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Charles (Speaker 0) and Mario (Speaker 1) discuss a wide range of intelligence topics, personal history, and contemporary covert operations, emphasizing experiences from the CIA and reflections on global security dynamics. Charles begins by outlining his background: growing up on a farm in Ohio, enlisting in the Navy as a law enforcement specialist at 17, studying East Asian languages and Mandarin, and eventually learning Persian. He joined the CIA in July 2001 as an operations officer, spending most of his career in the Middle East with stints in Europe and Asia, and leaving the CIA in 2019. Afterward, he worked at Tesla to set up an insider threat program and manage global information security investigations. He notes extensive experience with China, Russia, Israel, France, and South Korea, and emphasizes the prevalence of intellectual property theft and proprietary-systems concerns in the private sector, including the role of motivated individuals and cross-border actors seeking to commercialize advanced technology. The conversation turns to leadership targeting and decapitation concepts. Charles references how the Iraq War began with an attempted decapitation strike at Saddam, asking whether removing a center of gravity leadership could end a conflict decisively and whether that would be humane. He discusses Iran as a persistent factor across the region, arguing that Iran’s meddling contributed to problems in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen, and that without Iranian involvement, upheaval might be less intense, though turmoil remains possible. Mario expresses fascination with intelligence capabilities, particularly related to Iran, Lebanon, Hezbollah, and Maduro, and asks about Charles’s CIA background and roles. Charles explains that his work involved recruiting individuals with access to foreign governments to commit espionage and provide secret information—“human operations.” He emphasizes the dramatic realism of espionage as two people engaging in a life-changing conversation, rather than high-action TV tropes. They discuss border crossings and the reality of intelligence work. Charles notes that the hardest border crossings were often returning to the United States, when travel appearances didn’t match and documents or identities could be scrutinized. He stresses the difference between romanticized espionage and the real tension of crossing borders with non-legitimate materials, relying on confidence, charisma, and interaction under stress. On private-sector and national-security crossover, Charles highlights the complexity of cyber threats and corporate espionage. He describes a Tesla case involving a Russian criminal organization attempting to install malware, with FBI involvement and the arrest of a Russian national. He explains that in cyber threats, the distinction between government-sponsored and private actors is often blurred, with organized crime sometimes acting as proxies for larger state agendas. He notes that entrepreneurial actors seek to accelerate development by acquiring others’ material, not building entire systems from scratch. He also comments on the blurry boundary between nation-states and private actors in tech espionage and the difficulty of attributing responsibility. The Mossad’s capabilities are analyzed in depth. Charles argues Mossad excels by focusing on high-impact targets within a narrow geopolitical scope (Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq) and by strong locational intelligence—understanding where leaders live, work, and their access points. He emphasizes Mossad’s willingness to act decisively, using surrogates and superior technology for surveillance. He mentions the head of Mossad and a quote from his book about ubiquitous surveillance through devices like phones and watches. He notes the “pager operation” against Hezbollah as a case study in supply-chain manipulation and the use of compromised intermediaries, and he cautions that modern operations involve cyber manipulation and near-constant information-flow considerations. Both discuss real-world operations, including the 2010 Dubai operation targeting a Hamas logistics figure, and general lessons about operational security, noting that some details cannot be disclosed publicly. They reflect on the “gentleman’s rules of the game,” acknowledging that lethal operations and leadership-targeting can be controversial and legally complex; they discuss how different regimes and leaders are perceived and targeted. The Maduro operation is revisited. Charles describes gathering information through satellites, drones (including covert, stealth, and micro-drones), and human intelligence; he stresses determining a target’s pattern of life, where a leader lives, sleeps, moves, whom they meet, and what they eat. He notes that insider sources and the right informants are critical, and he discusses the balance between opportunities created by regime instability and the risk of compromised sources. He emphasizes that in times of turmoil, there is opportunistic recruitment, as some individuals see few options other than cooperating with outside powers. Privacy is a recurring theme. Charles asserts that privacy is not dead but requires effort to protect. He compares privacy to fitness, arguing that modern technologies make it easy to be public, but steps can be taken to reduce attack surfaces, including privacy consulting, careful metadata handling, and secure, layered security (physical security and cyber measures). He uses anecdotes about Strava revealing location data and a submarine commander whose Strava activity was linked to his demise, illustrating how personal data can reveal sensitive information. Towards the end, Mario and Charles discuss strategic ambiguity and unpredictability in political leadership, including Trump’s posture and international signaling. They touch on the potential paths for Iran if regime change occurs, debating the likelihood and consequences of upheaval, the role of Western policy, and how regional dynamics might shift if the mullahs and IRGC structures are altered. The conversation ends with mutual appreciation for the complexity of global security issues and the rapid pace of geopolitical change.

