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Speaker 0 asserts that Nine-Eleven began as commercial insurance fraud and that in 1988 the Twin Towers were condemned because they did not want to pay to dismantle them, with controlled demolitions forbidden. He says Dick Cheney, as secretary of defense, responded, “praise the lord,” expecting a terrorism event to justify invading Iraq and Afghanistan. He claims Nine-Eleven was planned and executed by “the Zionists,” clarified as not the Jews, describing a “red mafia”—Russians, Israelis, and Americans—controlling Benjamin Netanyahu but not Donald Trump, who he says is biding his time. He contends the NSA is not about safety but keeping money moving, and that the program was canceled because it would reveal Americans complicit in Nine-Eleven. He alleges the intelligence community wastes money on bad actions, focusing only on war and terrorism, and that they start wars and fund terrorists. Speaker 1 recounts a group of Zionists negotiating with the Nazis to allow German Jews to immigrate and transfer assets to Palestine, citing the 1933 Transfer Agreement. He notes that German Jewish settlement in Palestine was Nazi policy for a time and references Der Angriff publishing photos of Jewish life in Palestine with a Nazi series; a medal by Gerbils commemorating this, showing a swastika and Star of David. He states Hitler demanded Zionists reject the call for a boycott of the Reich, which the Zionists conceded. Speaker 2 says some allies have been funding ISIS and Al Qaeda, asks who, implying Saudis and others, and notes that people know this but do not say it publicly. Speaker 3 explains that CIA, Mossad, and intelligence agencies are unnamed but suggests Mossad is under the prime minister’s office and would be called the Israeli Secret Intelligence Service, joking that initials would be ISIS. Speaker 7 makes a snide remark about Julian Maxwell’s father being an Israeli super spy, and Speaker 5 references “antiseptic, Jenny.” Speaker 8 discusses building a relationship with some unspecified actors and acknowledges a trust deficit; he recalls the U.S. support of fighters in Afghanistan against the Soviets, arming mujahideen with Stinger missiles, and leaving them after the Soviet withdrawal, admitting the U.S. helped create the next problems. He notes a pattern of moving in and out of Pakistan, emphasizing that the current fight involves people funded two decades earlier. Speaker 3 adds details about Brzezinski’s 1980s effort to arm the mujahideen while concealing U.S. involvement, speaking warmly of the fighters and their cause. Speaker 4/Speaker 10 discuss a 2017 plan to push against Russia, portraying the fight as against Putin rather than the Russian people, with commitments to inform the American public of Afghan bravery and to support the effort against Putin; Speaker 10 expresses confidence in winning and receiving support. Speaker 11 shifts to the U.S., asking about the assassination of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan; Speaker 12 responds that bin Laden was trained by the ISI and CIA along with Al Qaeda two decades earlier, stating that these groups were assets of the Pakistan Army and the ISI. Overall, the transcript presents a series of unverified conspiracy claims about 9/11, Zionist influence, NSA motives, Nazi-Zionist interactions, international funding of extremist groups, and U.S. covert actions in Afghanistan/Pakistan, interwoven with insinuations about intelligence agencies and state actors.

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The deep state's open support for Al Qaeda and the Islamic State (ISIS) is shocking, especially given their role in the Syrian conflict. Despite claiming to oppose Al Qaeda, the U.S. has provided support to groups aligned with them in Syria, raising questions about the rationale behind such actions. There are concerns about backing the wrong factions, with evidence suggesting that U.S. weapons may have ended up with ISIS. Former officials have indicated that the Obama administration ignored warnings about ISIS's rise, and even John Kerry acknowledged the situation's escalation. Historical parallels are drawn to past U.S. support for Mujahideen in Afghanistan, highlighting the long-term consequences of such interventions. The narrative emphasizes the complexity and contradictions in U.S. foreign policy regarding jihadist groups.

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We contributed to the problem we're currently facing. When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, we decided to help by training and arming Mujahideen fighters in Pakistan. This plan worked, and the Soviets eventually left Afghanistan. However, we then left these well-equipped and fanatical fighters behind, causing a messy situation. It's ironic that the same people we supported in the past are now our adversaries.

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Scott Horton discusses the history of US involvement in Iran, starting with the 1953 coup against Mosaddegh and the reinstallation of the Shah. This action led to blowback, exemplified by the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Nixon pressured the Shah to buy more US weapons, undermining his rule. The US initially tried working with Khomeini but later supported Saddam Hussein's invasion of Iran, fearing the spread of Shiite fundamentalism. The US also supported the Mujahideen in Afghanistan to bait the Soviets into a costly war. The US gave Saddam Hussein the green light to invade Iran, fearing the influence of the Iranian revolution on Iraq's Shiite population. The US government facilitated Saddam Hussein's use of chemical weapons against Iran. After Iraq invaded Kuwait, the US intervened to reinstall the Kuwaiti king, lying about Iraqi threats to Saudi Arabia. The US then betrayed the Shiite uprising in Iraq, fearing Iranian influence. The US supported Al Qaeda in conflicts like Bosnia and Kosovo, even as Al Qaeda attacked the US. Neoconservatives pushed for war with Iraq to benefit Israel, aiming to rebuild an oil pipeline to Haifa. The US then backed Al Qaeda-linked groups in Syria to weaken Iran and its ally, Assad. Obama took Al Qaeda's side in Libya. The US has been fighting a proxy war against Russia. The US has a pattern of supporting Bin Ladenite suicide bombers. Trump bombed Iranian nuclear facilities, calling the Ayatollah's bluff. The US continues to prioritize foreign interests over domestic needs.

