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So Russian American meetings, high level meetings haven't been held in more than four years. This is a long period, and this was a very tough period for both our countries. In fact, let me be let me be frank. These this was the lowest point for us since the Cold War, and this wasn't a positive thing for the world or for our countries. So it was evident, self evident, that sooner or later, had to rectify the situation and return to dialogue. So that is why a personal in person meeting of the two leaders of the two countries was a necessity.

The USMCA is a good deal, but the speaker had a bad relationship with a person who worked for Trudeau's predecessor because they disagreed on the deal. The speaker claims to have called Trudeau "governor Trudeau," which may have hurt his election. The speaker questioned Trudeau about why the US was taking Canada's cars and suggested a 25% tariff on Canadian cars, to which Trudeau allegedly responded that it would mean the end of Canada. The speaker finds it hard to justify subsidizing Canada, potentially to the tune of $200 billion a year, while the US protects Canada militarily. The speaker believes it's hard for the American taxpayer to be happy about subsidizing Canada.

Speaker 1 stated they have not spoken about tariffs with the person in question, and suggests reading "The Art of the Deal." They believe the person is a negotiator who lays out tough terms, which sometimes works. Speaker 1 says we need to prioritize national security, resiliency, and diversified supply chains. They state tariffs are a tool that, if properly used, could help resolve these issues. Speaker 0 asks if tariffs are a legitimate negotiating tool, and Speaker 1 confirms they are.

In a discussion with Glenn about rising US-Iran tensions and the prospect of war, Syed Mohamed Marandi, a professor at Tehran University and former adviser to Iran’s nuclear negotiation team, outlines several key points and scenarios. - He asserts that Iranians are preparing for war, with the armed forces building new capabilities and underground bases, while ordinary Iranians remain calm and continue daily life. He notes large demonstrations on February 11, with up to 4,000,000 in Tehran and 26–34,000,000 nationwide, seen as a show of solidarity against what he calls Western “rioters or terrorists” and against aggressive posturing by Israel. He stresses that Iran government negotiations will be framed around Iranian sovereignty: Iran will not negotiate who its friends are, who its allies are, or give up its rights to a peaceful nuclear program or enrichment, but could consider a nuclear deal. He argues any new deal would not revert to JCPOA terms given Iran’s technological advances and sanctions. He says a deal is unlikely under current conditions, though not impossible, and that even with a deal, it wouldn’t necessarily endure long. Ultimately, Iran is portrayed as preparing for war to deter aggression and preserve sovereignty. - The conversation discusses broader regional security, linking Israeli-Palestinian issues to potential peace. Marandi argues that Zionism has ethnosupremacism and that Western media often whitewashes Israeli actions in Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. He emphasizes that a genuine peace would require recognizing Palestinian humanity and restoring fair treatment, arguing that a one-state solution could be the only viable path given the West’s failure to secure a lasting two-state arrangement. He contends the West has allowed colonization of the West Bank and that only a one-state outcome will resolve the situation, while portraying growing international hostility toward the Netanyahu regime and Zionism, including among young Jews. - On possible US strategies, Marandi rejects the notion of token strikes, arguing that even limited actions would invite broader conflict and potentially false-flag provocations that could be used to escalate toward war. He warns that Iran would respond with full force and could target US bases, naval assets, and regional interests, potentially shutting the Strait of Hormuz or sinking ships, with widespread economic ramifications. He predicts a regional war involving Iran’s allies in Iraq (where PMF played a key role against ISIS) and Yemen, and Hezbollah, suggesting that Arab Gulf regimes hosting US bases would likely collapse quickly in such a conflict. He stresses that Iran’s missile and drone capabilities are heavily focused on the Persian Gulf area and that war would be existential for Iran and its allies, but a dangerous, protracted challenge for the United States. - The potential consequences of US oil and petrochemical disruption are discussed. Marandi notes that Iran could retaliate against Iranian tankers or, conversely, seize Western tankers in response to piracy. He emphasizes Iran’s comparatively lower dependence on oil exports due to sanctions and sanctions-driven diversification, arguing that attacking Iran would backfire economically for the US and its allies. He also highlights that such a war would be regional, not just Iran versus the US, given Iran’s relationships with Iraq, Yemen, and other actors, and that Gulf regimes would be under immediate pressure. - Regarding current US leadership and narrative control, Marandi critiques the inconsistency of Western narratives around regime change, human rights, and democracy, pointing to the Epstein files as revealing a distrustful climate in Western politics. He argues Western media often uniformly pushes a narrative of Iranian repression while ignoring or whitewashing similar or worse actions by Western allies. He suggests that the lack of a cohesive, credible Western narrative signals a shift in geopolitical dynamics and could limit the ability to mobilize public support for aggressive actions against Iran. - They also touch on US-Israeli diplomacy, noting Trump and Netanyahu’s posturing and the Epstein documents’ potential implications. Marandi contends time is not on the side of aggressive policy, given midterm political pressures in the US and growing public skepticism about war, which could undermine leadership like Trump and Netanyahu if conflict escalates. The discussion ends with acknowledgment of the complexity and volatility of the situation, and gratitude for the opportunity to discuss it.

