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The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Companies like Blackwater emerged as a "praetorian guard" in the war on terror after the Bush administration failed to build a coalition of the willing. While the average US soldier earns $28-40,000 annually, mercenaries make that amount monthly, tax-free. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, is an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater's founder views the company as the "FedEx" of national security. Mercenaries claim to engage only in defensive operations, but the Iraq war is inherently offensive. They are not subject to the uniform code of military justice, and a Bremer edict immunized contractors from prosecution. With 48,000 mercenary employees in Iraq, there are no effective laws governing them, leading to a "wild West" environment. Democrats also support privatization, with Clinton giving Halliburton contracts when Cheney ran it. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater was hired in New Orleans, billing $950 per man daily while paying them $350. The National Guard's deployment to Iraq and Afghanistan led to Blackwater's hiring. Mercenary deaths are not publicized, and contractors involved in Abu Ghraib remain free. Blackwater claims immunity from both military and civilian law, positioning itself above the law.

Speaker 0: Describes the cutting off of heads during Operation Stone: a lieutenant colonel there, two people had their heads cut off and put on stakes and stuck in the middle of the field. Speaker 1: Describes a brutal act against a woman: he went over there and ripped her clothes off and took a knife and cut from her vagina all the way up, well, just about up to her breast and pulled her organs out completely out of her cavity and threw them out. And then he stopped and knelt over and commenced to peel every bit of skin off her body and left her there as a sign for something or other. And there were Speaker 2: Describes a child-killing incident: two little boys playing on a dike. One sergeant just took his M16 and shot one boy off the dike. The other boy tried to run. When he was almost out of sight, this other guy, Spec Four, shot this other little boy off the dike. And the little boy was, like, lying on the ground kicking. So he shot him again to make sure he's dead. Speaker 3: Notes that the people are aware of what American soldiers do to them, so they hide the young girls. Found one hiding in a bomb shelter in sort of the basement of her house. She was taken out and raped by six or seven people in front of her family, in front of most of the villagers. This isn’t just one instance. This is just the first one that I could remember. Speaker 4: Describes a game-like brutality and a system of trophies: It got to be like a game. The object was to see who could kill the most people. Different ways to prove how many people you killed included cutting off ears. If you brought back someone’s ears, pretty likely you had to kill them to get them. Then people would, you know, whoever had the most ears, they would get the most beers, and you trade your ears for beers. Speaker 5: Recounts another atrocity in which civilians were targeted: As I was walking over to him, I turned and I looked in the area. I looked to where the VCS were, supposed VCS. And two men were leading a young girl, approximately 19 years old, very pretty, out of a hooch. She had no clothes on, so I assumed she’d been raped, was pretty SOP. And she was thrown onto the pile of the 19 women and children, and five men around the circle opened up on full automatic with her M16s. And that was into that.

They discuss their lack of concern for innocent people in Iraq, expressing a belief that everyone is guilty. They mention exploiting a young girl for profit before she committed suicide, questioning why she did so. The conversation is callous and disturbing.

According to the speakers, some believe the war in Iraq didn't end with the USS Mil Liberty. An American marine in Iraq arrested Jews for sniping and shooting at marines. These individuals were allegedly released due to Zapata Engineering, despite being caught by the marines. The speakers claim these are Jews living in Israel, paid by American Jewry, and of American and European descent. One speaker states he spoke with Iraqi vets who said most snipers were not Iraqis, but IDF (Israeli Defense Force). Another speaker highlights the claim that precise sniping, used to kill and wound soldiers in sensitive places, is attributed to Israel. The speaker clarifies that not all snipers were IDF.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Blackwater emerged as a key player, with the Bush administration building a "coalition of the billing" because it failed to build the "coalition of the willing." The number of contractor deaths in Iraq is unknown, but estimated around 780 killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average monthly tax-free salary of $28-40,000, while the average US soldier earns that annually. Blackwater, funded by the State Department with $750 million, acts as an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater hires Navy SEALs trained at taxpayer expense. Blackwater considers itself the "FedEx of national security," engaging in offensive operations despite claiming to be defensive. They aren't subject to military justice, and a 2004 order immunized contractors from prosecution. 48,000 mercenary employees operate in Iraq without legal oversight, leading to unpunished crimes. Democrats also support privatization, with Clinton giving Halliburton contracts when Cheney ran it. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater was found in New Orleans, billing $950 a day per man while paying them $350. Mercenary deaths aren't publicized, and contractors involved in Abu Ghraib haven't been prosecuted. Blackwater claims immunity from both military and civilian law, positioning itself above the law, which raises concerns. This situation is described as a "shadow war."