The Mossad is very small. We're talking about an organization that has about 1,200 people, including secretaries and dry. To run a station in London you need doctors. You need drivers. You need cars. You need apartments. You need people who buy food, who sell food. You need people who vacate you tickets. So you open a station in London with five guys. Five. Sorry. That's the most sign for five. These five guys are the actual case officers. Then what you do is you get people to come from Israel, and they scout the country. They come up with a lot of names of the Jewish community in London. 70% turned them down, but nobody will ever turn them in. Before you know it, you've got 300, 400 people in London who are supporting the station. A banker opens the bank, and he takes it up because he knows two days from now, the money's gonna be back. You open a summer camp in Israel, and you fly people in, and you start teaching them that there’s a lot of antisemitism out there, and you have to protect yourself because everybody's an antisemite. There is no such thing as dual loyalty. This is a myth. Either you're loyal to your country or you're not. Never will Israel agree to have an Israeli support The US the way they expect people in the Jewish community to support Israel. There are more people in Israeli jail for supporting or helping US intelligence than you have Israelis in American jail. Now you have the same power that I was just telling you about in Tel Aviv, in San Francisco. Your people don't have that kind of power. This is a separate department that handles your work as a backup. That's called the soft cushion that you fall back on. San Francisco. Fine. We'll write you down that you're going to San Francisco. We have this cop and this cop and this cop and this cop, and we'll call this guy and this guy and this guy, and we'll get you out of there. Don't worry. Go do your thing.

The transcript weaves together a compilation of statements and reporting surrounding the 9/11 attacks, Israeli involvement rumors, and related investigations. - Benjamin Netanyahu reportedly said September has been good for Israel, claiming, “we're benefiting from one thing, and that is the attack on the Twin Towers and Pentagon and the American struggle in Iraq.” - CNN reported (and later acknowledged as false) a tape in which Osama bin Laden told his mother that something big was about to happen; bin Laden had consistently denied involvement in 9/11 and claimed Zionists were behind the attacks. Reports from Japanese, Chinese, and Indian outlets claimed bin Laden was killed in Afghanistan in 2001 and buried in an unmarked grave by his own men. There are claims from the Muslim world and some European figures that Zionist extremists staged the 9/11 attacks to ignite terrorism. - A commentator asserted that the war has targeted Israel’s Muslim enemies and is being fought and paid for with American blood, lives, and tax dollars. - A speaker argued that bin Laden, regardless of who committed the attacks, comes back to the Middle East, and urged the United States to dismantle the entire “evil empire of terrorism,” warning that without doing so, the terror network could develop nuclear capabilities and threaten the United States and its allies. - Observers described a lack of apparent shock among certain people in connection with the events, noting unusual behavior or reactions. - Five men arrested in a van were later identified as Israeli, with some connections to Israeli intelligence; they were turned over to the FBI. National security databases showed some of the men had prior Israeli intelligence or counterterrorism experience, and one admitted serving in an Israeli army anti-terrorist unit and refused a lie detector test for an extended period. A speaker emphasized loyalty to country when discussing military service. - Fox News and others reported that up to 140 Israelis had been detained prior to September 11 in an ongoing, broad investigation into suspected espionage by Israelis in the United States. Government documents described hundreds of incidents across U.S. cities that investigators said could indicate organized intelligence gathering. The “country A” in a General Accounting Office document was said to be Israel, described as conducting aggressive espionage against the U.S. despite being an ally, with Israel possessing substantial resources to achieve its collection objectives. - Investigators questioned the possibility that some Israeli agents had advanced knowledge of the attacks, suggesting there is explosive but not necessarily conclusive evidence when aggregated. A recurring theme was the question of how such agents could have known, given the events. - Allegations of foreknowledge included claims that Israeli agents were forewarned and filmed the event on Israeli television. Some individuals detained or questioned described their presence in Israel as journalists or documenters. The broader question centered on whether Israelis gathered intelligence in advance and whether it was shared or withheld. - The transcript also recounts the failure to account for certain details (e.g., passport survivals, disappearance of voice recorders) as well as assertions that anthrax letters, later linked to a U.S. Army lab, were used to deflect blame toward Muslims. - Two accounts describe a white Chevy van linked to Urban Moving Systems, a moving company whose employees were alleged to have connections to Israeli intelligence. The FBI issued a nationwide alert about the van, and two suspects were reported in custody after explosives were found in a vehicle near the George Washington Bridge. CBS reported that two suspects were in FBI custody and that the truck contained enough explosives to damage the bridge, with some accounts noting a prior alert about a van on the way to destroy the bridge. - Overall, the material presents a network of claims and investigations involving alleged Israeli espionage, foreknowledge of 9/11, intelligence operations in the United States, and specific incidents surrounding the George Washington Bridge and related arrests.

