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For years, I claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children underwent proper safety testing in placebo-controlled trials. When I confronted Fauci about this, he couldn't provide the study he claimed existed. After suing him, we received confirmation that no such study was ever conducted. The lack of liability and safety testing saves pharmaceutical companies significant costs, leading to a rush to add unnecessary vaccines to the schedule. This has resulted in a dramatic increase in chronic diseases among American children since 1989, including a rise in neurological disorders and autism, which has skyrocketed from 1 in 10,000 to 1 in 34 today.

Vaccines don't cause autism. The science is clear. Vaccines don't cause autism. Vaccines do not cause autism. I do not deny that we need to do more about autism, but it has nothing to do with vaccines. We have thoroughly debunked any association between autism and these vaccines. Robert, it is nearly consensus in the scientific community that there's no link there. To deny a mountain of scientific evidence, which has already taught us that the combination of measles, mumps, rubella, or MMR vaccine doesn't cause autism, Vimerosal, an ethylmercury containing preservative that wasn't a number of vaccines doesn't cause autism, and that too many vaccines given too soon, if you will, doesn't also cause autism. We know that the schedule is safe. Are there peer reviewed scientific reports that indicate a link between No. Between vaccines and autism? No. Not only is there not a peer reviewed work, this is probably the most studied public health issue involving children. Vaccines are really the one thing we have looked at as causing autism. The Institutes of Medicine, the Centers for Disease Control have repeatedly investigated this. Vaccines do not cause autism. We don't need more research. At some point, enough is enough. It's fine to continue to collect data, but at some point, you have to take note for an answer. We're not sure what causes autism, but we know that vaccines do not. Mountains of evidence. No, you know, this has been looked at extensively. Nothing's been more studied in the world than this connection between vaccines and autism. We'd heard it. We've heard it for decades. You know, actually almost a century now, if you want to get into it. This has been the battle cry of the pharmaceutical industry and every shill that works for them. But whether you know it or not all the way back in 2020 for those of you that were watching then we actually disproved this myth right then. Debunked it with a lawsuit where we went at the CDC and said really if the head of your page on the CDC website says vaccines plural meaning all vaccines do not cause us to do we have that original website. This is what it said: vaccines do not cause autism. There it is. All vaccines doesn't say one of them or two of them all vaccines by the plural s at the end of vaccines. If vaccines do not cause autism will you please provide us with all of the evidence and studies that show that vaccines don't cause autism. Send us that evidence. Well they didn't and we sued them and we went to court. Back in 2020, we won the case. Here it looks like in the document. They gave us the list. It's actually 20 studies. 20 total studies make up the entire list of what they look to when they say that these childhood vaccines, the five, and the cumulative effects of them given in the first six months of life, do not cause autism. The first one is an MMR study. The second one an MMR and a DTaP study. The next ones are MMR, these four are MMR and Thimerosal studies. Then the next all the way through to 20 are all just Thimerosal studies. Lastly, we have one antigen study. Of the 20 studies, the first MMR studies are not in the first six months of life; Thimerosal studies show none of the vaccines in the first six months of life had Thimerosal. There was only one study relevant to the first six months of life, the IOM review of the DTaP vaccine, and it said there are no studies that prove or disprove the association with autism. Therefore, that was the only one that was relevant to the first six months of life, and it proved that they had no answers. And so for everyone that's ever sent Mountain of Evidence, that's been a lie. We won in court. It's a lie. You can take that to the bank. And actually just months after winning that lawsuit, that was in May, by August they pulled down the statement vaccines do not cause autism. We celebrated it but five months later it went back up and we've been stuck there with this propaganda statement that have no basis in science up until last night when this happened to the website. Let's see the new page. Here it is. It now says autism and vaccines and right under that it has the key points. So we read those key points. The claim vaccines do not cause autism is not an evidence-based claim because studies have not ruled out the possibility that infant vaccines cause autism, meaning those vaccines in the first six months of life. Meaning the IOM lawsuit that proved that. Studies supporting a link have been ignored by health authorities. HHS has launched a comprehensive assessment of the causes of autism, including investigations on plausible biologic mechanisms and potential causal links. It does have an explanatory statement I want to read right now. It says this about why you will still see it with an asterisk the header vaccines do not cause autism has not been completely removed due to an agreement with the chair of the U.S. Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee that it would remain on the CDC website. Apparently, this was that backroom deal that was made with Senator Cassidy, of course, when Robert Kennedy Jr. was up there. But now you can see on the page it is clear we are making the statement or it's being made by the CDC that this is not a scientific statement and so ultimately this is a massive change. I tweeted out about it today and to every parent of an autistic child that's been out there. For every one of you that did interviews, whether in the film Vaxxed or when we toured the nation and for everyone that's ever been gaslit, the days of gaslighting are over. We are now moving into science-based, evidence-based statements on the CDC website. It's a beautiful day.

