait of Hormuz; Tehran called it armed piracy and promised a response. JD Vance was headed to Islamabad for talks, though Iranian officials said they had not agreed to anything. Fox’s Tel Aviv correspondent relayed that Trump told him they would blow up everything in Iran if they didn’t come to the table, saying the deal would reopen the Strait of Hormuz and prevent Iran from possessing highly enriched uranium. Professor Pape, director of the Chicago Project on Security and Threats at the University of Chicago and author of Escalation Trap on Substack, joined the program. He referenced his April 12 post predicting shortages within forty-five to sixty days and described three stages: Stage one, the first ~45 days with price increases; Stage two (40–60 days) with shortages emerging; Stage three (day 60–90) with worsening shortages and then contraction, beginning around May 31. He explained that shortages would escalate into reduced production of commodities, fewer airline seats, and broader disruptions across supply chains. Pape detailed the implications for air travel and energy: jet fuel shortages could cause European and global aviation reductions, with Europe’s ~110,000,000 monthly air passengers dropping to potentially 80 million or fewer as fuel becomes scarce; cargo, mail, and just-in-time deliveries would be affected, and overall product availability would contract. He argued that 20% of the world’s oil passes through the Strait of Hormuz and that Iran’s potential shutdown and the U.S. response would complicate efforts to keep that oil flowing. He emphasized that the contraction would begin even as oil access becomes more difficult and other nations (including the U.S.) struggle to secure energy. The conversation then shifted to China. Pape noted that in China, the impact on GDP could be modest (about 1%), but the U.S. could be drawn into a larger conflict that could benefit China. He observed China’s preparation for energy independence: stockpiling oil, relying on solar, nuclear, and coal, and maintaining a robust energy strategy even during tensions with the U.S. He suggested that tariffs and conflicts did not significantly disrupt China’s planning, which could lead to China gaining relative advantage as the U.S. faces a widening energy and economic crisis. There was discussion about the United States’ energy independence. Pape stated he has long advocated energy independence since 2005, but warned that the broader picture involves debt, energy policy, and strategic choices that could threaten American leadership. He stressed the need for a concrete five-year plan to navigate the crisis without harming the economy in the short term and cautioned against escalating war in Iran. In addressing the everyday impact, the speakers considered who would be hardest hit: the poorest, and particularly non-college-educated white working-class voters, who had experienced the largest deterioration in income since 1990. The conversation included proposals to mitigate consumer pain, such as targeted economic measures for working Americans affected by rising gas prices, potentially including tax considerations or subsidies for those whose jobs require fuel, while avoiding broad handouts. Pape reiterated that his Escalation Trap Substack presents a framework based on twenty-one years of modeling the bombing of Iran and indicates that the stages he predicted are unfolding faster than anticipated, with a focus on concrete policy options that could be enacted by May 1. He emphasized that his analysis centers on consequences for ordinary people and urged practical policy steps to address the crisis.

Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson and Glenn discuss the current U.S. posture toward Iran, Russia, and China within a broader critique of U.S. diplomacy and imperial overreach. They begin by contrasting the era of diplomacy with today’s approach, noting that Donald Trump paused his plan to open the Strait of Hormuz by force after earlier objectives were not met, while Marco Rubio claimed that Operation Epic Fury had already achieved its goals. Wilkerson contends Rubio’s statements are egregiously wrong and emphasizes that a blockade is an act of war, citing post–World War II international law and Kennedy’s Cuban Missile Crisis decisionmaking, where quarantine was used as an alternative to a blockade. He dismisses the idea of kamikaze dolphins and argues the Iran situation failed objectively; Trump appears to seek an exit from a costly engagement, and the only way to open the Strait would be if an Omani-Iranian consortium controlled it and charged a modest pass-through fee. Wilkerson argues the Strait of Hormuz plan was cocked up, and he criticizes the Pentagon and Pete Gaskdast for missteps. He suggests genuine strategic outcomes depend on Iranian control of the strait, and he questions how 2,000 ships in the North Arabian Sea could be escorted without sufficient naval power. The discussion then moves to European involvement; Wilkerson dismisses the French carrier strike group as a meaningless display that does not enhance combat power, noting current and rising costs of U.S. and allied carriers and the obsolescence of carriers in first-tier warfare. He highlights BRICS as a counterpoint to Western strategy, pointing to the BRICS Summit in September in Delhi under Modi, with the theme “building for resilience, innovation, cooperation, and sustainability,” and contrasts this with U.S. emphasis on primacy and sanctions. The conversation shifts to the historical arc of empire, with Wilkerson likening today’s U.S. posture to the regimes of the 1930s and arguing that the empire’s methods are eroding alliances. He critiques U.S. leaders and the psychological willingness to pursue warlike paths, suggesting that the BRICS framework represents a potential alternative to the U.S.-led order. He invokes Eisenhower’s preference for diplomacy and the UN, warning that the current trajectory risks becoming a modern-day breach of international norms. He warns that if Europe’s leaders are displaced and if the U.S. continues to threaten war, the global balance could shift toward a multipolar confrontation where China and Russia align more closely, potentially undermining the Bretton Woods system and Swift, and leaving the U.S. vulnerable to sanctions regimes and other strategic restraints. The dialogue then addresses Israel, Netanyahu, and Lebanon. Wilkerson asserts that Israel’s current actions in Lebanon and the broader region reflect a “Hitlerian/Tojoian” posture, describing the Israeli stance as violent and undermining regional stability. He notes Haaretz and other Israeli media critiques of Netanyahu’s approach, suggesting that a democracy with inclusive governance could offer a path forward, but in its present form, Israel faces existential questions about its future statehood. He argues that Europe’s political leaders are unlikely to endure the current trajectory, and he emphasizes the central role of nuclear weapons in shaping the strategic risk of the era. Wilkerson asserts that the current imperial framework relies on existential threats to unify populations, and he hopes BRICS and other powers will adopt climate-security as a unifying concern to avert catastrophic conflict. Towards the end, Wilkerson cautions that if the U.S. and its allies do not reframe diplomacy, the world may turn against the empire, with Xi Jinping’s potential to transform the global financial system and sanctions regimes as a signal of a broader realignment. He concludes with a sobering reminder that the planet remains vulnerable to catastrophic outcomes if diplomacy fails, and he acknowledges the possibility of renewed bombing of Iran being discussed in some quarters.