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In this conversation, Brian Berletic discusses the current collision between the United States’ global strategy and a rising multipolar world, arguing that U.S. policy is driven by corporate-financier interests and a desire to preserve unipolar primacy, regardless of the costs to others. - Structural dynamics and multipolar resistance - The host notes a shift from optimism about Trump’s “America First” rhetoric toward an assessment that U.S. strategy aims to restore hegemony and broad, repeated wars, even as a multipolar world emerges. - Berletic agrees that the crisis is structural: the U.S. system is driven by large corporate-financier interests prioritizing expansion of profit and power. He cites Brookings Institution’s 2009 policy papers, particularly The Path to Persia, as documenting a long-running plan to manage Iran via a sequence of options designed to be used in synergy to topple Iran, with Syria serving as a staging ground for broader conflict. - He argues the policy framework has guided decisions across administrations, turning policy papers into bills and war plans, with corporate media selling these as American interests. This, he says, leaves little room for genuine opposition because political power is financed by corporate interests. - Iran, Syria, and the Middle East as a springboard to a global confrontation - Berletic traces the current Iran crisis to the 2009 Brookings paper’s emphasis on air corridors and using Israel to provoke a war, placing blame on Israel as a proxy mechanism while the U.S. cleanses the region of access points for striking Iran directly. - He asserts the Arab Spring (2011) was designed to encircle Iran and move toward Moscow and Beijing, with Iran as the final target. The U.S. and its allies allegedly used policy papers to push tactical steps—weakening Russia via Ukraine, exploiting Syria, and leveraging Iran as a fulcrum for broader restraint against Eurasian powers. - The aim, he argues, is to prevent a rising China by destabilizing Iran and, simultaneously, strangling energy exports that feed China’s growth. He claims the United States has imposed a global maritime oil blockade on China through coordinated strikes and pressure on oil-rich states, while China pursues energy independence via Belt and Road, coal-to-liquids, and growing imports from Russia. - The role of diplomacy, escalation, and Netanyahu’s proxy - On diplomacy, Berletic says the U.S. has no genuine interest in peace; diplomacy is used to pretext war, creating appearances of reasonable engagement while advancing the continuity of a warlike agenda. He references the Witch Path to Persia as describing diplomacy as a pretext for regime change. - He emphasizes that Russia and China are not credibly negotiating with the U.S., viewing Western diplomacy as theater designed to degrade multipolar powers. Iran, he adds, may be buying time but also reacting to U.S. pressure, while Arab states and Israel are portrayed as proxies with limited autonomy. - The discussion also covers how Israel serves as a disposable proxy to advance U.S. goals, including potential use of nuclear weapons, with Trump allegedly signaling a post-facto defense of Israel in any such scenario. - The Iran conflict, its dynamics, and potential trajectory - The war in Iran is described as a phased aggression, beginning with the consulate attack and escalating into economic and missile-strike campaigns. Berletic notes Iran’s resilient command-and-control and ongoing missile launches, suggesting the U.S. and its allies are attempting to bankrupt Iran while degrading its military capabilities. - He highlights the strain on U.S. munitions inventories, particularly anti-missile interceptors and long-range weapons, due to simultaneous operations in Ukraine, the Middle East, and potential confrontations with China. He warns that the war’s logistics are being stretched to the breaking point, risking a broader blowback. - The discussion points to potential escalation vectors: shutting Hormuz, targeting civilian infrastructure, and possibly using proxies (including within the Gulf states and Yemen) to choke off energy flows. Berletic cautions that the U.S. could resort to more drastic steps, including leveraging Israel for off-world actions, while maintaining that multipolar actors (Russia, China, Iran) would resist. - Capabilities, resources, and the potential duration - The host notes China’s energy-mobility strategies and the Western dependency on rare earth minerals (e.g., gallium) mostly produced in China, emphasizing how U.S. war aims rely on leveraging allies and global supply chains that are not easily sustained. - Berletic argues the U.S. does not plan for permanent victory but for control, and that multipolar powers are growing faster than the United States can destroy them. He suggests an inflection point will come when multipolarism outruns U.S. capacity, though the outcome remains precarious due to nuclear risk and global economic shocks. - Outlook and final reflections - The interlocutors reiterate that the war is part of a broader structural battle between unipolar U.S. dominance and a rising multipolar order anchored by Eurasian powers. They stress the need to awaken broader publics to the reality of multipolarism and to pursue a more balanced world order, warning that the current trajectory risks global economic harm and dangerous escalation.