The speaker discusses the lack of communication between Putin and Biden, highlighting the importance of maintaining open lines of communication between countries. They emphasize the need for strong leadership in the White House to address this issue and suggest bringing in someone like Donald J. Trump to improve the situation.

Washington is reacting to Modi amid these tariffs. "amid these 50% tariffs, which we know from hearing from economists in India, have really been detrimental to the country and long term will really hurt the country's economy." "president Trump has been taking out most of his frustration on Modi." "It was a signal that Modi said that was picked up by the White House." "a social post talking about this relationship saying it was one-sided, blaming the prime minister." "one of Donald Trump's top trade advisers who called the show of unity troublesome." The discussion frames the U.S.-India relationship within tariff disputes.

China and the United States have the potential to collaboratively address global issues. It's crucial for both nations to work together. I had a long-standing friendship with him, and we spent countless hours discussing various topics. He is truly remarkable. Have you had a chance to talk to him in private? The press often disapproves of my casual remarks, but I find him to be an extraordinary individual. Did you discuss the trailer from last week?

The president's strategy drove recent events. He and the speaker discussed it at length on Sunday. The president may have goaded China into a bad position, leading them to be perceived as bad actors. The U.S. is willing to cooperate with allies and trading partners who did not retaliate. The message was simple: don't retaliate, and things will turn out well.

India has been a high tariff nation, making it difficult to sell into their market due to strong trade barriers. We're now moving to a reciprocal system; whatever tariffs India imposes, we will match. Previously, during my first term, we had the strongest economy ever, but I held off on reciprocal tariffs due to global suffering caused by COVID. Now, after decades of abuse, it's time to implement this fairness mechanism with many nations, not just India. The European Union is very difficult, and China was terrible until we started collecting hundreds of billions of dollars from them. I discussed India's high tariffs in the first term but couldn't get concessions. So, we're simply matching their tariffs, which is fair to the United States and, I believe, fair to India as well.