We have an incredible array of possibilities of creating foreign companies that have no weight being traced back to Israel. Shell companies over shell companies who affect the supply chain to our favor. We create a pretend world. We are a global production company. We write the screenplay. We're the directors. We're the producers. We're the main actors. The world is our stage. This is Mossad's old office. Its motto from Proverbs twenty four six says in so many words, wage war through deception and trickery, kinda like the CIA smoke and mirrors, which is what this operation was all about.

"Israelis are not like anybody else. They killed a guy in a hotel room in Dubai, and then after they killed him, they were somehow able to lock the door from the inside of the hotel room. There's an underground" "My experience is universally negative. Universally negative. I've never had a positive encounter with Mossad." "The thing is, you know, the Israelis this was covered in the Washington Post, just a couple days after the twelve day war started." "And what the Israelis did is that they have a lot of Farsi speaking Jews in Israel. These are Iranians who are Jewish and who emigrated to Israel, and a lot of them work from Mossad and Shin Bet."

Discussion centers on subversion and thwarting plots against the state of Israel and, publicly, what they call the Mossad. It was hard to answer because 'you can't pick up the phone book.' 'There's no, Langley in, in Israel'—so they couldn't simply look up 'CIA or Mossad.' They asked, 'What shall we call it in English?' 'Mossad is institute,' but they wondered, 'when they write a letter to their friends in the CIA or the British intelligence, what do they call themselves?' It took a while, 'a matter of asking the prime minister's spokesman,' since officially 'the Mossad is under the prime minister's office.' He 'sort of wondered why you wanna know and all that,' so they explained, and he came up with 'the Israeli Secret Intelligence Service.' 'If it were to have initials, it would be ISIS. Just simple words like that.'

A global production company creates a pretend world where they write the screenplay, direct, produce, and act as the main actors. The world is their stage. This is Mossad's old office. Its motto, derived from Proverbs twenty four six, advises waging war through deception and trickery.

140 Israeli individuals have been arrested and detained this year in an organized intelligence gathering operation aimed at infiltrating government agencies. Most of them have served in the Israeli military and possess intelligence expertise, working for companies like Amdocs specializing in wiretapping. The Israeli embassy denies any involvement in spying. Behind the scenes, there is pandemonium at the FBI, DEA, and INS, with supervisors and management collecting information under pressure from top levels. Administrative reviews are underway to investigate the situation and understand how this information came to light, considering the explosive and political nature of the story.