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Shortly after 9/11, a general told the speaker that the decision had been made to go to war with Iraq, despite no connection between Saddam and Al Qaeda. The speaker later saw a memo outlining a plan to "take out 7 countries in 5 years," starting with Iraq, then Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran. Iran viewed the U.S. presence in Iraq as both a blessing and a threat and became deeply involved in Iraq, offering assistance to various groups. The U.S. has refused to talk with Iran and has allocated $75 million to promote regime change, possibly supporting terrorist groups inside Iran. The speaker believes confrontation with Iran is likely, but force should be a last resort. Regarding Seymour Hersh's report, the speaker finds it plausible that the Pentagon is planning a bombing attack on Iran and that the U.S. and Saudi Arabia are covertly funding groups in the Middle East. The Saudis, distrustful of U.S. judgment, are taking matters into their own hands. An early U.S. withdrawal from Iraq could lead the Saudis to fund Al Qaeda-linked groups to fight the Shia, intensifying the threat of Sunni extremism.

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The senator advocates for regime change in Iran via a popular uprising, clarifying he does not support military force for this purpose. He identifies as a "non-interventionist hawk," prioritizing U.S. national security interests in foreign policy decisions. The discussion shifts to U.S. foreign policy failures in Syria, Iraq, and Libya, with the senator opposing intervention in those countries. He considers the collapse of the Soviet Union a successful regime change. The senator defends military aid to Israel as beneficial to U.S. security, citing intelligence sharing and a commonality of enemies. He acknowledges that allies spy on each other. He denies that APAC, the American Israeli Political Action Committee, is a foreign lobby. The senator believes Iran is actively trying to murder Donald Trump and has hired hitmen. He supports Israel taking out Iran's military leadership and nuclear capacity. He opposed the Iraq war and military intervention in Syria, but believes Iran is different because it poses a threat to the U.S. The senator blames Biden's weakness for the war in Ukraine. He says that Nord Stream 2 sanctions legislation that he authored prevented a war. He voted for the initial tranche of funding for the Ukraine war, but voted against subsequent funding streams.

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After 9/11, a general informed me that the decision to go to war with Iraq was made without evidence linking Saddam to Al Qaeda. Later, a memo revealed plans to attack 7 countries in 5 years, starting with Iraq. Iran's involvement in Iraq is seen as a response to US presence. The possibility of a military confrontation with Iran is looming due to US actions. Saudi Arabia is funding Sunni groups to counter Iranian influence, potentially including groups with ties to Al Qaeda. The consequences of a premature US withdrawal from Iraq could lead to increased Sunni extremism, supported by Saudi Arabia, to combat Shia influence.

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John Bolton suggests regime change in Iran, but the U.S. has a history of interference there. In the 1940s and 50s, Britain and the Soviets deposed the Shah, and later the U.S. overthrew Prime Minister Mossadegh, who was seen as communist and hostile to American interests, despite being secular. The U.S. then reinstalled the Shah, an unpopular autocrat, making America unpopular in Iran. This led to the 1970s revolution, bringing Ayatollah Khomeini to power and creating an anti-American regime. Intervention made Iran an enemy. Regime change can lead to unforeseen consequences like civil war and refugee crises. The West should not interfere; Iran's problems today stem from past U.S. involvement.

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Al Qaeda has acted as a proxy force for the U.S. in Syria, working alongside ISIS to achieve American objectives. Since the war began in 2011, the U.S. has supported Al Qaeda, providing them with weapons through covert operations. The goal has been to overthrow the Syrian government, employing ruthless tactics to starve and freeze the civilian population, exacerbated by severe sanctions. Medical supplies were cut off, leading to preventable deaths. An explosion in Lebanon, which devastated the economy, is suspected to have been orchestrated to further harm Syria. The U.S. has manipulated global media narratives to obscure these actions, presenting them as altruistic. Throughout, there has been a disturbing campaign of sexual violence against women and children, facilitated by the chaos of war, highlighting the extreme cruelty inflicted on the Syrian people in pursuit of geopolitical goals.

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In the 1980s, the United States supported the freedom fighters in Afghanistan, including Osama bin Laden. We funded them because we believed they hated the Russians more than us. However, once they defeated the Russians, they turned against us. This has been a recurring problem in our foreign policy, regardless of political party. We have seen these weapons come back to threaten Israel, and the support for Syrian rebels has also posed a threat. The War Caucus in Congress armed bin Laden and the Mujahideen against the Soviet Union, which was the official position of our State Department. It is clear that this strategy did not work out well.

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Under Operation Timber Sycamore, the CIA collaborated with Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and others to overthrow the Syrian government, costing billions and countless lives. This covert action, linked to Libya, remains largely unacknowledged. Israel has significantly influenced US wars, costing trillions and impacting geopolitics. Netanyahu, in 2002, falsely promised a wonderful war in Iraq, with toppled dictators and a rising Iranian youth. For 25 years, he and US political consultants have dragged the US into Middle Eastern wars, creating chaos. The US has destabilized Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, and Libya, often due to their relationship to Israel, spending trillions. The US is isolated, often standing alone with Israel in UN votes, backing policies that foster endless Middle Eastern wars. The US has been involved in the overthrow of Assad for thirteen years.