The discussion centers on the Strait of Hormuz, potential global repercussions, and how investors are reading the shifting geopolitical and technological landscape. - The Strait of Hormuz is portrayed as a critical chokepoint with the potential for devastating global economic reverberations. The hosts question whether the strait will stay closed and warn it could push the world toward a global recession if blocked for an extended period. A peace delegation has arrived in Pakistan to negotiate, with JD Vance, Jared Kushner, and Steve Witkoff among those involved, but officials warn bombing could resume within 24 hours if no plan is reached. - Israel reportedly views Iran’s new leadership as more dangerous and is accused of continuing military actions in Lebanon and civilian attacks, undermining hopes for peace. President Trump issued statements criticizing Iran’s restrictions on shipping through Hormuz, while a graph shows Hormuz traffic collapsing to about 10% of normal. Kevin Hassett, the White House adviser, suggested the strait could reopen in two months, a claim met with skepticism. - Trump and White House spokespeople are characterized as projecting an immediate and complete reopening of the strait, with others labeling that view as unrealistic. Trump said results of talks with Iran would be known in about 24 hours, while describing a “reset” and signaling a pause in Operation Epic Fury before a potential relaunch with harsher consequences. Iran is described as seemingly buying into the pause, with ships refueling and ammunition flowing into the Middle East. - Marc Rutte (Netherlands) is cited as stating NATO will assist in securing the strait and ensuring safe passage, prompting questions about the logistical capabilities of NATO and the weapons available to support such an operation, raising concerns about the feasibility of a NATO-backed effort. - On the investment side, the guest, Mark Wilburn, president of Neo’s Capital and author of Understanding the Matthew Effect, emphasizes that a two-month Hormuz closure could trigger a global recession and inflation spikes, while any constructive peace talks could spur market upside. He notes a current bias toward cash and a bearish tilt given geopolitical tensions and the AI/tech disruption cycle. - The discussion covers “expanded tech,” including Anthropic’s Claude and its potential to replace traditional SaaS functions, leading to capital leaving expanded tech from Intuit, Adobe, ServiceNow, Cadence Designs, and others, and moving into consumer goods, industrials, and utilities. Claude is described as capable of creating agents that could replace standard software solutions, with anecdotes about AI-enabled businesses reaching high valuations and single-person ventures achieving substantial scale. - The AI revolution raises questions about job displacement, surveillance, and the potential societal transformation, with concerns about a transition to a more monitored, possibly socialist framework if governments fund broad programs. - The housing market and energy strategy are discussed in the U.S. context. The president’s policies are scrutinized, with speculation that he might emphasize energy dominance to influence global oil dynamics, including Venezuela, Iran, and Saudi Arabia. The potential impact of higher oil prices on inflation and recession risks is highlighted. - On manufacturing and the dollar, there is debate about a Trump-era push to bring制造 back to the U.S., the costs of domestic production, and whether firms will relocate supply chains despite higher costs, versus continuing offshore production for cheaper inputs. The Nord Stream pipeline destruction and Europe’s LNG shift are cited as context for U.S. energy strategy. - Mark’s current trading posture is largely cash-based due to the conflict, with a plan to deploy capital if peace talks progress, particularly in tech equities like Amazon. He emphasizes avoiding chasing trades and using inverse ETFs to profit from potential declines. He points to a “transition” phase in many big tech names and suggests opportunities in semiconductor and other meme sectors. - The two free live training sessions hosted by Mark are scheduled for April 16 at 6 PM ET and April 18 at 4 PM ET, with a landing page at redactedtrading.com. Attendees will learn chart-reading skills, risk management, and portfolio positioning to navigate potential market volatility. - Final notes stress staying educated and prepared for both optimistic outcomes and downturns, with the overarching message that financial education is essential for protecting assets and making informed decisions amid geopolitical and technological upheaval.

- President Trump has threatened an entire civilization with utter destruction if Iran does not meet an 8 PM deadline tonight for negotiations and reopening the Strait of Hormuz. He posted “A whole civilization will die tonight” on Truth Social, and the remark is circulating on X. - Ahead of the deadline, Israel began striking civilian infrastructure in Iran, including railways, bridges, and critical transit routes. Officials say these are military targets, with ongoing debate about civilian damage. - Vice President JD Vance says the United States is prepared to use tools not used before and that the U.S. will get a response from the Iranians by 08:00 tonight, positive or negative. He says the goal is a world where oil and gas is flowing freely, where people can heat and cool their homes and transport themselves, and that Iran must avoid “acts of economic terrorism.” He mentions tools in the toolkit that the President can decide to use if Iran does not change course. - JD Vance’s stance is described as doubling down on this rhetoric and the 8 PM deadline. - The discussion questions what “tools in our toolkit” refers to, noting the White House PR team’s denial that it referred to nuclear weapons; the host suggests the remark was ambiguous or open to interpretation. - Civilians in Iran are forming human chains on bridges, placing themselves at risk in a display of defiance and self-sacrifice. The host and guest question whether this indicates a desire to be Bombed or a call for greater humanity from the U.S. and Israel. - Professor Morandi from Iran discusses the threat as read inside Iran, noting that Trump has repeatedly spoken of “obliterating Iran.” He observes that Western media do not condemn Trump’s violent rhetoric, even as they oppose war generally. - Targets cited by the IDF map include eight bridge segments near Tehran, Qaraj, Tabriz, Kasham, and Qom, described as military targets; Morandi notes that universities have been bombed in Tehran, as have other academic institutions, and questions how civilians and infrastructure are treated. - Morandi explains that, from Iran’s perspective, a ceasefire is unacceptable because it would allow renewed attacks in six months and would require reparations; Arab Gulf regimes hosting bases must pay for the damage. - The host and Morandi discuss the psychology of Iranians standing against the United States, highlighting civilian resilience, religious-cultural motivations, and the sense of dignity against imperialism. - Morandi notes Iran’s alliances across the world, including Yemen’s Ansarullah/Houthis, Iraqi resistance groups, Hezbollah, and Palestinian groups; he warns that closing the Bab al-Mandab Strait would be catastrophic for global oil routes and could intensify energy prices. - The program observes that Iran’s air defenses and missile capabilities are robust and that the U.S. may miscalculate Iran’s defense capabilities; Morandi asserts Iran can retaliate against U.S. and allied oil and gas assets in the region. - Allegations of propaganda include “death to America” chants, which Morandi explains as anti-imperial, not literal calls to destroy the United States as a country. - The segment ends with a call for cooler heads to prevail and a reminder of the 8 PM deadline, with Morandi thanking the host and urging safety.

