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There is a connection between autism and vaccines that the government promoted, and this constitutes a tort, meaning many people were injured by the product. However, in 1986, Congress passed the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program, giving vaccine companies immunity from liability. Therefore, no matter how reckless the company, how toxic the product, or how egregious the injury, they cannot be sued. This is one reason for the explosion of vaccinations.

There's concern about the lack of good data on vaccine adverse effects. The CDC's surveillance system captures less than 1% of vaccine injuries, which is inexcusable. Congress and the Institute of Medicine have repeatedly ordered the CDC to improve it. Now, with Kennedy sworn in, there's a new commission and a congressional caucus to address these issues, targeting big agriculture, pharma, and food. The HHS Secretary is announcing a new, more accurate vaccine injury reporting system designed to be more transparent than the old one and release secret studies. The goal is to revamp the system to reveal the real picture of vaccine injuries and encourage doctors to report them. This approach aims to strategically show the data and address problems rather than outright banning anything, similar to discrediting fraudulent systems. We're coming for the globalists' assets.

Secretary Kennedy, the mRNA injections marketed as COVID vaccines are merely emergency use authorized medical countermeasures. This pathway bypasses standard pharmaceutical regulations and informed consent. Misrepresentations about these products' safety and efficacy are legally permissible, making official claims unreliable. These shots are now on the CDC childhood vaccination schedule for infants as young as nine months old. The current PREP Act declaration, extended until 2029, abuses federal law intended for short-term emergencies. This shields pharmaceutical companies from liability for deaths and injuries caused by these unsafe products. The FDA falsely claims full approval for those 12 and older, yet the injured are directed to a compensation program that denies almost all claims. I urge you to terminate the PREP Act emergency declaration and investigate the misuse of federal law in the pandemic response, which has led to a human tragedy and destroyed public trust.

The speaker says RFK Jr. aims to alter the Vaccine Injury Compensation Program. The law firm he hired specializes in this program, established in 1986 and in effect by 1988. He will claim the CDC hid evidence about aluminum adjuvants and try to add autism, eczema, or asthma to the compensable list, or remove vaccines from the program, leaving them to civil litigation. He reportedly wants to eliminate vaccines, arguing we traded infectious diseases for chronic diseases. He says chronic disease incidence in children is one in thirty two, implying vaccines cause autism, despite studies. At a confirmation hearing, Cassidy pressed him to admit vaccines don’t cause autism; he cited Mawson and colleagues claiming Florida Medicaid children were more likely to develop autism after vaccination; the paper was not published, not peer reviewed, and was flawed. This is the beginning; as HHS Secretary he could end vaccine manufacturing.

In 1986, the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act removed liability from drug companies for vaccine-related injuries. Recently, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the COVID vaccine is not a true vaccine as it doesn't prevent disease or transmission. This could open up legal challenges against pharmaceutical companies, though the government may protect them. The outcome remains uncertain.

In the video, the speaker discusses the lack of accountability for vaccine manufacturers. They explain that in the 1980s, there were only three routine childhood vaccines, but now there are 17, with 14 being routine. The speaker highlights that the manufacturers convinced Congress to grant them immunity for any harm caused by their vaccines, leading to the National Childhood Vaccines Act in 1986. This immunity extends to future vaccines added to the childhood schedule. The speaker emphasizes that this level of immunity is not seen in other consumer products, which hold manufacturers accountable for any harm caused. They also mention that emergency youth vaccines, like the COVID-19 vaccine, have separate immunity under the PrEP Act. The speaker argues that this lack of liability disincentivizes safety and affects the conduct of clinical trials and post-market actions by pharmaceutical companies.

The speaker claims there is a connection between autism and government-promoted vaccines, which constitutes a tort, implying many people were injured. They ask how these injured parties can be made whole. Another speaker explains that the 1986 National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program Vaccine Act gave vaccine companies immunity from liability, regardless of recklessness, toxicity, or injury severity. This immunity prevents lawsuits against vaccine companies and is presented as a reason for the increase in vaccinations.