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Scott Horton discusses the history of US involvement in Iran, starting with the 1953 coup against Mosaddegh and the reinstallation of the Shah. This action led to blowback, exemplified by the 1979 Iranian revolution. Nixon pressured the Shah to buy US weapons, undermining his rule. The US initially tried working with Khomeini but later supported Saddam Hussein's invasion of Iran, fearing the spread of Shiite revolution. The US supported Saddam during the Iran-Iraq war, even enabling his use of chemical weapons. Simultaneously, the US backed the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, leading to the rise of Al Qaeda. The US then intervened in Iraq after Saddam's invasion of Kuwait, but later abandoned the Shiite uprising. Clinton's administration adopted a dual containment policy against Iraq and Iran, further fueling anti-American sentiment. The speaker claims the neoconservative movement pushed for war with Iraq to benefit Israel, aiming to rebuild an oil pipeline to Haifa. The US supported Al Qaeda-linked groups in Libya and Syria, leading to the rise of ISIS. The speaker concludes that US foreign policy has been driven by the interests of foreign powers rather than American interests, advocating for a retrenchment of American power and a focus on domestic issues.

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The speaker asserts that the United States bears responsibility for Iran’s later radicalism, contending that the American government is the reason Iran became radical. The reasoning given is that Iran had a democratically elected leader, Mossadegh, whom the speaker claims the U.S. did not like because he wanted to nationalize the oil. The speaker notes that the British also disliked Mossadegh for the same reason, and references a historical moment—1953—described as the Iranian coup d'etat, stating that it was aided by intelligence agencies of the United Kingdom and the United States. Following this intervention, the speaker claims that the United States and its allies “put the shah back in,” describing the shah as physically sick and unpopular. This sequence, according to the speaker, established conditions that paved the way for a rise in and persistence of radical elements within Islam for many decades. The points are presented in a causal narrative: U.S. opposition to Mossadegh over oil nationalization contributed to intervention in Iran, which led to restoring the Shah; the Shah’s unpopularity and ill health, under this arrangement, helped create an environment that empowered radical Islamist forces for an extended period. Key claims highlighted include: - The American government is depicted as the root cause of Iran’s later radicalism. - Mossadegh’s push to nationalize oil made him a target of U.S. and British opposition. - The 1953 coup d'etat in Iran was aided by intelligence agencies from the UK and the United States. - The Shah was reinstalled after the coup and is characterized as physically ill and unpopular. - This sequence is said to have paved the way for the most radical elements of Islam for many decades. The speaker emphasizes the continuity of this historical arc as a justification for present-day views on Iran, linking early mid-20th-century foreign intervention to long-term Islamist radicalism. The narrative is presented as a straightforward cause-and-effect chain, with the 1953 coup and the Shah’s reinstatement identified as pivotal events leading to subsequent decades of radicalization.

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Shortly after 9/11, a general told the speaker that the decision had been made to go to war with Iraq, despite no connection between Saddam and Al Qaeda. The speaker later saw a memo describing a plan to "take out seven countries in five years," starting with Iraq, then Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran. Iran saw the U.S. presence in Iraq as both a blessing (removal of Saddam) and a threat, leading to their involvement in Iraq. Iran provides assistance to insurgents and militias, driven by their perception of being next on the "hit list." The U.S. has refused to talk with Iran and has allocated funds for regime change and may be supporting terrorist groups inside Iran. Regarding Seymour Hirsch's report, the speaker said it's plausible that the Pentagon is planning a bombing attack on Iran and that the U.S. and Saudi Arabia are funding covert operations to weaken Iranian-backed Shias, possibly even using groups with ties to Al Qaeda. The Saudis, distrustful of the U.S., are taking matters into their own hands in Iraq. An early U.S. withdrawal could intensify the threat of a powerful Sunni extremist group funded by the Saudis to counter Iranian expansionism.

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Remy and Scott trace US foreign policy from the Cold War to today. They describe a bipolar postwar order, the Soviet collapse in 1991, and a shift to American global hegemony embodied in a 1990s planning doctrine (the Wolfowitz framework) that argued the US would not allow any rival to challenge its military dominance. They argue that NATO expansion and strategic thinking by Brzezinski, Kissinger, and Rand sought to keep Russia weak and China contained, with attempts to split Moscow from Beijing. In Ukraine, they contend Washington pushed for expanded interoperability and weapons flows, while Minsk agreements were not implemented. In the Middle East, the US backed Saddam against Iran, supported Israel, maintained bases in Saudi Arabia, and helped arm Afghanistan’s mujahideen—later associated with Al Qaeda—while the Carter Doctrine asserted Persian Gulf supremacy. They also highlight the long arc of US involvement in Afghanistan, Iraq, and broader Middle East conflicts as interconnected with these strategic aims.