Paul Offit said that I'm going to do everything I can to make vaccines less available and affordable, which will hurt the vaccine infrastructure in this country. I'm supposedly joining hands with Donald Trump to march into measles land. But I'm not going to take away anyone's vaccines. People should be able to get them if they want. I want to give people good science. We don't have good safety studies on almost any of the 72 vaccines mandated for children. HHS admitted there are no pre-licensing safety studies for any of them, except the COVID vaccine. We need to know the risk profiles of these products. We also don't have good data on adverse effects from the COVID vaccine, which is a crime. The CDC's surveillance system captures less than one percent of vaccine injuries. Congress and the National Academy of Sciences have repeatedly ordered the CDC to put together a better vaccine. We will do that right away.

Vaccine recommendations typically come from the Advisory Committee of Immunization Practices (an outside consulting committee at CDC) and VRBPAC (within FDA), which recommends vaccine licensure. These committees only adopted evidence-based medicine about twelve years ago. The speaker states that during their administration, they want safety studies prior to vaccine licensure and recommendation. They claim vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, and the COVID vaccine was the only one tested in a full placebo trial. They assert that the other 76 shots children receive between birth and 18 have not been safety tested against a placebo, meaning the risk profile is not understood. The speaker intends to remedy this.

The speaker claims that no double-blind, placebo-controlled safety trials have been conducted on any childhood vaccines currently on the market. The speaker states that they have searched for such trials and been unable to find any. According to the speaker, Anthony Fauci and Francis Collins allegedly admitted that placebo-controlled safety trials are not performed on childhood vaccines because it would be unethical to test products administered to children. The speaker challenges news agencies to provide evidence of a double-blind, placebo-controlled trial done prior to licensure for any childhood vaccine, asserting that it doesn't exist.

None of the 72 vaccines for children have been tested against a placebo. The speaker sued HHS in 2016 to find placebo studies for vaccines, but none were found. The safety testing for the polio vaccine was only 48 hours, while the hepatitis b vaccines were tested for 4-5 days. This means that any adverse events occurring after that time period were not considered. Without placebo testing, the risk profile of current vaccines is unknown, and it cannot be determined if vaccines cause more harm than good. The speaker questions the ethics of mandating medical products with unknown risks for children.

Five out of seven of the speaker's children have allergies, which they find surprising since they never knew anyone with a peanut allergy before. They claim that none of the 72 vaccines have ever been tested. In 2016, the speaker was asked by Donald Trump to serve on a vaccine state commission, where they questioned Dr. Fauci about the safety testing of vaccines. The speaker asked for evidence of one vaccine that had undergone safe testing, but Dr. Fauci was unable to provide it. The speaker and Aaron sued Dr. Fauci to obtain evidence of any safety testing done on vaccines, and after a year of resistance, they received a letter stating that no such studies exist.