Stanislav (Speaker 1) and Speaker 0 engage in a wide-ranging, combative analysis of the Iran-Israel-U.S. conflict and broader geopolitical implications. Key points and claims are as follows: - On Iran’s military activity: The volume of Iranian drone and rocket attacks has dropped by about 95% in the last few days, but Iran’s strategic goals appear to be advancing. The Strait of Hormuz remains closed, and Iran has not fallen from power, suggesting a durable regime in Iran despite reduced attack tempo. Israel is said to be taking a pounding with strikes on Haifa refinery, electrical plants, and other targets, while Iran is pursuing a long-haul campaign rather than a rapid blitz. - Terminology and legitimacy: Stanislav objects to labeling Iran’s leadership as a “regime,” arguing it’s a derogatory term and positing that the regime is a theocracy that is comparatively stable under pressure. He notes that air campaigns have never toppled governments and argues that people rally around governments when their families are being harmed, especially within Shia culture. - Information and truth in war: Both sides are accused of misrepresenting losses and capabilities; the Pentagon’s numbers on drones and rockets are treated with skepticism. There is emphasis on the difficulty of verifying battle damage in real time, and the reality that “the first sacrifice of any war is truth” in war reporting. - Military capabilities and constraints: Stanislav emphasizes that the U.S. and Israel have suffered damage to critical infrastructure, and the U.S. faces munitions shortages. He cites the first six days of conflict as consuming thousands of missiles (3,600 missiles across defensive and offensive systems). He argues U.S. industrial/munitions capacity is strained, with missiles being produced in small quantities and largely by hand, constraining rapid replacement. - Iran’s defense and offense: Iran is portrayed as possessing underground “missile cities” and being able to move and launch missiles from concealed locations. The use of decoy aircraft and other decoys is noted, complicating target acquisition. Iran is described as capable of sustaining a long campaign, with continued missile production and hidden launch capability, including launchers that can be moved and re-deployed quickly. - Sensor/shooter network: The discussion mentions a new U.S.-reported capability described as a “sensor shooter network” that uses satellites to spot a missile launcher as it emerges, relaying coordinates to fighters such as F-35s to intercept before launch. This is framed as making missile launches harder for Iran and easier to strike launchers for Israel and the U.S. - Strait of Hormuz as the central objective: The primary objective for Iran, per Speaker 0, is to close the Strait of Hormuz for as long as possible and disrupt Gulf states, with closing the strait potentially forcing an American exit due to economic pressure. Attacks that target Israel are framed as secondary (“bonus”) relative to the Hormuz objective. - Ground warfare and invasions: Both speakers argue that a U.S. or allied ground invasion of Iran would entail massive casualties and potential domestic political backlash, making it a less likely option. The difficulty of projecting power through Iran’s mountainous terrain and the risk of a popular uprising are highlighted. - Regime durability and external support: Iran’s government is described as a theocracy with deep cultural unity, making political collapse unlikely. Russia and China are discussed as critical backers: Russia provides MiG-29s, SU-35s, S-400s, and jamming capabilities, while China provides satellite connections and political cover, and both nations see Iran as an existential interest—Russia especially, given Central Asia and the Caucasus. Iran is portrayed as having backing from Russia and China that would prevent a wholesale collapse. - U.S. allies and credibility: The U.S. is portrayed as depleting its ability to defend Gulf allies, with discussions of allied air-defense systems being diverted elsewhere (to Israel) and questions about long-term U.S. willingness or capacity to sustain a commitment in the Gulf. - Ukraine comparison and broader geopolitics: The dialogue touches on Ukraine, NATO, and the differential treatment of Ukraine versus Iran, noting perceived manipulation by Western actors and the difficulty of achieving durable peace through negotiations when proxies and local actors have entrenched interests. Zelensky and Kyiv’s internal politics are referenced to illustrate broader critique of Western interventions. - Potential off-ramps and negotiations: There is debate about whether a political settlement could be engineered that would preserve the Iranian regime while offering concessions (e.g., limitations on ballistic missiles or nuclear ambitions) and provide Trump with a way to claim a diplomatic win. Stanislav suggests the unpredictable nature of the current leadership and that an off-ramp may be difficult to secure; Speaker 0 contends that a pragmatic, deal-oriented path could exist if a credible intermediary or concessions are arranged, perhaps involving a different leadership or mediator. - Final reflections on strategy and endurance: Stanislav stresses that drones, missiles, and human ground forces all have limits, and argues that real military victory rarely comes from air campaigns alone; the fundamental test remains whether ground forces can secure and hold territory. Speaker 0 adds that the regime’s resilience in Iran and the long-term strategic calculus—especially regarding Hormuz, energy, and allied alliances—will shape the conflict’s trajectory in the coming weeks. Both acknowledge the enormous complexities and the high stakes for regional and global stability.