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Iran wants to take over Saudi Arabia by burning down the Saudi embassy. They claim the US created ISIS by supporting Mujahideen fighters against the Soviets in Afghanistan. A high-level asset allegedly became president in 2008 to destroy the US from within. The president defunded the military and allegedly funded ISIS through covert operations. An ISIS commander in Pakistan confessed to receiving funds routed through the US to recruit fighters for Syria. The US government has been criticized for indirectly funding terrorist organizations. President Obama requested funds to train Iraqi soldiers and Syrian rebels to fight ISIS.

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The discussion revolves around the Mossad, Israel's intelligence agency, and how it identifies itself in English. After inquiries, it was clarified that they refer to themselves as the Israeli Secret Intelligence Service (ISIS). The conversation then shifts to the historical context of U.S. involvement in Afghanistan, highlighting that the fighters being faced today were once supported by the U.S. during the Cold War to counter the Soviet Union. This strategy, backed by President Reagan and Congress, involved recruiting Mujahideen with the help of the Pakistani military, which ultimately contributed to the Soviet Union's collapse. The dialogue also touches on the controversial claim that Hillary Clinton and Obama played roles in the creation of ISIS, while emphasizing the importance of American influence in these geopolitical matters.

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The conflict with Iran is explained through three tracks: Israel's wars, the arms race, and October 7. The mainstream narrative paints Iran as a radical, anti-Semitic regime seeking nuclear weapons to destroy Israel and America. However, this narrative begins in the middle of the story. The start is Israel's declaration of independence in 1948 and subsequent wars with its neighbors. Early Zionists used terror to encourage Jewish settlement in Palestine. After WWII, they massacred Palestinians and faced war with Middle Eastern countries. US Jews smuggled weapons to Israel, initiating an arms race. Israel, supported by Britain and France, invaded Egypt in 1956 but was forced to withdraw by Eisenhower. Later, Israel pursued nuclear weapons, alarming JFK, who demanded inspections. After JFK's assassination, US aid to Israel tripled. Israel launched surprise attacks in 1967 and 1973, leading to the neoconservative movement's rise. The Likud party's doctrine emerged, advocating for the destruction of Israel's enemies. The US invaded Iraq in 2003, and Libya denuclearized voluntarily, but was still attacked. Israel bombed Syria's nuclear program in 2007. The Arab Spring led to further instability. Iran developed a proxy network to deter Israeli attacks. Post-October 7, Israel aims to eliminate Iranian proxies, potentially leading to total regional hegemony, controlling trade and pivoting the US to the Pacific.

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The speaker explains that the US funded the Mujahideen in Afghanistan 20 years ago to fight against the Soviet Union. They imported fighters from Saudi Arabia and other places to defeat the Soviets, which eventually led to their retreat and the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, after the Soviets left, the US distanced itself from Pakistan and the Mujahideen, leaving behind a mess. The speaker acknowledges that the US helped create the problem they are now fighting, as the people they supported against the Soviets are the same ones they are fighting today.

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Scott Horton discusses the history of US-Iran relations, starting with the 1953 coup against Mosaddegh and the reinstallation of the Shah. This action led to blowback, exemplified by the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Nixon pressured the Shah to buy US weapons, undermining his rule. The US initially tried working with Ayatollah Khomeini, viewing him as reasonable. In 1979, David Rockefeller influenced Carter to allow the Shah into the US for cancer treatment, triggering the hostage crisis. Carter then announced the Carter Doctrine, asserting US dominance in the Persian Gulf. Brzezinski aimed to provoke Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, later feigning concern about Iran. The US supported Saddam Hussein in the Iran-Iraq War, even enabling his use of chemical weapons. The US also backed the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, leading to the rise of Al Qaeda. The US then intervened in the Gulf War to reinstate the Kuwaiti King. Clinton adopted a dual containment policy against Iraq and Iran, further fueling anti-American sentiment. Bin Laden cited US support for Israel and military presence in Saudi Arabia as key grievances. The US supported Al Qaeda in Chechnya and the Balkans, even as they attacked US interests. The neoconservative movement pushed for war in Iraq, aiming to reshape the region to benefit Israel. The US invasion of Iraq empowered Shiite groups and Iran, contrary to neocon plans. The US then backed Sunni extremists in Syria to counter Iranian influence, leading to the rise of ISIS. Obama then sided with Al Qaeda in Libya. The US has a history of supporting various factions in the Middle East, often with unintended consequences. The US has been fighting a proxy war against Russia in Ukraine. The US has a long history of interventionism, often driven by foreign interests rather than American interests. The US should normalize relations with Iran.