Senator Ron Johnson introduces Aaron Siri at the Kennedy Center, praising Siri as a highly consequential attorney and highlighting Siri’s work since the COVID era. Johnson recounts how his own oversight role in Congress evolved to rely on the adversarial legal process to extract information from a large government, noting that enforcement power rests in the courts. He frames Siri as someone who, through litigation and testimony, has exposed what he views as flaws in vaccine science, regulation, and safety oversight. Johnson describes Siri’s rise to prominence during the COVID period, beginning with public hearings on vaccine injuries in Milwaukee (June 2021) and Washington, DC (November 2021). He notes that Siri represented Dr. Patricia Lee, a physician who publicly discussed vaccine injection injuries and medical treatment obstacles, illustrating how federal health agencies and the CDC/FDA were perceived to respond to reports of injury. Siri’s testimony is credited with exposing calls to his practice from vaccine-injured doctors seeking treatment and the CDC/FDA officials’ defense of VAERS. Johnson highlights Siri’s 2022 and 2025 hearings, including the release of the VAERS data via the v-safe system, which Siri reportedly showed indicated higher rates of medical care sought and activity impairment among the vaccinated. Siri’s deposition of Stanley Plotkin and other experts is cited as foundational to his arguments about safety science, conflicts of interest, and the integrity of the vaccine schedule. Johnson points to the Institute of Medicine’s (IOM) conclusions as being insufficient to prove vaccine safety for the entire childhood schedule, and to Siri’s presentation of the Henry Ford study (vaccinated vs. unvaccinated children) showing higher rates of chronic illness among the vaccinated. A central claim Johnson attributes to Siri is that vaccines have immunity from liability, due to the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986 (NCVIA). Siri’s summary is that vaccines are the only product in America with blanket liability protection for manufacturers and administrators, preempting design-defect claims via the Supreme Court interpretation that “the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act preempts all design defect claims.” Siri argues this immunity removes the market incentive to develop safer vaccines and leaves safety oversight to federal health authorities (HHS agencies: NIH, CDC, FDA) rather than to private manufacturers. Siri’s account of the 1986 act is that it created a mandate for safer childhood vaccines, with three provisions: (1) the general rule placing the secretary of HHS in charge of vaccine safety; (2) a task force of NIH, CDC, and FDA to make safety recommendations to the secretary; and (3) a biannual report to Congress on actions to improve vaccine safety. Siri contends that the biannual reports have never been submitted, and the task force produced only one report (in 1998) before disbanding, with Secretary Kennedy recently reinstating the task force. Siri’s firm ICANN has filed FOIA requests and submitted recommendations to HHS about how to improve vaccine safety, asserting that the current safety framework is not adequate. Siri then surveys the landscape across federal agencies. He asserts that the absence of liability incentives undermines safety, citing industry-pricing and trial designs, and he presents specific examples of licensure trials for routine vaccines that he claims were inadequate by design. Examples include: - Hepatitis B vaccines (Recombivax HB and Engerix B): five days of safety monitoring in trials with 147 participants, according to package inserts and FDA reports he obtained; he notes a lack of long-term safety data and questions the adequacy of control groups. - Prevnar 7 and Prevnar 13 (pneumococcal vaccines): uses Prevnar 7 as a control for Prevnar 13; safety data show notable serious adverse events but are deemed acceptable for licensure; subsequent trials used Prevnar 13 as control for Prevnar 15 with continued concerns about safety signals. - DTaP vs DTP: claims DTP served as control and that DTP itself was not licensed on placebo-controlled trials; cites a Guinea-Bissau study showing higher mortality with DTP vaccination and other studies suggesting increased overall mortality with DTP. - Dengue vaccine: notes long-term, placebo-controlled data showing increased severe harm and death in certain age groups; argues that non-placebo, ethically problematic trial designs can mask safety issues. Siri asserts a categorical claim based on FDA licensure documents: not a single routine neonatal vaccine on the CDC schedule has been licensed based on a placebo-controlled trial; when another vaccine served as control, that control was never a placebo. He presents this as evidence that safety assessments were compromised, especially for early-life vaccines administered in the first six months. Regarding autism, Siri frames it as a litmus test for vaccine safety studies. He recounts IOM findings that were inconclusive about DTaP (and related vaccines) causing autism, citing the lack of sufficient studies and the absence of unvaccinated comparison groups in many analyses. He describes ICANN’s FOIA drive to obtain CDC studies showing vaccines do not cause autism, asserting that most of the CDC’s own 20-study list did not address the vaccines in question. In deposition clips, Siri indicates that the IOM and CDC have not produced adequate evidence to rule out a causal link for several injuries, and that the only mainstream “no autism” position has come under legal scrutiny when the agencies faced court-ordered settlements and deposition testimony. Siri concludes with reform recommendations across agencies: - FDA: remove conflicted personnel from vaccine safety reviews, require clear licensure standards, mandate proper controls and longer safety monitoring, require practitioner notification of trial details, and post pre-registered study protocols; regain transparency of de-identified health data. - CDC/HRSA: align vaccine injury compensation with statutory requirements; expand the VICP to cover more injuries; ensure the CICP is reformed and funded to reflect safety concerns; reduce conflicts of interest; promote alternative, non-pharmaceutical approaches for root causes of chronic illness. - NIH: limit pharma involvement in vaccine development, focus taxpayer-funded research on root causes and replication, and avoid patent-related partnerships that create conflicts. - CMS/HHS-wide: require automated VAERS reporting and public access to de-identified health data; ensure religious exemptions are preserved; depoliticize vaccines and end mandates as political tools; end chronic disease by addressing vaccines as a contributing factor to immune dysregulation. Siri closes by insisting that mandating vaccines is a political act that undermines informed consent, arguing that safety should be decoupled from politics and that safety and efficacy claims should be grounded in rigorous, transparent science. He emphasizes that informed consent, not mandates, should govern medical decisions.