The discussion centers on India’s position in 2025 amid a shifting international order and U.S. efforts to recalibrate a multipolar world. - The year 2025 is characterized as eventful for India, with the country under pressure to choose a path in a world where power is more distributed. The conversation opens with a framing of the U.S. adjusting to multipolarity, the return of Trump, and various global tensions, noting that India’s role has received relatively less attention. - Speaker 1 reflects that 2025 was not a good year for India. At the start of the year, India expected to remain a fulcrum of U.S. policy to contain China and to shuttle between powers, maintaining a growing trade relationship with China while navigating U.S. pressures. The Trump presidency disrupted this balance. India perceived U.S. interference in its domestic politics, including alleged U.S. fingerprints in color revolutions in Bangladesh and Nepal, and a perception that U.S. entities like the National Endowment for Democracy were involved. The 50% trade tariff on India by the U.S. shocked New Delhi, and Trump’s public and private statements criticizing India complicated the relationship. - The discussion notes India’s sensitivity to becoming overly dependent on the U.S. for strategic protection against China, given Modi’s emphasis on Indian sovereignty and self-reliance. Modi’s perceived humility toward Trump, followed by a cooling of the relationship after Trump’s tariff threats, created a crisis of confidence in the U.S.-India alignment. Modi’s personal interactions with Trump—such as a cordial birthday exchange followed by threats of 100% tariffs on India—were seen as signaling mixed signals from Washington. - India’s options in 2025 include: (1) retrenchment and continuing to seek a balancing act between the U.S., China, and Russia; (2) charting an independent course by strengthening ties within BRICS and the Global South; or (3) aligning more with the U.S. with the hope of future U.S. policy shifts. The economic reality complicates choices: while India’s exports did reasonably well despite tariffs and some FDI, opening Indian dairy and agriculture to the U.S. market would threaten farmers’ livelihoods, potentially destabilizing an electorate sensitive to domestic issues. - There is a broader point about Washington’s approach: demand loyalty from regions and countries while using tariffs and pressure to shape alignment, and Trump’s approach is described as a fear-and-intimidation strategy toward the Global South. - On the China-India axis, the speakers discuss how China’s rise and India’s size create a power disparity that makes simple dominance difficult for either side. India’s strategy involves leveraging BRICS and other forums (including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, SCO) to expand multipolar governance and reduce dependence on a single power center. The interlocutors emphasize that BRICS operates by consensus and is not a vetoed UN-style body; thus, it offers a platform where major powers can cooperate without a single dominant voice. - The potential paths for India include growing within BRICS and the Global South, seeking mutual economic advantages, and developing a strategy that reduces vulnerability to U.S. coercion. One line of thought suggests using digital tools to help Indian small and medium-sized enterprises access global markets, and building coalitions using shared developmental and financial needs to negotiate better terms in global trade, similar to how an OPEC-like approach could coordinate commodity pricing for the Global South. - The conversation also touches on border and regional issues: a historical context where Russia resolved border tensions with China via settlements that altered the balance of power; the suggestion that India and China could adopt joint administrative arrangements for disputed border zones to reduce conflict risk and foster cooperation, though this requires careful handling to avoid loss of face for either side. - The role of China is described as patient and multipolar-friendly, seeking to buy more from India and to cultivate mutual trade, while recognizing India’s internal challenges, such as power reliability and structural issues like caste and crony capitalism, which affect India’s ability to produce and export higher-value goods. - The broader takeaway is a vision of a more integrated multipolar Eurasia, where India’s leadership within BRICS/SC0 and its ability to create innovative economic arrangements—such as “resource bourses” or shared supply chains—could alter the balance of power and reduce dependency on U.S. policy dynamics. There is an emphasis on avoiding a new Cold War by fostering dialogue and joint governance mechanisms that include China, India, Russia, Brazil, South Africa, and other Global South actors. - The speakers close with a cautious optimism: 2026 could be better if nations learn to push back against coercive power, redefine security around development and governance rather than force, and pursue multipolar institutions that preserve autonomy while enabling peaceful competition. The expectation is that seeds of hope exist within these analyses, even as the present year has been challenging.

The European Commission's retaliatory tariffs are still on the table if a deal with President Trump cannot be made. Speaker 1 believes a deal can be made and offers to help. Their goal is to invite President Trump to Italy for an official visit and explore the possibility of a meeting with Europe, advocating for frank discussions to find mutually beneficial solutions. Speaker 1 believes that together, both sides are stronger and is committed to finding the best way to reinforce this strength on both sides of the Atlantic. Speaker 0 claims that making a deal with Europe will not be a problem because the U.S. has something that everyone wants.

Following a difficult period in the relationship, both nations commit to moving forward through candid and constructive engagement. The approach must be mutual on both sides, anchored in "mutual respect, mutual sensitivity, and mutual interest." They insist that "'Differences must not become disputes nor competition conflict,'" and that progress depends on preserving this spirit of dialogue. The speakers frame this as a shared path to restore cooperation and avoid turning disagreements into disputes, underscoring the desire for constructive diplomacy and sustained, respectful interaction. They articulate a commitment to candid dialogue on shared interests and to establish mechanisms that manage differences without letting them escalate into disputes.