The State Department is facing serious allegations of covering up investigations into illegal and inappropriate behavior within its ranks during Hillary Clinton's tenure as Secretary of State. The allegations involve prostitution, pedophilia, and misconduct by State Department officials, including an ambassador and security agents. Internal documents reveal that investigations into these allegations were halted or whitewashed by high-ranking officials. A former investigator has complained about the lack of thoroughness in the investigations due to pressure from top officials. Congress is being urged to launch an investigation into these claims. The evidence is not fully substantiated, but there are concerns about the integrity of the investigations.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under Dick Cheney. Companies like Blackwater emerged as the "praetorian guard" in the war on terror after the Bush administration failed to build a coalition of the willing. While US soldiers earn $28-40,000 annually, mercenaries make that much monthly, tax-free. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, is described as an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater's founder, Eric Prince, views the company as the "FedEx of national security." Mercenaries claim to engage only in defensive operations, but the Iraq war is inherently offensive. They aren't subject to the uniform code of military justice, and a Bremer edict immunized contractors from prosecution. With 48,000 mercenary employees in Iraq, there are no effective laws governing them. Democrats also support privatization. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater personnel were found in New Orleans, deputized by the governor, earning $350/day while Blackwater billed $950/day per man. Mercenary deaths aren't reported like military casualties. Contractors involved in Abu Ghraib are not being prosecuted. Blackwater claims it shouldn't be subject to military law, but also argues it can't be sued in civilian court, declaring itself above the law.

Serious allegations have emerged against the State Department, suggesting it may have intervened in investigations of illegal behavior to protect jobs and avoid scandals during Hillary Clinton's tenure. Reports indicate misconduct involving an ambassador and security agents, including allegations of prostitution and pedophilia. Internal memos claim the ambassador solicited sexual favors from both prostitutes and minors, and that a senior official ordered investigators to halt the inquiry into his actions. Documents reveal instances of undue influence from high-ranking officials. A State Department spokesperson declined to confirm specific investigations but emphasized the agency's commitment to pursuing misconduct vigorously.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Companies like Blackwater emerged as a "praetorian guard" in the war on terror after the Bush administration failed to build a coalition of the willing. While the number of contractor deaths is unknown, it is estimated that 780 have been killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average monthly tax-free salary, while the average US soldier earns $28,000-$40,000 a year. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, is considered an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater hires and "repackages" Navy SEALs already trained at taxpayer expense. Blackwater's founder describes the company as the "FedEx of national security." Contractors are not subject to the uniform code of military justice, and in 2004, Paul Bremer issued an order immunizing all contractors from prosecution. There are 48,000 employees of mercenary companies operating in Iraq without effective laws governing them. Blackwater was also hired to confront criminals and stop looters in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, billing $950 a day per man. Mercenaries' deaths are not publicized, and their crimes often go unpunished. Blackwater argues it should not be subject to military law, but also claims immunity from civilian court. The speaker calls this situation the "shadow war."