In the discussion, Kevin Ship, a former CIA officer, describes how false flags allegedly unfold within a shadow government framework. He explains that operations are planned for months and that agencies always select a boogeyman—one person whose involvement makes it difficult to argue a larger conspiracy. If a single individual is framed as the perpetrator, he argues, investigators and the public cannot easily investigate conspiracies involving multiple actors. He cites examples like Tyler Robinson and references Charlie Kirk’s murder as cases where a lone “boogeyman” is presented despite conflicting evidence about the perpetrator’s capabilities or prior behavior. He suggests that after the act, the agency proclaims that “we got him” and downplays any broader conspiracy. The conversation turns to recent events in Australia around Bondi Beach, noting months of reports about paid actors making threats against Jewish institutions and the involvement of Mossad in the investigation, with Netanyahu publicly linking Iran as a suspect. Ship argues this demonstrates a laziness and arrogance in some operations and questions what Mossad’s role has to do with the Australian public or government, asserting that Mossad operates with no ethical boundaries and expands Israel’s power. He claims the CIA and Mossad are closely allied—“brothers and sisters”—sharing intelligence and functioning as “sister organizations,” with the CIA often involved in Mossad’s actions and Mossad sometimes targeting the CIA to steal information. The speakers discuss the appearance of individuals in multiple, unrelated events, sometimes posting self-incriminating or sensational content (e.g., a person claiming to have survived October 7 appearing in Sydney and at other events) as supporting evidence of staged incidents. They reference a pattern of same individuals appearing at different tragedies to push narratives. The conversation also touches on broader tensions between Western agencies and the media, with Ship noting a CIA program called the Media Liaison Office that propagandizes and influences U.S. news outlets, describing the “Mockingbird” media landscape as complicit in disseminating disinformation. Ship references 9/11 as a historical example, arguing that the official narrative relied on misleading artifacts (such as a passport found near the World Trade Center) and claiming that the 9/11 investigation was never legitimate. He notes that the CIA’s disinformation strategies are designed to fool the American public who mostly rely on televised news and lack critical thinking skills. He asserts that the media repeatedly broadcasts narratives that align with official accounts, including reports that anti-Semitism is rising in connection with attacks, framing the event as an assault on Israeli Jews tied to Iran. The speakers conclude that false flags remain effective tools, with Ship predicting more such events to influence public opinion and policy toward Iran, and they emphasize the need for critical thinking and independent media to counter these campaigns. They discuss the ongoing collaboration between intelligence agencies and mainstream media in shaping public perception, and they affirm that false flags are a persistent feature of the alleged shadow government operations.

The speaker discusses trying to uncover what the Mossad is called when dealing with other intelligence agencies. After asking the prime minister's spokesman, it was revealed that they refer to themselves as the Israeli Secret Intelligence Service, or ISIS for short. This name is used when communicating with agencies like the CIA or British intelligence.

The speaker discusses subversion and how to identify what they call the Mossad publicly. You can't pick up the phone book—"There's no, Langley in, in Israel that you can look up, you know, CIA or, in our case, the Mossad." They asked, "what shall we call it in English?" "Mossad is institute" translates the Hebrew words. When they write to friends in the CIA or British intelligence, "what do they call themselves?" It took a while. It was a matter of asking the prime minister spokesman, the best you could do because officially, the Mossad is under the prime minister's office. And I think he sort of wondered why he wanna know and all that, so we explained. He came up with "the Israeli secret intelligence Service." "If it were to have initials, it would be ISIS." "Just simple words like that." "Interestingly enough, kind of a British model."

Mossad agents are not permitted in CIA headquarters because every time they would come, they would give us gifts, and the gifts always had listening devices embedded in them. And we're like, you guys have to stop doing this. They're like, oh, we brought you a seal of the CIA. You should hang it in the director's office. It's all full of listening devices. So we're like, you guys can't come here anymore. So we had to rent a safe house, and we meet with the Israelis in this safe house. The Israelis are not our friends, period.