Following an invitation facilitated by Kid Rock, the speaker had dinner with President Trump, aiming to bridge divides. The speaker brought a list of 60 insults Trump had made about them, which Trump signed humorously. Trump showed the speaker the room off the Oval Office, formerly known as the "Blowjob Room," now a merch room, and gave hats without pressuring the speaker to wear them. The speaker found Trump self-aware, laughing and genuinely engaging in conversation, even seeking the speaker's opinion on Iran's nuclear situation. The speaker expressed support for some of Trump's policies, like moving the embassy to Jerusalem and border control, while disagreeing with others, such as his Gaza plan. Trump was receptive, not angered by the criticism. The speaker noted a contrast between the private Trump and his public persona, expressing confusion as to why the graciousness and measured behavior couldn't be consistent. The speaker concluded that Trump, in person, is not as "fucked up" as perceived, although the speaker anticipates future criticism and potential retaliation.

The speaker claims his administration brokered a historic ceasefire between India and Pakistan using trade as leverage, suggesting they trade goods instead of nuclear missiles. He praises the "very powerful," "strong," "good," and "smart" leaders of both countries. He expresses hope the ceasefire will hold and commends Marco Rubio, Marco Stanup, JD Vance, and the entire group for their hard work. He suggests arranging a dinner between the leaders. He states that millions of people could have died from the escalating conflict.

President Trump is likely the only person who can mediate peace between Ukraine and Russia because Putin respects and, in many ways, fears him. The speaker's discussions with Trump centered on the need for a ceasefire, suggesting April 20 as the date. If Putin, who is purportedly the only party not accepting a ceasefire, does not comply, the U.S. and Europe should impose colossal sanctions.

The European Commission's retaliatory tariffs are still on the table if a deal with President Trump cannot be made. Speaker 1 believes a deal can be made and aims to invite President Trump to Italy for an official visit, potentially organizing a meeting with Europe. The goal is to frankly discuss everyone's needs to find a mutually beneficial middle ground. Speaker 1 believes that together, both sides are stronger and is seeking the best way to reinforce both shores of the Atlantic. Speaker 0 claims that making a deal with Europe will not be a problem because the U.S. has something that everyone wants.

The speaker expresses disappointment that India would be buying so much oil from Russia, saying, "I've I've been very disappointed that India would be buying so much oil, as you know, from Russia," and adding, "And I let them know that." He states, "We put a very big tariff on India, 50% tariff, very high tariff." He emphasizes his good relations with Modi: "I get along very well with Modi, as you know. He's great." He notes Modi "was here a couple of months ago," and recalls, "In fact, we went to the Rose Garden and it was the grass."

The speaker states they are in dialogue with the prime minister and believes he is happy with how they treated them with tariffs. The speaker addresses foreign leaders, urging them to terminate their tariffs, drop barriers, and stop manipulating currencies, which they claim is devastating. They request these leaders buy tens of billions of dollars of American goods. The speaker asserts tariffs protect the country from economic harm and will lead to unprecedented growth, adding that this growth has already started.

I've been in countless bilateral meetings with heads of state, but I've never witnessed behavior like President Zelensky's. He berated and interrupted his host instead of showing gratitude for the U.S.'s significant aid, which has essentially kept him alive and in power. This was very disappointing to see. I sincerely hope President Zelensky reconsiders his approach, reaches out to President Trump, expresses the gratitude he owes, apologizes for his recent behavior, and agrees to this mutual rights deal. It's the best path to peace in the region and serves the interests of both our countries.

The speaker states that China wants to make a deal with the United States and believes China has to make a deal. China made a mistake when it retaliated. When America is punched, the president punches back harder, which is why 4% tariffs will go into effect on China tonight at midnight. The president believes that Xi and China want to make a deal, but they just don't know how to get that started. If China reaches out to make a deal, the president will be incredibly gracious but will do what's best for the American people. The Chinese want to make a deal, but they just don't know how to do it.

The speaker asserts that India should not be dictated to by the U.S. President and that a common understanding of what works for both countries is needed. Donald Trump is described as acting like a bully due to India's relationships with Russia and China, and the strengthening of BRICS. The speaker understands Trump's frustration, but believes India's rise should not be determined by Trump's feelings about BRICS.

Speaker says there are a bunch of countries to fix, naming Switzerland, Brazil, and India. They state these countries "need to really react correctly to America, open their markets, stop taking actions that harm America." The speaker implies these issues put the nations at odds with the United States, saying, "And that's why we're off sides with them." The core point is urging these countries to adjust trade policies to align with U.S. interests and curb actions perceived as harmful, otherwise relations are strained. This framing suggests a strategic priority on market access and protective measures, with the speaker treating these countries as key examples among several that require corrective responses.