I believe in safe vaccines, robust science, and independent regulators. The problem with vaccines is that they have become profitable, leading to an increase in the number of vaccines given to children. In 1986, a law was passed that protects vaccine companies from being sued, removing their incentive to make vaccines safer. The four companies that make all 72 mandated vaccines have a history of wrongdoing. There is a body of science that supports my position, but I won't go into it here. The few studies that exist are flawed and written by industry and the CDC. The Institute of Medicine has criticized the CDC for not properly studying the link between autism and vaccines. Big tech companies like Facebook are censoring vaccine information. I am not anti-vaccine, but I advocate for safe vaccines.

Five out of seven of the speaker's children have allergies, and they question why this is the case when they never knew anyone with a peanut allergy before. They claim that none of the 72 vaccines have ever been tested. In 2016, the speaker was asked by Donald Trump to serve on a vaccine state commission, where they asked Dr. Fauci to show them one vaccine that had undergone a safety test. However, Dr. Fauci was unable to provide any evidence. The speaker and Aaron sued Dr. Fauci, demanding evidence of any safety testing done on vaccines, but after a year of stalling, they received a letter stating that no such studies exist.

The speaker claims that no childhood vaccine has ever undergone a safety trial using a double-blind, placebo-based study. They assert that this type of study, involving a saline injection as a placebo, is the only way to determine the safety of a pharmaceutical product. Furthermore, the speaker states that there has never been a study comparing the health outcomes of children who receive the full schedule of 72 (or potentially up to 90) vaccines to those who receive none. Because of the lack of safety studies and comparative data, the speaker chooses not to inject themselves or their children with vaccines. They want evidence that vaccines are safe and make people healthier.

Everything regarding vaccine policy will change due to better information. No vaccines given in the first six months of life have been tested, except for the DTP vaccine. According to the Institute of Medicine, the one study done on DTP found a link, but it was thrown out because it was based on the CDC's surveillance system, which they deemed no good. The speaker questions why the CDC lacks a functional surveillance system, especially since vaccines are exempt from prelicensing safety testing. The CDC's system captures fewer than one percent of vaccine injuries, rendering it worthless. The speaker pledges to fix the system and follow the science, including publishing all data sets, replicating studies, and publishing peer reviews, which the CDC has never done. This will provide the public with real answers for the first time.

We couldn't find any prelicensing safety trials for the 72 vaccines doses that are recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group. This lack of safety trials is concerning considering the widespread use of these vaccines.

Speaker 0 claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children has ever been safety tested in relicensing placebo-controlled trials. He said Fauci has been denying this for eight years and recounted a 2016 appointment by President Trump to run a vaccine safety commission, where he asked Fauci and Collins to meet with him with White House counsel. He stated that at that meeting Fauci said, “you say I’m lying,” and promised to send the study, but he never received it. He asserted that he sued Fauci and Aaron Siri, and after a year of stonewalling, government lawyers admitted on the courthouse steps that they never had any study, and provided a written acknowledgment. He pointed to a CHC website and his own website where the letter from HHS is posted. He claimed there is “no downstream liability” and “no front end safety testing,” which he said saves vaccine makers a quarter of a billion dollars. He further argued there is no marketing and advertising cost because the federal government orders 78,000,000 school kids to take that vaccine every year. He described a “gold rush” to add vaccines to the schedule, which he argued is unnecessary for most of them, and claimed many vaccines target diseases that are not even casually contagious. He contended that once a vaccine is on the recommended schedule, it becomes a billion-dollar-a-year business for the company. He asserted that NIH bears royalties in many cases. According to him, a set of vaccines expanded to 72 shots and 16 vaccines contributed to a dramatic increase in vaccine offerings. He linked this expansion to a broader push around vaccines, including the HPV vaccine. He also claimed that in 1989 there was an explosion of chronic disease in American children, including neurological diseases, ADD, ADHD, sleep disorders, language delays, ASD (autism), Tourette syndrome, tics, and narcolepsy. He stated that autism prevalence rose from one in ten thousand generations ago to one in thirty-four children today, citing CDC data. Overall, the summary repeats assertions about the lack of placebo-controlled safety testing, the admission of no study, financial and regulatory incentives to expand vaccine schedules, and a sharp rise in diagnosed neurological and developmental conditions beginning around 1989.

In early 2017, the speaker and Robert Kennedy Jr. met with Tony Fauci and Francis Collins at the NIH to discuss vaccine safety concerns. They questioned the absence of double-blind placebo safety trials for childhood vaccines. According to the speaker, Fauci and Collins admitted that such trials are not conducted because they would be unethical. The speaker proposed a comparative study using the Vaccine Safety Data Link (VSD) to compare the health outcomes of vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals, assessing rates of cancer, diabetes, ADD/ADHD, autism, Tourette's, lupus, and leukemia. The speaker claims this study could be completed quickly, but alleges that NIH officials stated they would never conduct it. The speaker suggests that if vaccines were proven safe through such a study, concerns about vaccine safety would disappear. The speaker believes the study has been done, but the data was manipulated to make vaccinated people appear healthier.