Lt. Col. Daniel Davis and Glenn (Speaker 0) discuss the rapidly evolving situation around the Strait of Hormuz, the Lebanon ceasefire, and the broader implications for war, diplomacy, and global energy. - Iran asserts the Strait of Hormuz is open, contingent on conditions tied to the Lebanon ceasefire. Foreign Minister Abbas Arakchi said the strait would be open “in conformity to the conditions that were set when they did the original ceasefire,” and the period of that ceasefire “expires… local time” in a few days. Iran’s stance includes three conditions: ships must be commercial, passage of a military ship is prohibited, ships and cargo must not be linked to any belligerent state; ships must pass through the route designated by Iran to avoid mines; passage must be coordinated with Iranian forces responsible for the passage, acknowledging Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps control of the strait. - The United States position is contrasted: President Trump stated, via Truth Social, that there is “no truth” to a deal reported by Axios about unfreezing Iranian assets in exchange for reprocessed material, and asserted he would not give any funds. Trump suggested he’d personally press to obtain the reprocessed material. He also claimed Iran promised never to close the Strait again. Iran’s side emphasizes a two-way street and that the strait’s openness depends on their terms, implying an incompatible dynamic with Trump’s one-way demand. - The Lebanese ceasefire is central to the conditions for Hormuz opening, with Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Ibrahim Al-Faqqar warning that if the naval blockade continues, it would be a violation of the ceasefire. This sets up a potential contradiction: the Strait may be “open,” but the openness is conditioned on Lebanon and on how the blockade is treated. - Market reaction: oil dropped about 12% on the announcements, though observers warn the details matter greatly and a true opening depends on mutual compliance and ongoing events. - Military and diplomatic dynamics: both sides are preparing for renewed hostilities. The US has increased interceptor and offensive missiles and prepared systems (JASMs, Tomahawks, SM variants). Secretary of Defense and Trump indicate a readiness to resume hostilities when the ceasefire ends, though President Trump also notes possible diplomatic maneuvers. Iran is reportedly excavating tunnels, refurbishing underground missile facilities, and moving assets, while the US is reinforcing with ships and air traffic. Diplomatic efforts are occurring with multilateral engagement, signaling negotiations could extend beyond the current window. - Ground invasion scenarios: a US ground invasion of Iran is deemed physically impossible or highly impractical. Estimates suggest requiring 400,000–500,000 troops, with Iran’s mountainous terrain and fortified positions providing a lethal environment. Even efforts to seize coastal sites like Hormuz or Bandar Abbas would be costly and strategically indefensible, potentially yielding only temporary gains. - Endgame options presented by Davis as the three main paths for President Trump: (1) negotiate a settlement on terms minimally acceptable to Iran—likely including control of the strait, security guarantees, and reparations; (2) a sudden “firestorm” of bombing and energy-system strikes to coerce concessions; (3) maintain the blockade and pursue a prolonged economic pressure strategy, wagering on longer-term pain. All options carry significant downsides for the United States and global markets. - Economic and global risk: even a diplomatic breakthrough could leave lasting effects on energy, fertilizer supply, and broader economic stability. Experts warn of a potential global recession or even depression if the crisis persists or worsens, due to disruptions in oil, fertilizers, and related sectors. - The discussion closes with cautious optimism about diplomatic space, balanced by realism about the profound challenges and the likelihood that the ultimate outcome remains uncertain, with substantial economic and geopolitical risks no matter which path is pursued.

Speaker 0: Welcome to game plan. I'm Shivan Jan now. So far, there is only one winner in this war in West Asia, and that's Russia. Mind you, I'm not saying that this was acknowledged by the European Council president Antonio Costa. US Israeli strikes in West Asia, they have driven up the price of oil, strengthening the Kremlin's ability to fund its military campaign. Now in a sharp reversal from last year's policy of penalizing countries for buying Russian energy, US treasury secretary Scott Pessen said that The United States could unsanction other Russian oil to keep the flow of oil intact. And this is because the Strait Of Hormuz, the pivotal point from where this war is kind of converging, that is under complete Iranian control. Movement of ships has been blocked. Movement of oil has been blocked. It has shot up the oil prices, and the repercussions are being felt across the world at this point. Is the war proving to be a boon for Russia whose economy is dependent on energy exports? As the state of Hormuz gets blocked, Russia gets a free hand at selling its oil at rates that can be expounded without proper discounts as well. Is Putin the one winning in the war that US and Israel started against Iran? To discuss this with me on game plan is doctor Glenn Deesen, professor of international relations at the University of Southeastern Norway. Glenn, always a pleasure speaking with you. Thanks so much for joining me here. Trump and Putin, they held a call recently, the first time this year, and this was to discuss the discuss the ongoing hostilities in Iran. What do you think they would have discussed, and what kind of a role can Putin be playing in the ongoing war? Speaker 1: Well, I assume some of the things to discuss was obviously the the the extent to which The US and Russia targets each other because one of the things that the American media has been complaining about is the likelihood that Russia is providing intelligence to Iran for targets, but of course this is what The United States been doing for years and continues to do, that is give the Ukrainians targets to hit Russia. So I think there's a necessity to begin to discuss is appropriate and again what happens behind these doors, I don't know. But also of course there has to be some scaling back of the energy sanctions against Russia to bring this, the energy prices under control. As you suggest, they are now very much out of control. But I think also the main thing they've discussed is how to bring this war to an end because I think it's perfectly clear now that this US attack on Iran was a terrible mistake, and it appears that Putin would be the the main middleman who would might be able to bring an end to this war. But, again, it depends what can be done as what the Iranians will demand may be more than what the Americans can deliver. Speaker 0: Glenn, as you mentioned, Putin could perhaps be the main person to bring peace in this war. Putin has the highest chance of acting as peacemaker in West Asia. Is there anyone other than Putin at this point who can bring? Because just look at the optics of it. US starts a war, and I think ten days into it, he needs to make a call to Vladimir Putin to discuss that same war. How does it look for The US? Speaker 1: Well, they don't care for this, of course, but that it's similar to what to what happened with the war against Syria. That is, if you remember, back at president Obama's time, he had set these red lines, he were gonna attack Syria. It was quite obvious that this would be a disaster. So he went to the Russian president and he was able to get a deal through and which essentially took Obama's chestnuts out of the fire. So it was, you know, it it it is the reality or the optics of it isn't great given that The US has been fighting a proxy war for years against Russia, but but, know, at some point, you have to put the optics aside. Who who else would be in a position to help to negotiate this? I'm thinking, you know, perhaps China could be a middleman, but I think given that The United States, especially under the Trump administration, wants to improve bilateral ties with Russia, I I I think he's probably the best, yeah, the best bet. Speaker 0: Would it be fair to say that Putin is emerging as a winner in this ongoing West Asia war, which only seems to be expanding within the West Asian region? Speaker 1: Well, no. I think, yeah, to a large extent, I think that is correct because the energy prices are way up. The US have to scale back sanctions. The all the weapons which The US had intended to ship towards Ukraine to fight Russia is now being depleted. For European leaders, as you mentioned earlier on, to who aspire to prolong the war in Ukraine, this is an absolute disaster. And we'll see that countries that cut the energy ties or at least reduced energy ties with Russia at the best of American pressure, they of course have learned a lesson now as well that this was not a good idea that you don't necessarily put bet too much on a hegemon in decline, so countries who before paid discounts now may have to pay premium. We'll see that Iran, which I assume is getting some support from Russia sees this relationship improving dramatically. They're moving much closer, which is good for Russia because the Iranians always have some suspicions towards the Russians given well a long history they've had through the centuries of conflict. So all of this improves. You can also say that The Gulf States, the weakening of The Gulf States has also a big impact on weakening The U. S. Ability to restore its hegemony because what show what's obvious now is that the Gulf States are not getting protection instead they're becoming very vulnerable as frontline states and The US is no longer seen as that reliable. Well, if they're not going to bet their security on The United States anymore then they may not have that much pressure to sell their oil in dollars. You're not gonna have those recycled petrodollars coming back to The US, and suddenly the whole AI race with China looks a lot weaker as well. So I think across the board, a lot of things look good for Russia, but and there is a big but here, and that is I don't think that the Russians want this war nonetheless because the Russians, much like the Chinese, value stability and predictability. And what's happening in Iran now could again, if something would happen to Iran collapse, that would be a disaster for this Greater Eurasia initiative that is to integrate economies of Greater Eurasian Continent, but also this could spiral into a world war. So from this perspective, it's very dangerous and I don't doubt that the Russians therefore want to put an end to this