In the dialogue, Speaker 0 asserts that proxies trained and inculcated in the Zionist regime have implicated themselves in killings, asking how many people believe the incident with the USS Liberty ended. He recounts an incident where someone was proven arrested by American Marines in Iraq, describing the individuals as Jews who sniped and shot at Marines. He notes that these people were arrested after Marines chased them down, and claims that Zapata Engineering, described as a contractor for the company, helped to whitewash the case and secure their release. He emphasizes that these women and gentlemen are “the Jews who live in Israel and who are paid by American Jewry and who are Americans and Europeans in descent,” and he states that they are “actually killing American soldiers,” which he describes as unbelievable. He then asks Wolfgang what he has seen on the situation. Speaker 1, Wolfgang, responds by saying he has talked to many Iraqi veterans at a particular location, describing the place as an immense complex with many men he speaks to daily about different events in the Middle East. He claims that what they told him specifically is that most of the snipers were not even Iraqis, but actually IDF, meaning Israeli Defense Force. Speaker 0 reacts to Wolfgang’s statement, calling it an incredible claim coming from a colonel in the US Military, highlighting that the majority of the precise sniping used to kill and wound in sensitive places—where armor is known and targeted, with the sophistication to place a bullet into these people—comes from Israel. He repeats the assertion of Israel in emphasizing the credibility of the claim as unbelievable. Speaker 1 concludes by indicating that there is more to discuss on this topic and promises to elaborate later, saying, “And that's not all. We'll talk about that tonight.”

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Blackwater emerged as a key player, with the Bush administration building a "coalition of the billing" because it failed to build the "coalition of the willing." The number of contractor deaths is unknown, but estimated around 780 killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average of $28-40,000 monthly tax-free, while the average US soldier earns that annually. Blackwater, funded by the State Department with $750 million, is described as an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater hires former Navy SEALs, repackaging them to taxpayers. Founder Eric Prince views Blackwater as the "FedEx of national security." Contractors are not subject to the uniform code of military justice, and Bremer issued an order immunizing them from prosecution in 2004. With 48,000 mercenary employees in Iraq, there are no effective laws governing them. Democrats also support privatization, with Clinton giving Cheney's Halliburton large contracts. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. During Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater personnel were deployed in New Orleans, deputized by the governor of Louisiana, earning $950 a day per man while billing $3,500. The speaker argues that mercenaries are necessary for offensive wars, allowing casualties to go unacknowledged. Contractors involved in Abu Ghraib are not being prosecuted. Blackwater claims it is not subject to military law but also seeks the same immunity as the US military, declaring itself above the law.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Blackwater emerged as a key player, with the Bush administration building a "coalition of the billing" because it failed to build the "coalition of the willing." The number of contractor deaths is unknown, but estimated at 780 killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average of $28,000-$40,000 monthly, tax-free, and Blackwater is paid $750 million by the State Department, not the Pentagon. Blackwater repackages Navy SEALs, billing taxpayers again. Founder Eric Prince calls Blackwater the "FedEx of national security." Mercenaries claim to only engage in defensive operations, but the Iraq war is offensive. Contractors aren't subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, and Paul Bremer's Order 17 immunized them from prosecution in 2004. There are 48,000 mercenary employees in Iraq, and Iraqis view them the same as regular forces. Democrats also support privatization; Clinton gave Halliburton contracts when Cheney ran it. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater was in New Orleans, billing $950 a day per man while paying them $350. The National Guard's deployment in Iraq and Afghanistan led to Blackwater's hiring. Mercenary deaths aren't publicized, and contractors involved in Abu Ghraib haven't been prosecuted. Blackwater claims immunity from both military and civilian law, placing them above the law.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Blackwater emerged as a key player, with the Bush administration building a "coalition of the billing" because it failed to build a coalition of the willing. The number of contractor deaths is unknown, but estimated at 780 killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average monthly tax-free salary, while US soldiers earn $28-40,000 annually. Blackwater, funded by the State Department with $750 million, acts as an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater's founder, Eric Prince, views the company as the "FedEx of national security." Contractors aren't subject to the uniform code of military justice, and Paul Bremer issued an order immunizing them from prosecution in 2004. With 48,000 mercenary employees in Iraq, there are no applicable laws, leading to a "wild West" environment. Democrats also support privatization, with Clinton giving contracts to Cheney's Halliburton. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. During Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater billed $950 per man daily, earning $240,000 daily with 600 men. The National Guard's deployment to Iraq and Afghanistan led to Blackwater's hiring. Blackwater argues it shouldn't be subject to military law but also claims immunity in civilian court, positioning itself above the law.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Blackwater emerged as a key player, with the Bush administration building a "coalition of the billing" because it failed to build the "coalition of the willing." The number of contractor deaths in Iraq is unknown, but estimated around 780 killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average of $28-40,000 monthly tax-free, while the average US soldier earns $28-40,000 annually. Blackwater, funded by the State Department with $750 million, acts as an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater hires and "repackages" Navy SEALs already trained at taxpayer expense. Blackwater calls itself the "FedEx of national security," but operates offensively in Iraq, despite claiming to only engage in defensive operations. Contractors are not subject to the uniform code of military justice and are effectively immune from prosecution due to Order 17. There are 48,000 employees of mercenary companies operating in Iraq without legal oversight. Democrats also support privatization. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater was found operating in New Orleans, billing $950 a day per man while paying them $350. Because the National Guard was in Iraq and Afghanistan, Bush hired Blackwater. Lower-ranking soldiers were prosecuted for Abu Ghraib, but contractors involved walk free. Blackwater claims immunity from both military and civilian law, placing them above the law.