The speaker discusses the challenge of identifying the Mossad in Israel. They sought to determine what the Mossad calls itself when dealing with other intelligence agencies. After consulting with the prime minister's spokesman, it was revealed that the Mossad is known as the Israeli Secret Intelligence Service (ISIS) in English. This simple and straightforward name is used when communicating with foreign counterparts.

Discussion centers on how to publicly refer to Mossad. There’s no directory like Langley in Israel, and the question arises: what do they call it in English? Mossad is institute. When they write to friends in the CIA or British intelligence, what do they call themselves? It took a while; it was a matter of asking the prime minister spokesman. Officially, the Mossad is under the prime minister's office, and he wondered why they wanted to know, so we explained. He came up with the Israeli secret intelligence Service. I mean, if it were to have initials, it would be ISIS. Just simple words like that. Interestingly enough, kind of a British model.

"The Mossad is very small. We're talking about an organization that has about 1,200 people, including secretaries and dry." "Five guys are the actual case officers." "Cannot have a station in Damascus because they have no embassies there." "70% turned them down, but nobody will ever turn them in." "You need a car, you need a safe house, you need a doctor, you need tickets, you need transportation, you need $300,000 in an hour, 12:00 at night." "There are more people in Israeli jail for supporting or helping US intelligence than you have Israelis in American jail." "There is no such thing as dual loyalty. This is a myth." "A separate department that handles your work as a backup... the soft cushion that you fall back on." "Your people don't have that kind of power."

Rothschild began buying up land in Palestine in the late 1800s, funding infrastructure and funding schools. By 1917, the Rothschild banking cabal had strong influence over the British government and brokered a deal later known as the Balfour Declaration. Essentially, Rothschilds claimed the US would enter the war and aid the Allies, and in return, the British stated that a Jewish homeland would be established in Palestine. About thirty years later, the creation of the CIA emerged to control the region around Israel, followed by Israel becoming an official nation the next year, and in 1949 the Mossad was created to run the internal defense. Sir Ostralis funded it, the CIA protected global western interests, the Mossad protected national Zionist interests. This power triangle was strong. It propped up regimes, destroyed governments from within, and silenced anyone who questioned it, including presidents. John F. Kennedy was one of them. He tried to inspect Israel's nuclear site. He tried to shut down the CIA. And then a few months later, he was gone. So follow along before the same thing happens to me. And remember, it's not a conspiracy. It's a business model.

The speaker lays out a narrative in which Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, is intricately connected to the CIA and to a longtime insider, James Angleton. The claim is that Mossad and Angleton formed an alliance “forever,” with Angleton described as “the mole” who was aligned with Mossad. In 1960, Angleton was the head of the CIA’s Directorate of Foreign Intelligence, and he is depicted as the person who was always searching for a Russian mole. The speaker asserts that Angleton was effectively the Russian mole because of his close friendship with Mossad, to the extent that he would share information with Mossad and Mossad would not relay it to Russia. The narrative then moves to 1963, referencing David Ben-Gurion, the Israeli prime minister, arguing that Israel decided to kill John F. Kennedy. The speaker quotes Ben-Gurion as saying that Kennedy’s threats of inspections of “demonic” (interpreted as a mispronunciation or coded term for dangerous issues) were unacceptable, and that Ben-Gurion said, “It’s none of his frigging business. I don’t wanna hear anymore from Kennedy. You kill him.” According to the speaker, Ben-Gurion issued this order to Mossad and then resigned so he could not be held responsible for it. The implication is that Mossad then went to Angleton, implying that the Kennedy assassination was not a CIA job, but was “greased by the CIA” because Angleton had his connections at Mossad. From there, the speaker claims that Corsican sharpshooters were hired by Mossad for the Kennedy assassination as part of a larger operation at Dealey Plaza, including the escape. The speaker asserts that public suspicion has misattributed the blame to the mob, Lyndon Johnson, or Castro, but maintains that it was Israel that carried it out. The stated motive is tied to Israel’s desire to avoid further inspections related to their nuclear program. The speaker claims this is connected to Israel’s nuclear and biological capabilities and asserts that plutonium was stolen from the United States to support their program. In summary, the speaker contends that the Kennedy assassination was orchestrated not by the CIA alone, but through a coordinated effort involving Mossad, James Angleton, and David Ben-Gurion, with Israel acting to prevent scrutiny of its nuclear activities by eliminating Kennedy, aided by Corsican shooters and a CIA-Mossad alliance.