war simply because I guess much like India, they don't want the Eurasian Continent to be too China centric, they would like to have many poles of power and this requires diversification. This means that the Russians need close ties with Iran, with India and other countries. So for the Americans to knock off Iran off the, you know, the chessboard, the greater Eurasian chessboard would be a disaster for the Russians. So, yes, I think they're prospering or benefiting from this, but they they do wanna put an end to it. Speaker 0: Understood. Glenn, let me just come to the Strait Of Hormuz. You know, the objectives of U. S. Behind starting this war, that has been questioned enough. Why did you start this war in the first place? Those are questions not just emerging, you know, globally. They're also emerging from inside The U. S. But if you look at what a win will actually look like for US, would it be the state of Hormuz? Like, which whoever controls the state of Hormuz is eventually who walks away as you know, walks away with the victory at this point because The US was looking for a change in regime. They mentioned it enough number of times. That hasn't happened and doesn't seem like it's going to happen. Is the state of Hormuz the winning factor now? Speaker 1: Well, I I I don't think any The US would be in a position to control this just given the geography. So The US obviously went into into this war with the objective of regime change. That was the goal. This was the decapitation strike, this was the hope of killing Khamenei and obviously it didn't work. I think it shouldn't have come as a surprise, but you know killing the leader of Iran only created more solidarity within the country. And also the idea that the whole armed forces would begin to disintegrate once they had been punished enough, also proven to be incorrect. So I think at the moment you see the American pivoting a bit. Some are talking about the Strait Of Moose that this should be a goal, others are saying you see a shift now towards saying well, actually what we really want to do is just degrade Iran's missile capabilities that they won't have this long range missiles. And again, you know, these are the kind of vague objectives which they can essentially declare victory today then because Iran has had many of its missiles destroyed. Also it launched a lot of its missiles at U. S. Targets which means that its missile stockpile has been reduced. So this should be a source of optimism when The U. S. Moves from this very hard line objective such as regime change and they shift in towards missiles, reducing the missile stockpiles or something like this. But the straight of our moves, I think, is beyond what what is reasonable. It's it will be too difficult. So I don't think they will But why push too hard on do Speaker 0: you feel it would be difficult if I were to just look at the bases that they have across West Asia? They have enough military might. Syria, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, have their bases there. How difficult would it be to exert that military might over the Strait Of Hormuz? Speaker 1: Well, controlling it just means the ability to shut it down. Many countries would have the ability to shut down this narrow strait. The problem is that no one benefits from it, that is the Gulf States are hurt, Iran is hurt from it, The US and the global economy is hurt. So it becomes an exercise in self harm. The reason why the Iranians are doing this, the ability to shut down the Strait Of Hormuz is because The US has the ability to inflict a mass amount of destruction. It can go after civilian infrastructure, it can well, look what they've done to Tehran. It looks like, well, just, you know, the chemical warfare there. You've seen in terms of going after his fuel depots. They're going after the water supplies in Iran. You you see all these things. This is what America can do. Iran doesn't have that ability. They can't hit The United States. What they can do is cause economic pain. So, yes, I think The US and many of the Gulf States can also shut down the Strait Of Our Moose, but but but that's not that's it doesn't have any purpose. It doesn't have any reasoning. Speaker 0: Can they eradicate the Iranian control over the Strait Of Hormuz? I'm not talking about shutting it down, but just get rid of the Iranians from there and they then decide who gets to control and when it has to be shut and when it has to be opened and remained and kept open and secured. Can The US exert that kind of military might over the state of Hormuz to control it? Speaker 1: Then one need us to control a massive amount of Iran's territory, which is a huge territory with populated by 90,000,000 people. So this seems very unlikely and if closing down the Strait Of Hormuz would depend on very sophisticated weapon systems, will be one thing. But this can be shut down with drones which can be manufactured in apartments. It can be also shut down with small naval drones that is this essentially drone operated small torpedoes. There's it doesn't require a lot of high technology which means that The US can't take out very key infrastructure to prevent Iran from shutting this down, to force it to open. But with very cheap and easy to make weapons, the Iranians can shut it down and it's simply too much territory, too large population for The United States to shut down the these capabilities. So at some point, they're have to make peace with the Iranians and make it make sure it's in Iran's interest to keep the Strait Of Hormuz open because it is in their interest. The problem now is that Iran faces an existential threat. That is The US now threatens to destroy not just the government, but also the country. As Trump tweeted, we we will make it impossible for Iran to even rebuild as a nation. And this is what regime change means. There is no replacement government. This means the disintegration and destruction of Iran, a massive civil war which could cost hundreds of thousands of lives. So for them this is existential which is why they went to this great extent. They've never done this before because they never believed that they faced this kind of an existential threat. So if the war ends, the Iranians have no reason to shut this straight down. This is very horrible for them as well. So, no, I I don't think The US can control the straight or almost no one can control it completely because too many actors could shut it down. Speaker 0: Glenn, thanks so much for joining me here on game plan. Whether this war continues further, that only means and if it does, that's essentially what Iran is looking at because they're not capitulating. They're not giving up. They are taking a bad amount of beating. There's no doubt in that, but they are continuing with their counters nevertheless. And straight of hormones is their main play where they're exerting their pressure with whether it's mines, whether it's their own boats, whether it's their own military boats. Now energy experts have also warned that whether the Iran crisis proves a cure for Russia's economy, that depends directly on how long it lasts. But there is little to suggest that Iran is willing to capitulate that what we just discussed. They're inviting U. S. To continue the war on the other hand. That's what the statements from Iran suggest that we're waiting. Come on, on. Now in the midst of this, Russia is emerging as the winner as we just discussed. How long this lasts? It doesn't seem to be in the favor of The U. S. We'll need to wait and watch twelfth day and running. They expected it to last for about four to five weeks, whether it goes the distance or even longer. Let's wait. That was Glenn Deeson joining me here on Game Plan. Speaker 1: Thanks, Yvonne.

The conversation centers on competing analyses of how the current Iran-US risk escalates and what might drive Trump’s decisions. - Robert Pape’s framework is invoked: the escalation trap guarantees a ground operation. Speaker 0 asks Speaker 1 for his view after having seen Pape’s remarks; Speaker 1 acknowledges Pape’s expertise on escalation, noting he laid out an escalation ladder and taught at senior military colleges. He still questions whether Pape adequately accounts for Donald Trump’s psychology. - Trump’s mindset and advisers: Speaker 1 suggests Trump wants out and might be constrained by hard-right advisers like Pete Hegseth and Stephen Miller, with Lindsey Graham also urging “epic” moves. He argues there has been no decisive operation giving Trump a victory arc, noting the war has involved destroying outdated Iraqi/F-5 fighter jets rather than a clear strategic win. - The Iran situation and off-ramps: The debate touches on whether Iran can or will offer Trump an off-ramp. Speaker 1 says Trump will make or take his own off-ramp, citing the blockade as an example. They discuss a recent movement toward the Western Strait of Hormuz, with ships turning to Iran’s EZ Pass toll-booth route; one cruise ship chose a shallow, non-regular path, suggesting a calculated bypass of typical traffic schemes. - Official statements on the Strait of Hormuz: The discussion quotes Iran’s foreign minister, Sayyid Abbas, who stated that passage for all commercial vessels through the Strait of Hormuz is open for the remaining period of a four-day ceasefire, on the coordinated IRGC EZ Pass route, with inspection and authorization by the IRGC. Trump claimed the Strait of Hormuz is open, which Speaker 1 terms a desperate interpretation, noting that Iran is effectively charging a toll and that the situation is tied to the Lebanon ceasefire, though Trump claims it is not. - Potential outcomes and strategic interpretations: The speakers weigh whether this is the beginning of broader acceptance of Iran’s conditions, with Iran potentially accepting a World Liberty Financial-backed US stable coin in exchange for keeping enriched uranium. They describe Iran’s tactic as the “cup of chai” strategy—effectively allowing the other side to reveal concessions gradually. - War planning and escalation scenarios: The group discusses possible futures, including a fifth-day US bombing campaign or a renewed air operation, but neither speaker sees an imminent air campaign as likely. They consider the risk of US actions that would violate the ceasefire, such as sinking IRGC boats in the Strait, which would restart full-scale war and imperil the global economy. They also reflect on Trump’s personal incentives to seek a legacy through a dramatic victory, fueled by advisers who push for dramatic moves, versus the financial and political costs for Gulf states. - Concluding viewpoint: There is skepticism about a decisive, orchestrated victory for Trump in the near term and tension between the possibility of limited military actions and a broader, open-ended confrontation.