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Speaker 0: Nearly two weeks into this conflict, the official story is cracking, and the number of Americans wounded is slowly coming out. Yesterday, we reported based on our sources that the number of American wounded was at least one hundred and thirty seven. After our report ran, the Pentagon has now publicly acknowledged about one hundred and forty wounded. That confirms our sources on this. So why did it take a little news show like ours to report this information? Why wasn't Fox News reporting this information? The Pentagon I know it's really weird. Why is the mainstream media silent on this? The Pentagon finally comes out and actually admits to this. Speaker 1: Reuters comes out and reports this. Exclusive. As many as one hundred and fifty US troops wounded so far in Iran war. They just published this today, this morning. March 10. That's remarkable. Exclusive. Just curious how that's an exclusive when we reported it yesterday. Yesterday. Whatever. Hey, Reuters. Bite me. Anyway, this war is clearly not winding down no matter what the messaging says. President Trump is saying the war could end very soon. But Iran says talks with The United States are off the table for now. Tehran is prepared to keep striking as long as it takes. And they're vowing an eye for an eye. So what is an eye for an eye actually mean? Does it mean you hey, you killed our leader. We kill yours? Does it mean, hey, you killed all these girls who were the daughters of members of the the Iranian Navy at a girls school, do we also do that to you? Like, what is actually does that look like? Speaker 0: Does it mean we took out your water infrastructures or you took out ours? So we do that. Right. Your gas infrastructure, civilian infrastructure, that's that's a war crime. But we did it. Your oil infrastructure, we do that. Like, what exactly does that look like? Meanwhile, the Strait Of Hormuz is getting worse by the minute. US intelligence tracking Iranian mine laying threats now as Gulf energy infrastructure there is taking a major hit with about 1,900,000 barrels per day of refining capacity across Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and The UAE. All down. CBS now says shipping through the Strait Of Hormuz has ground to a virtual halt. Nothing getting through. That's of just a few minutes ago. And Israel's hammering Beirut's southern suburbs and Lebanon. So they've essentially invaded Lebanon. Speaker 2: And then there's the neocon political class in Washington saying the quiet part out loud. Senator Lindsey Graham is now openly talking about, you know, going back to South Carolina to tell the sons and daughters in South Carolina, you know, you gotta send your loved ones to the Middle East. That's what I'm doing here in South Carolina. I gotta tell them to go fight in the Middle East, and he's calling on other Middle East countries that have been sitting on the fence that we've supported over the years as allies. Get off the fence. Go bomb Iran. Help out with Iran. And, oh, by the way, Spain, we're pissed off at you because you don't want us using your air bases or airspace to bomb Iran. Listen. Speaker 0: To our allies step up, get our air bases out of Spain. They're not reliable. Move all those airplanes to a country that would let us use them when we're threatened by a regime like Iran. To our friends in Spain, man, you have lost your way. I don't wanna do business with you anymore. I want our air bases our air bases out of Spain into a country that will let us use them. To our Arab friends, I've tried to help you construct a new Mideast. You need to up your game here. I can't go to South Carolina and say we're fighting and you won't publicly fight. What you're doing behind the scenes, that has to stop. The double dealing of the Arab world when it comes to this stuff needs to end. I go back to South Carolina. I'm asking them to send their sons and daughters over to the Mideast. What I want you to do in The Mideast to our friends in Saudi Arabia and other places, step forward and say this is my fight too. I join America. I'm publicly involved in bringing this regime down. If you don't, you're making a great mistake, and you're gonna cut off the ability to have a better relationship with The United States. I say this as a friend. Speaker 1: Ugh. He's an odious friend. Speaker 0: Say this as a friend. Speaker 3: With friends pick up a gun and go fight yourself, you coward. Yeah. I freaking hate that. But you're calling so, like, bluntly for somebody else to go die for his stupid cause. Speaker 0: Yeah. Speaker 1: I am so curious about this. I mean, he's a liar. But how many people in South Carolina are really walking up to him and saying, who are we gonna get to fight with us? Who are we gonna get to fight Iran? Worried about this. My son can go, but who's going with him? Let's make some war playdates. Who does that? Speaker 0: Larry Johnson is a former CIA analyst, NRA gun trainer, and, he's been looking at all of this and doing some incredible writing over at his website, Sonar twenty one. Larry, thank you for joining us. Great to see you back on the show. Speaker 4: Hi, guys. Good to see you. Speaker 0: So I wanna talk about the American war wounded first because Mhmm. I know that this is, near and dear to your heart and, of course, something that you've been watching, closely. And the lies, of course, that are coming out about this. Again, I spoke to sources over the past forty eight hours that were telling us here at Redacted about 137 Americans wounded. Then the Pentagon comes out and then confirms about a hundred and forty. So right pretty much right on the nose. And does that number sound low to you? Or does that sound about right? Speaker 4: That sounds a little low. So on March 4, let's go to Germany. Stuttgart, just North West of Germany, there is a hospital called Landstuhl Regional Medical Center. Landstuhl's primary mission is to handle American war wounded. On March 4, they issued a memo telling all the pregnant women that were about to give birth that, sorry, don't come here. We're not birthing any more babies. We gotta focus on our main mission. So that was the first clue that there was there were a lot of casualties inbound. I know, without mentioning his name, somebody who was involved dealing with the combat casualties during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and he dealt with the personnel at Lunstul. And he called someone up and said, can't say anything, but there's a lot of casualties. Then 13 miles to the east of Landstuhl is an army base called Kaiserslautern. Kaiserslautern and the Stars and Stripes issued for that base had an appeal, a blood drive appeal. Hey. We need lots of people to show up and donate blood. So those that was on March 5. So I wrote about this March 6. So I wrote about this four days ago, that, yeah, we had a lot more casualties, and there are more coming, because Iran's not gonna stop. You know, right now, we're getting signals that the Trump administration is reaching