The discussion revolves around the Mossad, Israel's intelligence agency, and how it identifies itself in English. After inquiries, it was clarified that they refer to themselves as the Israeli Secret Intelligence Service (ISIS). The conversation then shifts to the historical context of U.S. involvement in Afghanistan, highlighting that the fighters being faced today were once supported by the U.S. during the Cold War to counter the Soviet Union. This strategy, backed by President Reagan and Congress, involved recruiting Mujahideen with the help of the Pakistani military, which ultimately contributed to the Soviet Union's collapse. The dialogue also touches on the controversial claim that Hillary Clinton and Obama played roles in the creation of ISIS, while emphasizing the importance of American influence in these geopolitical matters.

Clayton discusses with Kevin Ship, a former CIA officer and author of Twilight of the Shadow Government, how false flags allegedly unfold and why they persist in public discourse. Key points: - False flags are planned for months in advance. Kevin suggests that covert operations typically identify a single boogeyman to avoid implying a broader conspiracy, arguing that a lone perpetrator allows authorities to claim “we got him” and deny wider conspiracy. - The pattern cited includes one individual who previously showed no criminal tendencies, who then commits a violent act, followed by quick attribution to a designated boogeyman, with the implication that the operation is over and left without further inquiry. - Specific incidents discussed include the Bondi Beach attack in Australia, with references to Mossad’s involvement and claims that Iran is behind the attack to push for war with Iran. The exchange questions the Australian government’s role and the relevance of Mossad’s presence in investigating the incident. - The conversation links these operations to broader intelligence ecosystem dynamics, noting a close collaboration and “frenemies” relationship between the CIA and Mossad. They describe Mossad as having a pervasive role in Middle East intelligence and describe a history of interactions where Mossad and the CIA share high-level information and sometimes operate in tandem, though at times Mossad may target the CIA as well. - The discussion points to prior examples of disinformation, such as the 9/11 events, where perceptions of evidence (e.g., a passport found near the World Trade Center) are presented as straightforward proof, while being described as an example of ineffective or misused disinformation to shape public belief. - In addressing media influence, Kevin references the CIA’s media liaison office and programs designed to influence how news is presented in the United States. He contends that “Mockingbird”-like media consolidation and complicit outlets help propagate these narratives, especially to audiences that rely primarily on television news. - The conversation notes a perceived pattern of actors or individuals appearing at multiple, unrelated events (e.g., a person claiming responsibility or being present at various incidents) as part of the alleged orchestration of false flag narratives. - They discuss the effectiveness of false flags: despite growing scrutiny and critical reporting, they argue that false flags continue to influence public perception, aided by psychological studies within intelligence communities and the reliance of many viewers on mainstream media for information. - Kevin reiterates his belief that the shadow government—particularly the CIA’s control of elected government and media propaganda programs—remains powerful, with ongoing operations designed to manipulate thinking and push narratives that serve certain geopolitical aims. He emphasizes that false flags are a recurring tactic and predict more of them in the future. - The conversation closes with Kevin urging readers to consider his book Twilight of the Shadow Government and to engage with his perspective on the CIA’s influence over media, politics, and public belief.