Speaker 0 argues that during the Gaza/Israel conflict, genocide is taking place and that the United States is complicit, stating there is “no question” about it. He says, “If we had Nuremberg trials, we’re not gonna have them,” and asserts that Joe Biden and his principal lieutenants, and Donald Trump and his principal lieutenants, would be hanged, because “we are talking about a genocide.” He notes that “the greatest of all crimes” is happening and that hardly a word was said in the liberal establishment in the United States against Israel’s actions, with the United States helping to commit genocide. He adds that this is “truly remarkable” and that even a realist like him is among the few in mainstream academia speaking out. He then references a “remarkable truth post” on Truth Social, in which Trump says that if the Iranians don’t surrender by nighttime, he will destroy Iran as a civilization and make it impossible for Iran to come back from the dead, calling this “truly stunning” and labeling it genocidal language. He asks rhetorically if anyone thought an American president would speak this way, comparing the rhetoric to Adolf Hitler’s with the aim to exterminate Iran and erase it from the planet, noting it sounds like a Carthaginian solution. Speaker 0 contends that Trump is desperate, understanding “the basic logic” he laid out and “the hand” is losing, with consequences that would extend beyond Trump’s presidency and threaten the global economy. He suggests that Trump’s shift to extermination is a sign of this desperation. He asserts that “every state on the planet outside of The United States knows now being close to The United States gets you in trouble,” and cites Henry Kissinger’s maxim that “there’s only one thing worse than being an adversary of The United States, and that’s being an ally of The United States.” In summary, he claims genocide is occurring with US complicity, envisions harsh post-Nuremberg consequences for Biden and Trump, highlights Trump’s genocidal rhetoric toward Iran, labels the language as Hitler-like and Carthaginian, and suggests Trump’s strategy reflects desperation tied to a fragile global economic outlook and U.S. geopolitical dominance as summarized by Kissinger.

Speaker 0: Nearly two weeks into this conflict, the official story is cracking, and the number of Americans wounded is slowly coming out. Yesterday, we reported based on our sources that the number of American wounded was at least one hundred and thirty seven. After our report ran, the Pentagon has now publicly acknowledged about one hundred and forty wounded. That confirms our sources on this. So why did it take a little news show like ours to report this information? Why wasn't Fox News reporting this information? The Pentagon I know it's really weird. Why is the mainstream media silent on this? The Pentagon finally comes out and actually admits to this. Speaker 1: Reuters comes out and reports this. Exclusive. As many as one hundred and fifty US troops wounded so far in Iran war. They just published this today, this morning. March 10. That's remarkable. Exclusive. Just curious how that's an exclusive when we reported it yesterday. Yesterday. Whatever. Hey, Reuters. Bite me. Anyway, this war is clearly not winding down no matter what the messaging says. President Trump is saying the war could end very soon. But Iran says talks with The United States are off the table for now. Tehran is prepared to keep striking as long as it takes. And they're vowing an eye for an eye. So what is an eye for an eye actually mean? Does it mean you hey, you killed our leader. We kill yours? Does it mean, hey, you killed all these girls who were the daughters of members of the the Iranian Navy at a girls school, do we also do that to you? Like, what is actually does that look like? Speaker 0: Does it mean we took out your water infrastructures or you took out ours? So we do that. Right. Your gas infrastructure, civilian infrastructure, that's that's a war crime. But we did it. Your oil infrastructure, we do that. Like, what exactly does that look like? Meanwhile, the Strait Of Hormuz is getting worse by the minute. US intelligence tracking Iranian mine laying threats now as Gulf energy infrastructure there is taking a major hit with about 1,900,000 barrels per day of refining capacity across Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and The UAE. All down. CBS now says shipping through the Strait Of Hormuz has ground to a virtual halt. Nothing getting through. That's of just a few minutes ago. And Israel's hammering Beirut's southern suburbs and Lebanon. So they've essentially invaded Lebanon. Speaker 2: And then there's the neocon political class in Washington saying the quiet part out loud. Senator Lindsey Graham is now openly talking about, you know, going back to South Carolina to tell the sons and daughters in South Carolina, you know, you gotta send your loved ones to the Middle East. That's what I'm doing here in South Carolina. I gotta tell them to go fight in the Middle East, and he's calling on other Middle East countries that have been sitting on the fence that we've supported over the years as allies. Get off the fence. Go bomb Iran. Help out with Iran. And, oh, by the way, Spain, we're pissed off at you because you don't want us using your air bases or airspace to bomb Iran. Listen. Speaker 0: To our allies step up, get our air bases out of Spain. They're not reliable. Move all those airplanes to a country that would let us use them when we're threatened by a regime like Iran. To our friends in Spain, man, you have lost your way. I don't wanna do business with you anymore. I want our air bases our air bases out of Spain into a country that will let us use them. To our Arab friends, I've tried to help you construct a new Mideast. You need to up your game here. I can't go to South Carolina and say we're fighting and you won't publicly fight. What you're doing behind the scenes, that has to stop. The double dealing of the Arab world when it comes to this stuff needs to end. I go back to South Carolina. I'm asking them to send their sons and daughters over to the Mideast. What I want you to do in The Mideast to our friends in Saudi Arabia and other places, step forward and say this is my fight too. I join America. I'm publicly involved in bringing this regime down. If you don't, you're making a great mistake, and you're gonna cut off the ability to have a better relationship with The United States. I say this as a friend. Speaker 1: Ugh. He's an odious friend. Speaker 0: Say this as a friend. Speaker 3: With friends pick up a gun and go fight yourself, you coward. Yeah. I freaking hate that. But you're calling so, like, bluntly for somebody else to go die for his stupid cause. Speaker 0: Yeah. Speaker 1: I am so curious about this. I mean, he's a liar. But how many people in South Carolina are really walking up to him and saying, who are we gonna get to fight with us? Who are we gonna get to fight Iran? Worried about this. My son can go, but who's going with him? Let's make some war playdates. Who does that? Speaker 0: Larry Johnson is a former CIA analyst, NRA gun trainer, and, he's been looking at all of this and doing some incredible writing over at his website, Sonar twenty one. Larry, thank you for joining us. Great to see you back on the show. Speaker 4: Hi, guys. Good to see you. Speaker 0: So I wanna talk about the American war wounded first because Mhmm. I know that this is, near and dear to your heart and, of course, something that you've been watching, closely. And the lies, of course, that are coming out about this. Again, I spoke to sources over the past forty eight hours that were telling us here at Redacted about 137 Americans wounded. Then the Pentagon comes out and then confirms about a hundred and forty. So right pretty much right on the nose. And does that number sound low to you? Or does that sound about right? Speaker 4: That sounds a little low. So on March 4, let's go to Germany. Stuttgart, just North West of Germany, there is a hospital called Landstuhl Regional Medical Center. Landstuhl's primary mission is to handle American war wounded. On