Serious allegations have emerged against the State Department, suggesting that investigations into illegal behavior were halted to protect jobs and avoid scandals during Hillary Clinton's tenure. Reports indicate that an ambassador allegedly solicited sexual favors from prostitutes and minors, and that a high-ranking official ordered investigators to stop looking into these claims. Documents reveal instances of undue influence from top officials, raising concerns about a potential cover-up. A State Department spokesperson declined to discuss specific cases but emphasized the agency's commitment to pursuing misconduct vigorously.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization. Blackwater emerged as the "praetorian guard" in the war on terror after the Bush administration failed to build a coalition of the willing. While US soldiers earn $28-40,000 annually, mercenaries make that much monthly, tax-free. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, is an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater's founder, Eric Prince, views the company as the "FedEx" of national security. Mercenaries claim to only engage in defensive operations, but the Iraq war is inherently offensive. They are not subject to the uniform code of military justice, and an edict immunized contractors from prosecution. There are 48,000 employees of mercenary companies operating in Iraq without laws governing them. Democrats also support privatization, with Clinton giving Cheney's Halliburton big contracts. Blackwater only donates to Republicans. In post-Katrina New Orleans, Blackwater billed $950 per man daily while paying them $350. Blackwater argues it shouldn't be subject to military law, but also claims immunity in civilian court, effectively declaring itself above the law. This is a "shadow war" where mercenary deaths go unacknowledged and crimes go unpunished.