Vaccines are unique as the government defends companies against consumer claims in the vaccine injury program. Before 1986, only 3 vaccines were given, but now there are 19, totaling 84 injections. The National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act allowed companies to sell harmful products without consequences. This led to changes in clinical trials and regulatory treatment of vaccines. Regulatory agencies see themselves as partners with manufacturers. Translation: Vaccines are defended by the government against consumer claims. The number of vaccines has increased, and the law allows companies to sell harmful products without consequences. This has impacted clinical trials and regulatory treatment of vaccines. Regulatory agencies see themselves as partners with manufacturers.

The speaker discusses the issue of liability protection for vaccine manufacturers and the lack of safety testing for vaccines. They explain that in 1986, liability was taken away from manufacturers, leading to an increase in the number of vaccines given to children. They argue that vaccines should be tested for safety like any other pharmaceutical product, but this is not happening due to the lack of liability. The speaker also addresses the claim that vaccines do not cause injury, particularly autism, and highlights the lack of studies supporting this claim. They conclude by discussing the use of aborted fetal tissue in vaccine development and the objections raised by religious groups.

The 1986 act allows for limited compensation for vaccine injuries, but claims are made against the Department of Health and Human Services, which creates a conflict of interest. The government defends vaccine manufacturers, making it difficult for injured individuals to seek justice. Compensation comes from a fund supported by a tax on vaccines, not from manufacturers, who cannot be sued for faulty products. When suing the government, cases are handled by special masters rather than Article 3 judges, leading to policy-driven decisions on compensation. Certain claims, such as those for deceased infants, are often not compensated due to ideological beliefs surrounding vaccines.

Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. discusses a documentary, "High Crimes," about the Chinese mafia's drug operations in rural America, available on TuckerCarlson.com. Kennedy claims that he faces opposition from the mainstream media and Democrats due to their knee-jerk reaction against anything associated with Trump. He asserts Trump dictates the Democratic Party's platform, citing examples like NAFTA, war, intelligence agencies, free speech, and women's sports. Kennedy discusses commissioning studies on autism, criticizing the CDC's past studies for alleged fraudulent techniques and failure to compare vaccinated and unvaccinated groups. He says that the Institute of Medicine stated in 2001 that the link between autism and vaccines is biologically plausible. He plans to make databases public for independent scientists to conduct real studies, with initial answers expected by September. Kennedy alleges a system of perverse incentives in healthcare, where insurance companies, doctors, hospitals, and pharmaceutical companies profit from keeping people sick. He claims pharmaceutical companies heavily influence medical journals and incentivize doctors to prescribe their drugs. Kennedy states that pharmaceutical advertising has First Amendment protection, but it is misleading. He says that pharmaceutical companies are advertising the most expensive version of every drug. Kennedy discusses the 1986 Vaccine Act, which gave vaccine companies immunity from liability. He says that the number of vaccines has exploded, leading to an epidemic of immune dysregulation. He claims the CDC deliberately derailed studies on vaccine injuries and that scientific publishers won't publish critical studies of vaccines. Kennedy claims that there were more injuries reported from VAERS by the COVID vaccine than all other vaccines put together for the past thirty six years. He says that the Pfizer vaccine had a higher all cause mortality. He says that Zuckerberg was ordered by the White House to suppress anybody on his platform who mentioned vaccine injuries. Kennedy says that the recommendation has been removed now for pregnant women. He is not satisfied that mRNA technology is safe for people. Kennedy says that he fired the vaccine board because it was an instrument for the industry that it was supposed to regulate. He says that 97% of the people on that board had undisclosed conflicts. Kennedy claims Fauci was vulnerable and had a lot of liability on creating coronavirus. He was funding precisely that research at the Wuhan Lab. Kennedy believes his uncle was killed by a conspiracy. He says that his father's murder was never investigated. Kennedy says that Trump's cabinet is an extraordinary cabinet. He says that Trump is a deep multidimensional and thoughtful character. He is immensely curious, inquisitive, and knowledgeable.

The speaker describes a committee conflict investigated by the office of inspector general and Congress, who urged change, but nothing happened. They claim medical malpractice by this group is evident in the approval of vaccines. The speaker states that in 1986 there were 11 vaccines, which increased to 69, then 92. They assert that, except for the COVID vaccine, none had a pre-licensing safety trial involving a true placebo. According to the speaker, these vaccines were introduced without safety studies, resulting in a lack of understanding regarding the risk profiles of these products. The speaker attributes this to corruption and agency capture.