March 4, they issued a memo telling all the pregnant women that were about to give birth that, sorry, don't come here. We're not birthing any more babies. We gotta focus on our main mission. So that was the first clue that there was there were a lot of casualties inbound. I know, without mentioning his name, somebody who was involved dealing with the combat casualties during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and he dealt with the personnel at Lunstul. And he called someone up and said, can't say anything, but there's a lot of casualties. Then 13 miles to the east of Landstuhl is an army base called Kaiserslautern. Kaiserslautern and the Stars and Stripes issued for that base had an appeal, a blood drive appeal. Hey. We need lots of people to show up and donate blood. So those that was on March 5. So I wrote about this March 6. So I wrote about this four days ago, that, yeah, we had a lot more casualties, and there are more coming, because Iran's not gonna stop. You know, right now, we're getting signals that the Trump administration is reaching out, trying, oh, hey, let's talk, let's talk cease fire. Iran's having none of it. They've been betrayed twice by Donald Trump and his group of clowns. Speaker 0: Right. Speaker 4: You know? And and so they're not ready to say no. No. They've got the world, by the testicles is the polite way of saying it, withholding the Strait Of Hormuz. They've shut down the movement of not only oil, liquid natural gas. They're the supplier of about 25%, 25 to 30% of the world's liquid natural gas, and, about 30%, 30 to 35% of the world's urea, which is used for fertilizer. Now, that may not I just learned that that may not be as important as I once thought it was because most of it comes out of Oman. Oman, you don't have to worry about things going through the Strait Of Hormuz. But on oil and liquid natural gas, huge. 94% of The Philippines depended upon the flow of gas, both liquid and the petroleum oil, out of the Persian Gulf. India, 80%. Japan, South Korea. So this is gonna have a major impact on certain economies in the world. Now there there I I I've said this ironically. I I think Vladimir Putin's sitting there going, maybe Donald Trump really does like me, because what he's done is he's making Russia rich again in a way I mean, they're getting, you know, they were selling they were forced to sell their oil previously under sanctions at, like, $55 a barrel. Now they're getting $88.90 dollars a barrel. Well, and they just opened it up to India. I mean, that story over the past forty eight hours, like, so they The United States has eased its restriction on Russian oil flowing to India. I mean, talk about an absolute disaster. Speaker 4: Well, yeah. And remember what had happened there is India was playing a double game too. You know, bricks India is the I in bricks, and Iran is the new I in bricks. And so what was India doing? Well, India was pretending to play along with The United States, but then going to Russia and saying, hey, Russia. Yeah. We'll buy we'll buy your oil, but we needed a discount because we're going against the sanctions, and we need to cover ourselves. So Russia said, okay. As a BRICS partner, we'll let you have for $55 barrel. So they got a discount. So now when all of a sudden the the the oil tap is turned off, including the liquid natural gas, India goes running back to Russia. Now remember, on, February 25-26, India was in Israel buttering up the rear end of BB, Net, and Yahoo, kissing rear end all they could. Oh, man. It was a love fest. We're partners with Israel. And then Israel attacks their BRICS partner. And what does India say? Nothing. Zero. They don't say a thing about the murdered girls. So now all of a sudden, the oil's turned off. It's nine days now with no oil coming out of there for India. They go running back to Russia. Hey, buddy. Let's let's get back together. And Russia says, sure. That's great. But it's gonna cost you $89 now a barrel. No more friends and family program. Gonna get market conditions. Speaker 0: We've had many journalist friends that have had their bank accounts shut down. We were literally in the middle of an interview with a great journalist from the gray zone who found out that his banking was just shut down. Literally, in the middle of an interview, he got a message that his banking was shut down. Well, Rumble Wallet prevents that, because Rumble can't even touch it. No one can touch it. Rumble Wallet lets you control your money, not a bank, not a government, not a tech company, not even Rumble can touch it. It's yours, only yours, yours to protect your future and your family. You can buy and save digital assets like Bitcoin, Tether Gold, and now the new USA USA app USAT, which is Tether's US regulated stablecoin all in one place. Tether Gold is real gold on the blockchain with ownership of physical gold bars, and USAT keeps your money steady against inflation. No banks needed. It's not only a wallet to buy and save, but it also allows you to support your favorite creators by easily tipping them if you want with the click of a button. There'll be no fees when you tip our channel or others, and we actually receive the tip instantly unlike other platforms where we have to wait for payouts. So support our show today and other creators by clicking the tip button on our Rumble channel. Speaker 1: Now I wanna ask you about president Trump responding to CBS News reports that there may be mines in the Strait Of Hormuz. That doesn't make a ton of sense. He says we have no indication that they did, but they better not. But they are picking and choosing who gets to go through, and their allies can go through. So why would they mine their allies? What do we make of this? Do we need to respond to this at all? Speaker 4: Yeah. I don't think they've done it yet. But let's recall the last time Iran mined the Persian Gulf. They didn't mine the Strait Of Hormuz. They mined farther up. It was 1987, 1988. Why did they do that? Well, in September 1980, when Jimmy Carter and Zbigniew Brzezinski were still in office, The United States encouraged a guy named Saddam Hussein, don't know if you've ever heard of him, but they encouraged Saddam Hussein to launch a war against Iran. And then Ronald Reagan comes in with Donald Rumsfeld and Cap Weinberger, and by 1983 had provided chemical weapons, or the precursors that Iraq needed to build chemical weapons, and Iraq started using chemical weapons against Iran in 1983 and continued to do it in '84, 85, 86. During that entire time, Iran never retaliated with chemical weapons. They were not going because they saw it as an act against God. They were serious about the religion. So 'eighty seven, 'eighty eight, they start dropping mines there in the Persian Gulf. Well, at that time, they didn't have all these missiles, so the United States Navy, a Navy SEAL, a good friend of mine, set up what was called the Hercules barge, and he had a Navy SEAL unit with him, and they fought off attacks by Iranian gunboats. He had some Little Bird helicopters from the one sixtieth, the special operations wing of the Air Force. And but we ended up disrupting the Iranian plan to mine The Gulf back then. Well, we couldn't do that today. We do not have that capability because Iran would blow us out of the water with drones and with missiles. You as we've seen, it's been happening over the last ten days. So United States would be in a real pickle. Speaker 1: And especially given the rhetoric of US war hawks in power for three decades. Like Yeah. Yes. They kind of had to prepare all of this time. Did we think that they weren't paying attention when we said it to the world? Speaker 4: Well, when we're writing our own press clippings and then reading them, there is a tendency to say, god, I am great. Can you see this? How good we are? And so they really believed that our air def the Patriot air defense systems and the THAAD systems would be they they could shut down the Iranian missiles and drones. And what they discovered was, nope. They didn't work. And they worked at an even lower level than the you know, Pentagon kept foul. We're shooting down 90%.