Matt Kennard’s new book, irregular army: how the US military recruited neo Nazis, gang members, and criminals, investigates how during the war on terror the US military removed many regulations and admitted individuals with extremist or criminal backgrounds. He focuses on the less-publicized, secret relaxations rather than publicly visible changes like raising enlistment age. Kennard argues that wholesale deregulation allowed in soldiers who wore neo crusader imagery, such as swastikas, and others with criminal histories into the ranks, in part to avoid conscription after the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the fear of Vietnam-era backlash. He says the war on terror produced a crisis for the US military and that avoidance of conscription pushed the military to alter its rules. He notes Pete Hegseth, who he identifies as a figure connected to these dynamics, later leading the Department of War and bearing neo crusader imagery, as an example of individuals formed by this milieu. Kennard links this to a broader shift in US foreign policy and military posture, arguing the war on terror helped yield the conditions for Donald Trump’s rise by mobilizing a disaffected veteran base that criticized bipartisan consensus on endless wars, while Trump himself criticized nation-building even as that claim proved hollow. Kennard traces how atrocities in Iraq and Afghanistan can be linked to soldiers who were white supremacists, neo-Nazis, or criminals who received moral waivers to bypass regulations. He cites examples such as the Mamoudiyah massacre in 2006, where US troops murdered a 14-year-old girl’s father and sister, raped the girl, and burned the house, with initial attempts to blame insurgents until a conscience-driven whistleblower brought pressure. He also discusses Kenneth Eastridge, a soldier with swastikas and SS bolts who returned to the US and helped commit murder. He emphasizes a pattern where accountability in the field was often avoided or denied, paralleling the broader US military culture of denial. A major portion of the book addresses the “war comes home”: the domestic impact of highly trained extremists returning to the US, and how this contributed to a white supremacist movement and threats to democratic stability. Kennard notes the January 6, 2021 Capitol riot had a high proportion of veterans and active-duty participants relative to their share of the population, and he points to Timothy McVeigh’s status as a veteran of the first Iraq War as an early warning sign. He argues the roots of current tensions lie in the bipartisan war on terror, citing the Patriot Act and the imperial presidency as consolidating executive power, enabling actions like warrantless surveillance and extraordinary rendition. He asserts the system’s overreach created conditions allowing Trump to act with reduced legislative restraint and that this dynamic persists. Kennard criticizes UK policy as deeply aligned with the US empire, citing the presence of bases like RAF Fairford and Diego Garcia, opaque intelligence on bases, and the lack of transparency about US military activity on UK soil. He argues that Britain’s foreign policy is effectively made in Washington and sometimes Tel Aviv, and that the UK’s role—often described as strong opposition to Trump—has been misrepresented, masking cooperation with aggressive actions. The conversation closes with details about the book’s publication: All Books via OR Books, available on Amazon and other outlets; with forewords by Abi Martin and John Kiriakou.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Companies like Blackwater emerged as a "praetorian guard" in the war on terror after the Bush administration failed to build a coalition of the willing. While the average US soldier earns $28-40,000 annually, mercenaries make that monthly, tax-free. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, is described as an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater's founder views the company as the "FedEx of national security." Mercenaries claim to engage only in defensive operations, but the Iraq war is inherently offensive. They are not subject to the uniform code of military justice, and an edict immunized contractors from prosecution in 2004. With 48,000 mercenary employees in Iraq, there are no effective laws governing them, leading to a "wild West" environment. Blackwater was also present in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, billing $950 per man daily while paying them $350. The speaker argues that mercenaries are used because the Iraq war is an offensive war of conquest. Contractors at Abu Ghraib are not being prosecuted. Blackwater claims it shouldn't be subject to military law, but also argues for the same immunity as the US military in wrongful death lawsuits, essentially declaring itself above the law.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Companies like Blackwater emerged as a "praetorian guard," outsourcing combat functions. While the average US soldier earns $28-40,000 annually, mercenaries make that monthly, tax-free. Blackwater, funded by the State Department to the tune of $750 million, repackages trained Navy SEALs, billing taxpayers. Blackwater calls itself the "FedEx of national security," engaging in offensive operations despite claims of only defensive actions. 48,000 mercenary employees operate in Iraq without legal governance due to Order 17, which immunized all contractors from prosecution. Iraqis view mercenaries as part of the occupation, and both Democrats and Republicans support privatization. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater billed $950 a day per man, raking in $240,000 daily with 600 men. Mercenary deaths aren't publicized, and their crimes often go unpunished, unlike lower-ranking soldiers. Blackwater claims immunity from both military and civilian law, positioning itself above the law. This situation is described as a "shadow war."

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Companies like Blackwater emerged as a "praetorian guard" in the war on terror after the Bush administration failed to build a coalition of the willing. While the number of contractor deaths is unknown, it is estimated that 780 have been killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average monthly tax-free income, while the average US soldier earns $28,000-$40,000 annually. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, is considered an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater hires and "repackages" Navy SEALs already trained at taxpayer expense. Founder Eric Prince views Blackwater as the "FedEx of national security." Contractors are not subject to the uniform code of military justice, and in 2004, Paul Bremer issued an order immunizing all contractors from prosecution. There are 48,000 employees of mercenary companies operating in Iraq without effective laws governing them. Blackwater only donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater billed $950 per man daily, raking in $240,000 daily. Mercenaries' deaths are not publicized, and their crimes often go unpunished. Contractors at Abu Ghraib walk free. Blackwater claims it shouldn't be subject to military law but also argues for the same immunity as the US military in wrongful death lawsuits.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Companies like Blackwater emerged as a "praetorian guard" in the war on terror after the Bush administration failed to build a coalition of the willing. While the number of contractor deaths is unknown, it is estimated that 780 have been killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average monthly tax-free salary, while the average US soldier earns $28,000-$40,000 a year. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, is considered an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater hires and "repackages" Navy SEALs, billing taxpayers. Blackwater considers itself the "FedEx of national security." Contractors are not subject to the uniform code of military justice, and in 2004, all contractors were immunized from prosecution. There are 48,000 mercenary employees operating in Iraq without legal governance, creating a "wild west" environment. Democrats also support privatization. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater was hired in New Orleans, billing $9.50 a day per man while paying their employees $3.50. The National Guard's deployment overseas led to Blackwater's hiring. Mercenary deaths go unreported, and contractors involved in Abu Ghraib are not prosecuted. Blackwater claims it shouldn't be subject to military law but also argues for military immunity in wrongful death lawsuits, positioning itself above the law. This situation is described as a "shadow war."