out, trying, oh, hey, let's talk, let's talk cease fire. Iran's having none of it. They've been betrayed twice by Donald Trump and his group of clowns. Speaker 0: Right. Speaker 4: You know? And and so they're not ready to say no. No. They've got the world, by the testicles is the polite way of saying it, withholding the Strait Of Hormuz. They've shut down the movement of not only oil, liquid natural gas. They're the supplier of about 25%, 25 to 30% of the world's liquid natural gas, and, about 30%, 30 to 35% of the world's urea, which is used for fertilizer. Now, that may not I just learned that that may not be as important as I once thought it was because most of it comes out of Oman. Oman, you don't have to worry about things going through the Strait Of Hormuz. But on oil and liquid natural gas, huge. 94% of The Philippines depended upon the flow of gas, both liquid and the petroleum oil, out of the Persian Gulf. India, 80%. Japan, South Korea. So this is gonna have a major impact on certain economies in the world. Now there there I I I've said this ironically. I I think Vladimir Putin's sitting there going, maybe Donald Trump really does like me, because what he's done is he's making Russia rich again in a way I mean, they're getting, you know, they were selling they were forced to sell their oil previously under sanctions at, like, $55 a barrel. Now they're getting $88.90 dollars a barrel. Well, and they just opened it up to India. I mean, that story over the past forty eight hours, like, so they The United States has eased its restriction on Russian oil flowing to India. I mean, talk about an absolute disaster. Speaker 4: Well, yeah. And remember what had happened there is India was playing a double game too. You know, bricks India is the I in bricks, and Iran is the new I in bricks. And so what was India doing? Well, India was pretending to play along with The United States, but then going to Russia and saying, hey, Russia. Yeah. We'll buy we'll buy your oil, but we needed a discount because we're going against the sanctions, and we need to cover ourselves. So Russia said, okay. As a BRICS partner, we'll let you have for $55 barrel. So they got a discount. So now when all of a sudden the the the oil tap is turned off, including the liquid natural gas, India goes running back to Russia. Now remember, on, February 25-26, India was in Israel buttering up the rear end of BB, Net, and Yahoo, kissing rear end all they could. Oh, man. It was a love fest. We're partners with Israel. And then Israel attacks their BRICS partner. And what does India say? Nothing. Zero. They don't say a thing about the murdered girls. So now all of a sudden, the oil's turned off. It's nine days now with no oil coming out of there for India. They go running back to Russia. Hey, buddy. Let's let's get back together. And Russia says, sure. That's great. But it's gonna cost you $89 now a barrel. No more friends and family program. Gonna get market conditions. Speaker 0: We've had many journalist friends that have had their bank accounts shut down. We were literally in the middle of an interview with a great journalist from the gray zone who found out that his banking was just shut down. Literally, in the middle of an interview, he got a message that his banking was shut down. Well, Rumble Wallet prevents that, because Rumble can't even touch it. No one can touch it. Rumble Wallet lets you control your money, not a bank, not a government, not a tech company, not even Rumble can touch it. It's yours, only yours, yours to protect your future and your family. You can buy and save digital assets like Bitcoin, Tether Gold, and now the new USA USA app USAT, which is Tether's US regulated stablecoin all in one place. Tether Gold is real gold on the blockchain with ownership of physical gold bars, and USAT keeps your money steady against inflation. No banks needed. It's not only a wallet to buy and save, but it also allows you to support your favorite creators by easily tipping them if you want with the click of a button. There'll be no fees when you tip our channel or others, and we actually receive the tip instantly unlike other platforms where we have to wait for payouts. So support our show today and other creators by clicking the tip button on our Rumble channel. Speaker 1: Now I wanna ask you about president Trump responding to CBS News reports that there may be mines in the Strait Of Hormuz. That doesn't make a ton of sense. He says we have no indication that they did, but they better not. But they are picking and choosing who gets to go through, and their allies can go through. So why would they mine their allies? What do we make of this? Do we need to respond to this at all? Speaker 4: Yeah. I don't think they've done it yet. But let's recall the last time Iran mined the Persian Gulf. They didn't mine the Strait Of Hormuz. They mined farther up. It was 1987, 1988. Why did they do that? Well, in September 1980, when Jimmy Carter and Zbigniew Brzezinski were still in office, The United States encouraged a guy named Saddam Hussein, don't know if you've ever heard of him, but they encouraged Saddam Hussein to launch a war against Iran. And then Ronald Reagan comes in with Donald Rumsfeld and Cap Weinberger, and by 1983 had provided chemical weapons, or the precursors that Iraq needed to build chemical weapons, and Iraq started using chemical weapons against Iran in 1983 and continued to do it in '84, 85, 86. During that entire time, Iran never retaliated with chemical weapons. They were not going because they saw it as an act against God. They were serious about the religion. So 'eighty seven, 'eighty eight, they start dropping mines there in the Persian Gulf. Well, at that time, they didn't have all these missiles, so the United States Navy, a Navy SEAL, a good friend of mine, set up what was called the Hercules barge, and he had a Navy SEAL unit with him, and they fought off attacks by Iranian gunboats. He had some Little Bird helicopters from the one sixtieth, the special operations wing of the Air Force. And but we ended up disrupting the Iranian plan to mine The Gulf back then. Well, we couldn't do that today. We do not have that capability because Iran would blow us out of the water with drones and with missiles. You as we've seen, it's been happening over the last ten days. So United States would be in a real pickle. Speaker 1: And especially given the rhetoric of US war hawks in power for three decades. Like Yeah. Yes. They kind of had to prepare all of this time. Did we think that they weren't paying attention when we said it to the world? Speaker 4: Well, when we're writing our own press clippings and then reading them, there is a tendency to say, god, I am great. Can you see this? How good we are? And so they really believed that our air def the Patriot air defense systems and the THAAD systems would be they they could shut down the Iranian missiles and drones. And what they discovered was, nope. They didn't work. And they worked at an even lower level than the you know, Pentagon kept foul. We're shooting down 90%.