The speaker asserts that there is a legitimacy to target civilian targets and urges the Iranian to believe president Trump and prime minister Netanyahu, arguing that they have shown in the last month they are capable of striking any target in Iran. The speaker then shifts to the Strait of Hormuz, questioning whether “we’ll continue to play the game with the Strait Of Hormuz” and describing the situation as beyond imagination. They claim that those in question will blackmail and actually collect money from countries in order to allow them to use the straits. The speaker concludes that this piracy in 2026 must not be allowed to continue.

Speaker 0 argues that Trump’s shift from “opening the Shadow Homos” to “blockading it” is ironic and reflects a strategic question for the United States. They say the irony highlights a broader question about American strategy and emphasize that their criticism is not merely to criticize but to assess the situation objectively. They note an interesting point raised by an expert: while blockade is not difficult to implement, it “just doesn’t work.” They reference economic experts who have weighed in, recognizing that Iran has undetermined but significant funds and multiple import/export avenues. Although Iran cannot freely pass ships through the Strait of Hormuz, they have alternative routes: the Caspian Sea for imports via land routes, and “floating oil across the world” for exports. The core question becomes how far Trump is willing to go to “strangle the Iranian economy” and whether that would pull the global economy into the mix. In this framing, the conversation centers on the feasibility and consequences of a harsher economic blockade against Iran and the potential global repercussions. Speaker 1 responds by characterizing Trump as lacking empathy for the economic impact on ordinary Americans and, more broadly, on people worldwide. They reference Trump’s own statements, noting that he has said it will “cost us more,” but “we’re gonna make a lot of money.” This quoted sentiment is used to support the claim that Trump does not consider or prioritize the cost to average citizens. Speaker 1 asserts that Trump “doesn’t feel it,” and therefore does not feel a sense of urgency to take action. They summarize Trump’s attitude as not demonstrating concern for the economic impact on the average American or global populations, which underpins the claim that there is no urgency to intervene despite potential price increases for gasoline or other goods. This exchange frames the discussion around the practicality of sanctions, the resilience of Iran’s economic channels, and the perceived indifference of Trump to domestic and international economic costs.

The Strait of Hormuz is extremely important: about 20 to 25% of the world’s petroleum passes through it, roughly a third of the world’s fertilizer comes through the strait, and about 10 to 12% of the world’s aluminum also moves via this route. If the war continues and the strait becomes really closed (it isn’t completely closed right now), Iranian ships carrying oil go through the strait. The United States is permitting Iranian oil to enter the oil market for the same reason it removes sanctions on Russian oil: President Trump wants to ensure there is as much oil in the international market as possible so that oil prices stay down. So oil continues to come out of the Gulf, and most of it is Iranian oil. If the strait were shut off, there would be very significant effects on the international economy. Even if it isn’t shut, oil prices are expected to creep up, which would increase pressure on President Trump to try to open the strait. But there is no way to open the strait, and the fact that President Trump is asking for help in that mission shows that the mighty US Navy, the mightiest naval force on the planet, cannot open the strait by itself. This indicates the level of trouble we’re in. Moving forward, it looks like the Iranians have a very powerful hand to play.

Professor Michael Hudson and Glenn discuss how the war against Iran is reshaping the global economy and international order. Hudson contends this is World War III in the sense that energy, fertilizer, and oil exports are fundamental to the world economy, and the conflict targets these choke points. He notes a recent US stock market rally of about a thousand points, driven by hopes of reversibility, while insisting the war’s effects extend far beyond Iran and are irreversible. He asserts the US is waging a war to maintain control over the world oil economy by preventing any sovereignty that could export oil outside US influence. This includes sanctions on Iran and Russia, and earlier sanctions on Venezuela, with the aim of ensuring oil proceeds flow to US-controlled channels. He argues the US sought to control the Strait of Hormuz to decide who gets Gulf oil, but Trump’s advisers warned that attempting to seize Hormuz would leave troops as “sitting ducks,” yet the underlying goal remains “grab the oil.” He claims Iran’s objective is to guarantee security by removing all US bases in the Middle East and by relief of sanctions imposed by US allies; without that, Iran claims the world will not return to the previous order. Hudson emphasizes that the war disrupts key supply chains: oil, fertilizer, helium, sulfur, and related inputs. Although Iran allows oil exports via Hormuz for payments, it does not permit fertilizer exports, impacting the upcoming planting season. He forecasts the world entering the most serious depression since the 1930s due to these interruptions and the consequent financial ripples. On the financial system, Hudson explains that since the 2008 crisis, the US pursued zero or near-zero interest rates to rescue banks, enabling asset price inflation in real estate, stocks, and bonds. He describes a shift where non-bank lenders and private equity could borrow cheaply and buy up assets, creating a debt-led, Ponzi-like dynamic that depended on continued access to credit and rising asset prices. As long as rates stayed low, this system could keep rolling; now, with 10-year treasuries around 4.5 percent and 30-year mortgages above 5 percent, the cost of rolling over debt intensifies. The war-induced disruptions to energy and inputs threaten defaults and a feedback loop of debt collapse, catalyzing a depression. Regarding the broader international system, Hudson argues Europe is following sanctions on Russia at great economic cost, with Germany already experiencing GDP declines after energy sanctions in 2022. Europe’s shift away from Russian energy, the Ukraine-Hungary/gas dynamics, and the broader energy choke points threaten the cohesion of NATO and the EU. He predicts Europe may suffer consumer price increases and living standard cuts as deficits expand to subsidize heating and energy, leading to a reordering of alliances and economic blocs. He characterizes Asia–Russia–China as increasingly separate from Western systems, with a shift toward Asia as the growth center and Europe/US lagging. He asserts the West’s operational vocabulary frames the conflict as a clash of civilizations, but the underlying dynamic is a clash of classes, where the US seeks to subordinate others through energy and trade controls. Hudson argues the current trajectory signals not simply a decline but an abrupt systemic change: the end of the postwar Western-led order. He calls for rethinking international institutions and law, including a new framework to replace a discredited United Nations and to organize economic and military arrangements that protect sovereignty outside US-dominated systems. He highlights the need for energy and food self-sufficiency to resist weaponized foreign trade and to avoid being drawn into US-imposed economic chaos. In closing, Hudson points to Britain’s looming non-viability under deindustrialization and limited energy resources, illustrating how advanced economies may struggle to adapt to a new multipolar order.