We couldn't find a prelicensing safety trial for any of the 72 vaccines doses recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group.

The speaker states they searched for years for a pre-licensing safety trial of the 72 vaccine doses effectively mandated for American children. They claim that every other medication requires a safety trial comparing health outcomes in a placebo group versus a vaccine group before FDA licensing. The speaker assumed this was also done for vaccines. They state they found out that vaccines were exempt from this requirement.

I have 7 kids, and 5 of them have allergies. I was asked by Donald Trump to serve on a vaccine safety commission in 2016. During a meeting, I asked if there was any vaccine that had been tested for safety, but they couldn't provide any evidence. So, I sued them to show us a study on vaccine safety testing, but they said they didn't have any.

I challenged the claim that I was dishonest about vaccine safety trials and asked for a single prelicensing placebo-controlled safety trial for any of the 72 vaccines required for American children. After searching, I was told they were in Bethesda, but I never received them. We then sued the HHS under the Freedom of Information Law. After a year, they confirmed they could not locate any prelicensing placebo-controlled safety trials for the mandated vaccines. These vaccines have zero liability. I am not anti-vaccine; I advocate for honesty and sound science. My efforts to remove mercury from fish were never labeled as anti-fish.

Vaccines are not subjected to true placebo-controlled trials before licensure. The DDP vaccine was pulled in the US due to lawsuits against drug companies. Wyeth, now Pfizer, requested full immunity from liability for all vaccines from the Reagan administration in 1986, threatening to leave the vaccine business. The company claimed they were losing $20 in downstream liability for every dollar of profit. When asked to make vaccines safe, they responded that "vaccines are unavoidably unsafe." This phrase is in the statute granting them immunity and was cited in the Brusowitz Supreme Court case. The industry obtained immunity by convincing the president and Congress that vaccines are unavoidably unsafe.

Vaccines have never undergone true placebo controlled trials, unlike other medical products. The DTP vaccine was pulled due to numerous lawsuits against drug companies, including Pfizer. In 1986, Pfizer asked the Reagan administration for immunity from liability, as they were losing more money in downstream liability than they were making in profits. Reagan suggested making vaccines safer, but Pfizer claimed they were unavoidably unsafe, a phrase now in the statute and upheld by the Supreme Court. The industry convinced the president and congress that vaccines are unavoidably unsafe, despite claims of their safety and effectiveness.

A law called Vika was passed in 1986, making it illegal to sue vaccine companies, regardless of recklessness or negligence. As a result, the number of mandated vaccines has increased from 3 to 79, none of which have been safety tested. The speaker claims that vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, a claim that Anthony Fauci publicly denied. When President Trump appointed the speaker to run a vaccine safety commission, the speaker asked Fauci to provide safety studies on vaccines. Fauci claimed he left them in his office and never sent them. Subsequently, the speaker and Aaron Siri sued Fauci. After a year of stonewalling, HHS provided a letter stating that there has never been a pre-licensing safety study of any vaccine on the childhood schedule.

Five out of seven of the speaker's children have allergies, which they find surprising since they never knew anyone with a peanut allergy before. They claim that none of the 72 vaccines have ever been tested. In 2016, the speaker was asked by Donald Trump to serve on a vaccine state commission, where they questioned Dr. Fauci about the safety testing of vaccines. The speaker asked for evidence of one vaccine that had undergone safe testing, but Dr. Fauci was unable to provide it. The speaker and Aaron sued Dr. Fauci to obtain studies on the re-licensing safety testing of vaccines, but after a year of stonewalling, they were informed that no such studies exist.

None of the vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have undergone proper testing. No childhood vaccine has completed a placebo-controlled clinical trial with sufficient duration and power to confirm its safety before being administered to millions of children in America. This is not an opinion; it can be verified by anyone visiting the FDA website, where the package inserts and clinical trial documents are available for review.

For years, I claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children underwent safety testing in placebo-controlled trials. Despite Tony Fauci's denials, I challenged him to provide evidence. He admitted he didn't have it on hand and promised to send it, but I never received it. After suing him, his lawyers confirmed there was no such study. The lack of liability and safety testing allows pharmaceutical companies to profit significantly, as the government mandates vaccines for millions of children. This has led to a surge in unnecessary vaccines, contributing to a dramatic rise in chronic diseases among American children since 1989, including conditions like autism, which has increased from 1 in 10,000 to 1 in 34.