In the video, the speaker discusses the lack of accountability for vaccine manufacturers. They explain that in the 1980s, there were only three routine childhood vaccines, but now there are 17, with 14 being routine. The speaker highlights that the manufacturers convinced Congress to grant them immunity for any harm caused by their vaccines, leading to the National Childhood Vaccines Act in 1986. This immunity extends to future vaccines added to the childhood schedule. The speaker emphasizes that this level of immunity is not seen in other consumer products, which holds manufacturers accountable for any harm caused. They also mention that emergency youth vaccines, like the COVID-19 vaccine, have separate immunity under the PrEP Act. The speaker argues that this lack of liability disincentivizes safety and affects the conduct of clinical trials and post-market actions by pharmaceutical companies.

The Countermeasures Injury Compensation Program (CICP) and the Vaccine Injury Compensation Program (VICP) are taxpayer funded. The VICP currently has a $4.3 billion surplus to aid vaccine-injured Americans. However, the VICP is struggling with a backlog of 5,000 non-COVID related claims, which are reviewed by only eight special masters. HR 5142, a bill aiming to modernize the program and update compensation, is projected to cost $10-20 billion. Democrats are hesitant to support the bill due to its vaccine association, while Republicans are unwilling to allocate the necessary funds. This leaves those seeking compensation in a difficult position, as pharmaceutical companies are protected and the government is reluctant to take responsibility.

The speaker states that many people have been injured by the COVID vaccine, some fatally or permanently disabled, and that these people are not receiving sufficient care or attention. The speaker says that the 1986 Vaccine Act is a major impediment to change. According to the speaker, Congress recognized that vaccines were "unavoidably unsafe" when it granted vaccine companies immunity, so it created a federal program with a trust fund to compensate those injured. The program is funded by a 75% surcharge on every vaccine. The speaker says the vaccine court is supposed to be generous and fast, but the speaker believes the lawyers defaulted to protecting the trust fund instead of taking care of people. The speaker says the program has paid out over $5 billion to about 12,000 people. The speaker says they are looking at ways to enlarge the program so that COVID vaccine-injured people can be compensated, including enlarging the statute of limitations.

The speaker states the vaccine recommendation panel has been under attack for 20 years. A 2002 congressional investigation allegedly found 97% of panel members had conflicts of interest with the pharmaceutical industry. One instance cited four out of five members working for a company when they approved its vaccine, and one voting member held a patent on that vaccine, later sold for $186 million. The speaker says the goal is to ensure the panel consists of individuals without conflicts of interest who are not profiting from their votes. The speaker claims that since the panel's inception in 1986, the vaccine schedule has expanded from 11 doses of five vaccines to 69 to 92 doses of 19 vaccines, none of which have been tested for safety. The speaker asserts this is malpractice and aims to ensure all vaccines are tested for safety so physicians and patients understand the risk profile and benefits of each vaccine.

The Trump administration's Operation Warp Speed developed a COVID vaccine quickly, but critics argue that the program protected drug companies from liability for vaccine injuries. The government's compensation program for harm caused by vaccines has been criticized for being bureaucratic, with only 8 payouts out of 12,000 claims filed. The issue of liability for vaccine manufacturers has been a topic of debate since Reagan's presidency. Some argue that those harmed by vaccines deserve accountability and that free speech is crucial in discussing the merits of vaccines. There is a call to end crony capitalism and lobbying in government, with a focus on preventing government officials from joining companies they previously dealt with. The government's actions during the COVID-19 pandemic, including vaccine mandates and the approval of mRNA shots for young babies, are seen as problematic. There is a desire for accountability and a promise to clean house in agencies like the CDC, NIH, and FDA to prevent similar situations in the future.