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reSee.it Video Transcript AI Summary
"This discussion will teach you everything you need to know about US foreign policy over the last seven decades and how we got to where we are today, how we got to a war in Ukraine, an ongoing war in Gaza, The US bombing Iran, a war in Lebanon, and in the last two decades, a war in Iraq, a war in Afghanistan, and just death and destruction across The Middle East." "They were allied with The US against Iran. That includes Al Qaeda." "The defense planning guidance for 1994" ended up being known as the Wolfowitz doctrine: "America will not allow for any power or combination of regional powers anywhere in the world to challenge our military dominance over the planet, and we'll go to war with them first to prevent that from happening." "The purpose of NATO is to keep America in, Germany down, and the Soviets out." Rand Corporation’s "Extending Russia" study warned about "calibration of the amount of weapons that we're pouring in," and CIA officers said "the calibration is off." "Minsk one and Minsk two"; "the Americans in Kyiv refused to implement the thing." "Al Qaeda, nine eleven, the probably America's worst enemy now in our generation, was allied with The US." "Bases in Saudi from which to bomb and blockade Iraq." "Saddam Hussein… ally to The US against Iran." "Iran, even after the revolution, was not an ally of Israel, but Israel was supplying weapons to Iran after the revolution, and that was through The US."

Tucker Carlson

Scott Horton: Coups, WMDs, & CIA – A Deep Dive Into What Led to the US/Israeli War With Iran
Guests: Scott Horton
reSee.it Podcast Summary
Tucker Carlson and Scott Horton discuss the complex history of U.S.-Iran relations, tracing back to the 1953 coup that reinstated the Shah of Iran, which sowed long-term resentment. Horton emphasizes the concept of "blowback," where secret foreign policies lead to unintended consequences, exemplified by the Iranian Revolution in 1979, which many Americans misinterpret as irrational hatred towards the U.S. Horton explains that the U.S. supported the Shah's military spending, which ultimately undermined his regime. The conversation touches on the U.S. involvement in the Iran-Iraq War, where the U.S. backed Saddam Hussein, fearing the spread of Shiite influence. This led to a complicated relationship where the U.S. supported both sides at different times, ultimately empowering Iran. They discuss the Carter Doctrine, which established the Persian Gulf as a vital U.S. interest, and the subsequent Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which the U.S. used to justify supporting the Mujahideen. Horton argues that the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan laid the groundwork for future conflicts, including the rise of Al Qaeda. The discussion shifts to the Iraq War, where the U.S. invasion was justified by false claims of weapons of mass destruction. Horton criticizes the neoconservative influence in U.S. foreign policy, arguing that it has led to disastrous outcomes, including the empowerment of Iran and the destabilization of the region. Horton asserts that the U.S. has consistently prioritized Israeli interests over its own, leading to misguided policies that have exacerbated tensions in the Middle East. He highlights the hypocrisy of supporting groups like Al Qaeda in Syria while simultaneously fighting against them elsewhere. The conversation concludes with a reflection on the current state of U.S. foreign policy, expressing skepticism about the likelihood of a shift towards prioritizing American interests. Horton advocates for a return to a more restrained foreign policy, emphasizing the need for the U.S. to focus on domestic issues rather than entangling itself in foreign conflicts.

Johnny Harris

How The U.S. Stole the Middle East
reSee.it Podcast Summary
Johnny Harris discusses the historical context of the Middle East, highlighting its significance as the cradle of civilization and the impact of European powers redrawing borders. The U.S. sought oil in the region, establishing a presence in Saudi Arabia in the 1930s, which led to a complex relationship with the royal family. Osama bin Laden, born into wealth, grew disillusioned with U.S. influence and sought to combat foreign powers in the Middle East. His opposition intensified after the Gulf War, ultimately leading to the formation of Al Qaeda and the planning of attacks against the U.S.
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