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Companies like Blackwater have become heavily armed paramilitary forces, outsourcing combat functions. The Bush administration built a "coalition of the billing" because it failed to build a coalition of the willing. While the average US soldier earns $28-40,000 annually, mercenaries make that much monthly, tax-free. Blackwater, funded by the State Department with $750 million, acts as an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater's founder views the company as the "FedEx of national security." Mercenaries claim to engage only in defensive operations, but the Iraq war is inherently offensive. They are not subject to the uniform code of military justice, and Bremer's order 17 immunized contractors from prosecution. With 48,000 mercenary employees in Iraq, there are no effective laws governing them. Blackwater only donates to Republicans. After Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater was found confronting criminals in New Orleans, deputized by the governor of Louisiana, billing $950 a day per man while paying them $350. Mercenaries' deaths don't make headlines, and their crimes often go unpunished. Blackwater claims it shouldn't be subject to military law, but also argues it can't be sued in civilian court, declaring itself above the law.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Blackwater emerged as a key player, with the Bush administration building a "coalition of the billing" because it failed to build a coalition of the willing. The number of contractor deaths is unknown, but estimated at 780 killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average monthly tax-free salary, while US soldiers earn $28-40,000 annually. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, acts as an armed wing of the administration. Blackwater's founder, Eric Prince, views the company as the "FedEx of national security." Mercenaries claim to only engage in defensive operations, but the Iraq war is inherently offensive. Contractors aren't subject to the uniform code of military justice, and Order 17 immunized them from prosecution in 2004. There are 48,000 mercenary employees operating in Iraq without legal governance. Democrats and Republicans both benefit from war contractors, though Blackwater primarily donates to Republicans. Blackwater billed $950 a day per man in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, while paying them $350. Blackwater avoids military law while claiming military immunity in wrongful death lawsuits, positioning itself above the law.

The US has 260,000 troops in Iraq, including 130,000 private forces due to privatization that began under George H.W. Bush. Blackwater emerged as a key player, with the Bush administration building a "coalition of the billing" because it failed to build a coalition of the willing. The number of contractor deaths is unknown, but estimated at 780 killed and 7,600 wounded. Mercenaries earn an average monthly tax-free salary, while US soldiers earn $28-40,000 annually. Blackwater, funded by the State Department, acts as an armed wing of the administration. Navy SEALs are hired and "repackaged" by Blackwater, bilking taxpayers. Blackwater considers itself the "FedEx of national security." Mercenaries claim to engage only in defensive operations, but the Iraq war is inherently offensive. They are not subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, and Bremer issued an order immunizing contractors from prosecution in 2004. With 48,000 mercenary employees in Iraq, there are no effective laws governing them. Democrats also support privatization. Blackwater exclusively donates to Republicans. During Hurricane Katrina, Blackwater was hired in New Orleans, billing $950 a day per man while paying them $350. The National Guard's deployment to Iraq and Afghanistan led to Blackwater's hiring. Mercenary deaths go unreported, and their crimes are ignored. Contractors at Abu Ghraib face no prosecution. Blackwater claims immunity from both military and civilian law, positioning itself above the law.