The speaker states they did not trust Israelis, "not as far as I could throw them," and that the CIA doesn't allow Israelis into headquarters because they would bring gifts containing listening devices. According to the speaker, 100% of the gifts from Israelis had bugs in them, even at a safe house in Virginia. The speaker claims that 100% of their colleagues didn't trust Mossad. In contrast, the speaker trusted the British the most because their national interests are closely aligned.

Yes. I I watched Mossad take over the Pentagon in 02/2002. The Pentagon was infiltrated by Mossad. They did not need any identification to get through the river entrance to the building. They went upstairs to Douglas Fife, the undersecretary of defenses for policy, the third most powerful man in the defense department. Occasionally, they went to the second most powerful man, Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy secretary of defense, and they had run of the Pentagon. Donald Rumsfeld, the secretary of defense, said to my boss one time, hell, I don't run my building. Mossad does.

"The Mossad is very small. We're talking about an organization that has about 1,200 people, including secretaries and dry" "In order to have a station in London, what do you need? You need doctors. You need drivers. You need cars. You need apartments." "So you open a station in London with five guys. Five. Sorry. That's the most sign for five. These five guys are the actual case officers." "70% turned them down, but nobody will ever turn them in." "There are more people in Israeli jail for supporting or helping US intelligence than you have Israelis in American jail." "Now you have the same power that I was just telling you about in Tel Aviv, in San Francisco. Your people don't have that kind of power."

Clayton (Speaker 0) asks how false flags materialize and how the shadow government carries out clandestine attacks, citing Bondi Beach in Australia and Brown University, and notes observations like Google searches in Israel before a shooting. He asks Kevin Ship, who spent seventeen years in the CIA, how long these operations are planned. Kevin Ship (Speaker 1) responds that false flag operations are planned for months. He argues that the CIA plans these operations by always choosing a boogeyman, ideally one person, so there can’t be a broader conspiracy discussed. The boogeyman is hit with chemicals or directed energy to derail the mind, then the agency proclaims “we got him” and that there is no conspiracy. He points to Charlie Kirk’s murder as an example, saying, “There is the boogeyman. He did it. We got him. No conspiracy, nothing to see here.” He notes the pattern of a single boogeyman with no prior indication of criminal tendency. Clayton notes that in Australia, months before the attack there were reports of paid actors making threats against Jewish institutions, with Mossad now assisting the investigation and Iran being blamed, suggesting the boogeyman is Iran to push toward war. He asks why Mossad would be involved in this Australian case. Kevin replies that the more arrogant the operators become, the more stupid the disinformation appears. He questions Mossad’s involvement in Australia and asks what Mossad has to do with the Australian government and people. He claims Mossad has no ethics and will do anything to expand Israel’s power, stating Mossad is “whatever it takes.” He describes a frenemies relationship between Mossad and CIA, as they are “joined at the hip” and share intelligence at a high level, though Mossad may sometimes target the CIA to steal information. Clayton shows an individual who claims to have been in Israel on October 7, then appears in Sydney with bloodied selfies, claiming survival of October 7, and asks if this mirrors other false flag patterns where the same people appear at different events. Kevin agrees, citing examples like the same person appearing at completely unrelated events, suggesting manipulation. Clayton asks if false flags still work and if more are coming. Kevin says that the CIA studies how to manipulate Americans through media and disinformation, referencing the “media liaison office” as a division within the CIA that propagandizes and influences U.S. news media. He cites the 9/11 passport claim as an example of disinformation that was repeated to shape public perception, noting that many people accept it despite implausibility. Clayton asks if the CIA studies how to manipulate media budgets and public thinking; Kevin confirms there is a program to control thinking and propagate propaganda with complicit news outlets. They discuss mainstream media’s role in pushing narratives like antisemitism and the role of Mockingbird media. Kevin reiterates that false flags are still effective and that more of them are expected, making their work harder to debunk.

A global production company creates a pretend world where they write the screenplay, direct, produce, and act as the main actors. The world is their stage. This is Mossad's old office. Its motto, taken from Proverbs twenty four six, is to wage war through deception and trickery.