In a discussion on the risk of a broader war with Iran and Russia, Alastair Crook discusses the current state of Iran-related negotiations and strategic calculations. He notes a lot of propaganda and confusion, and asserts there has been a substantive change, though it’s important to understand what that change is. He mentions there was never a proposal for Aradshi to meet with Kushner or Whitcroft in Islamabad; Trump called that a fantasy, stating there was no point to talks until Iran and its allies produced a plan of what they want. He recalls that Iran’s negotiating position was outlined in a ten-point plan given to the Americans for Islamabad talks, which Trump described as a realistic basis for discussion, and notes that the points have not changed. He reflects on the JCPOA, rereading it and considering what Iran would want to return to, suggesting the JCPOA feels like a “parole from prison” given the military bases, sanctions, UN resolutions, and IAEA inspections that would accompany a return. He describes Iran’s new investigation process principles as not discussing the nuclear issue until Iran has resolved questions about the war, the blockade of Hormuz, sanctions, and the seizure or refitting of tanker ships by US officials. Iran says it will discuss Hormuz and a potential discussion of CICEFAR later, and possibly military issues later; Khalibat tweeted that Trump claims “he has all the caste,” but Iran says “one is Hormuz” and Iran controls Hormuz while threatening to continue, and can also control the Bab al-Mandab, the Red Sea, and pipelines. He notes the American blockade is porous, with vessels passing through, and explains Iran’s ongoing oil earnings during the war—citing that four tankers recently earned nearly $1.8 billion, with Iran continuing to move tankers along the coast into territorial waters. He emphasizes Iran is not prepared to capitulate and suggests Iran is a civilizational, revolutionary state, not just a conventional nation-state. Crook then analyzes prospects for negotiated settlement. He argues there is no path to a simple solution, comparing the situation to Brexit, and identifies two major roadblocks. The first is Trump, whose approach to Iran is influenced by dislike of Obama and the desire to present a better JCPOA to outdo Obama; he asserts that a deal more favorable than Obama’s JCPOA would still face opposition from Netanyahu and Koali, and suggests Trump’s incentive would be to present a symbolic win like 430 kilograms of enriched uranium handed over as a trophy, which Iran is unlikely to do. He discusses Vance’s Islamabad discussions and wonders whether Trump would accept a deal that extends timelines and increases monitoring if it is not a “win” for Trump. The second barrier is Israel, where Netanyahu faces pressure over war outcomes against Iran and Hezbollah; Crook describes Israel’s shift toward a more messianic, apocalyptic stance, and cites Israeli defense minister Katz’s apocalyptic language. He argues restraint is unlikely in Israel and suggests Israel may push the United States to continue the war, though he questions whether this aligns with American interests. Crook contends that if a settlement with Trump is possible, it would still require addressing Israel, which may not cooperate. He notes European Union insistence that sanctions on Iran will not come off for values or regime change reasons, and positions this within a broader context of a multipolar world where Western actors struggle to adapt to new power dynamics. He reiterates that Iran’s objective is to break the paradigm of sanctions and Western control, including the dollar hegemony and the financialized world, and to resist the imperial structures backing those policies. He concludes by observing that the war is a broader contest that could threaten the American-led world order, and that the time is on the side of Iran in a material sense due to its revenue from oil and control of Hormuz, while Western economies face cost of living pressures and potential shortages.

Glenn: Welcome back. We’re joined again by Seyyed Mohamed Marandi, a professor at Tehran University and a former adviser to Iran’s nuclear negotiation team. There’s talk in the US of seizing Kharg Island, which would handle 80–90% of Iran’s oil shipments, effectively a nuclear option to shut down Iran’s economy. What would be Iran’s likely response if the US pursued this path? Marandi: It would be a major problem to access the island because the US would have to fly over Arab regimes in the Persian Gulf. Iran would retaliate if Iranian territory were occupied, taking the war toward a major escalation. The regimes hosting the island would have to pay a heavy price, far greater than now. For the United States, the island is well protected, with Iranian assets on the shore supporting the islanders, and it’s farther from the US Navy and closer to Iran’s shore. But more importantly, such an aggression would be futile: it would not change the Persian Gulf trade through Hormuz, which Iran has effectively controlled by requiring permission to pass. An invasion or occupation would lead to fierce combat and punishment of the regimes that enabled it—Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar—desert-based states with oil and gas but little water. If the US succeeds in taking the island, Iran’s retaliation would involve destroying assets of the cooperating countries. Long-term, Hormuz could be effectively closed, with upstream infrastructure damaged and no oil or gas able to move, making a later reopening contingent on a peace agreement. The operation would be logistically, militarily, and economically disastrous for global markets. Glenn: There are reports Iran is mining Hormuz. Do you know anything about that operation? Marandi: Iran hasn’t mined Hormuz, the Persian Gulf, or the Indian Ocean. The Iranian navy capable of wartime actions is largely in underground tunnels and includes speedboats, surface-to-sea missiles, and a network of underground bases. Iran has not moved to mine the Gulf. It does not want escalation. Iran has always negotiated; US claims that Iran wanted nuclear weapons at the negotiating table are rejected by Iran, the fatwa, and IAEA history. If negotiations had failed, the US invasion would be unjustified. Doha and Qatar are prepared to restart gas facilities and allow oil to flow if peace returns. If the US escalates to destroy key infrastructure, Iran will retaliate, and Iran can hurt US assets and its proxies more than the US can hurt Iran, with long-term global energy consequences. Iran has been striking bases in the region and says it is prepared to continue until after the midterm elections. Glenn: The US energy secretary says the US Navy is studying options to escort tankers through Hormuz. What are the main challenges? Marandi: It would be virtually impossible. Iran’s navy is largely underground, with mines, surface-to-sea missiles, and drones capable of targeting Hormuz from Iran. If open war begins, Iran would retaliate against regimes hosting US bases. Even if Hormuz were opened temporarily, without oil, gas, tankers, or production, there would be no purpose, and energy prices would spike permanently. The US would likely be forced to accept Iran’s terms for peace to allow oil to flow. Glenn: Trump has spoken of further destruction if needed, but says he’s run out of targets. What do you expect from the American side? Marandi: The US is already targeting nonmilitary sites and civilian targets in Iran. They slaughter civilians, including families and children, with premeditation. They could intensify attacks on oil, gas, electricity infrastructure, which would invite Iran to retaliate. Iran’s society is united, with people on the streets despite the bombardments. If the US destroys infrastructure, Iran would respond, but Iran does not want escalation; it would be catastrophic for the global economy. The media in the West is controlled, and there is little outrage at threats to destroy Iran. Glenn: Israeli and American aims now—what’s at stake, and how end this? Marandi: Since the Gaza genocide and Lebanon escalation, Zionism is increasingly viewed as evil, and public opinion against Zionism is growing in the US. The destruction of Israel’s credibility is the greatest defeat, not battlefield losses. End this war now would be prudent; as Iran strikes back, global sympathy for Iran grows and the empire weakens. If Israel were to use a nuclear weapon, that would be catastrophic and could prompt broader proliferation. Glenn: Any chance Iran could retaliate against Britain or European states? Marandi: Europe and the US will have diminished presence in the region; bases would be forced to leave. He notes the possibility of false-flag attacks in the West and asserts Zionist manipulation as a risk, but emphasizes Iran’s determination to defend sovereignty and support for Palestinians and others. Glenn: Just a final note—Iran had three negotiations, not two, including the JCPOA. Thank you for joining. Marandi: Thank you.