In the early 1980s in the United States, there were only three routine vaccines: DTP, MMR, and OPV, totaling seven injections for childhood, plus the adult and pregnancy schedules, which did not exist at the time. Manufacturers of these three products either stopped making them or went out of business due to injuries and the financial liability associated with those injuries. Typically, when a product harms people, a company would respond by making a better, safer version. The speaker notes that, for vaccines, Congress chose a different path. Instead of compelling manufacturers to improve safety or compensate victims, the United States Congress decided to provide immunity from liability. In 1986, Congress passed the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act, which granted immunity to manufacturers for liability not only for those three early vaccines but for virtually all other vaccines made thereafter, including all childhood vaccines. The speaker emphasizes the contrast between the standard industry response to harm (improve the product) and the legislative approach taken with vaccines (immunity from liability). The implication highlighted is that this immunity allowed vaccine manufacturers to continue selling products despite injuries, shaping the broader vaccine landscape beyond the initial three vaccines.

Attorney Aaron Siri testified at a Senate hearing regarding the CDC's V-safe system, the agency's premier vaccine safety surveillance program. Siri's client, ICAN, sued the CDC and obtained V-safe data after a year and a half of litigation. The data showed that 7.7% of the ten million V-safe users reported needing medical care, on average two to three times each, with 75% of those reports for hospitalization, emergency room, and urgent care. Siri claims the CDC concealed this data because it contradicted their policy that vaccines are safe and effective. Siri believes that the 1986 law granting vaccine manufacturers immunity from liability has distorted the market, leading to a "religious fervor" around vaccines based on belief rather than data. He argues that Congress should repeal the law, forcing manufacturers to create safer products and disclose all risks. This would allow vaccines to operate like other consumer products. Siri also mentioned ICAN's success in obtaining information through Freedom of Information Act requests, leading to investigations.

Key points discuss alleged vaccine safety concerns and political influence. An anecdote describes a two-year-old who “went to have the vaccine and came back and a week later got a tremendous fever, got very, very sick, now is autistic.” “President-elect Trump was very thoughtful on the issue. He asked the chair commission on vaccine safety.” “Vaccine safety.” The plan was to “chair and to assemble a vaccine safety committee that would look at the safety of the various vaccinations.” In March 2017, there was talk in the White House about whether “vaccines weren't a bad thing” with Robert Kennedy Jr. advising against it, to which the speaker replied, “no. That's a dead end. That would be a bad thing. Don't do that.” Finally, it is claimed Trump took “a million dollar contribution for his inaugural party from Pfizer” and appointed “Alex Azar and Scott Utley,” “Pfizer's handpicked candidates,” who “killed the vaccine safety commission.”

Vaccine manufacturers are uniquely protected from design defect claims, unlike manufacturers of other products like planes, cars, and drugs. This immunity was granted in 1986 through the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act due to the harm and liability caused by the original three routine childhood vaccines (MMR, OPV, and DTP). Instead of requiring manufacturers to create safer products, Congress granted them immunity. This immunity applies to all subsequent routine childhood vaccines. The number of CDC-recommended injections has increased from three in 1986 to 29 today. Pharmaceutical companies developing these vaccines know they won't be liable for injuries. Unlike typical drug trials, vaccine trials often lack placebo controls, have short safety review periods (days, weeks, or up to six months), and are underpowered. These trials cannot confirm the safest product.

The speaker asserts that the 1986 National Child Vaccine Injury Act led to an explosion of creativity in vaccine development due to the immunity from legal consequences it provided to vaccine companies. Before 1986, the 1976 swine flu vaccine fiasco, which resulted in numerous lawsuits and the government indemnifying vaccine companies, set a precedent. The 1986 act, passed due to lawsuits related to the diphtheria pertussis tetanus vaccine, shifted lawsuit coverage to taxes. Over time, the qualifications for compensation narrowed, enriching vaccine companies and allowing them to add adjuvants to stimulate the immune system. This indemnification paved the way for mRNA vaccines. Vaccine trials are now considered a joke, with accepted vaccinated-unvaccinated studies using other vaccines as placebos. Saline placebos are avoided because existing studies allegedly reveal the vaccines' ineffectiveness and increased susceptibility to disease.

A law called Vika was passed in 1986, making it illegal to sue vaccine companies, regardless of recklessness or negligence. As a result, the number of mandated vaccines has increased from 3 to 79, none of which have been safety tested. The speaker claims that vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, a claim that Anthony Fauci publicly denied. When President Trump appointed the speaker to run a vaccine safety commission, the speaker asked Fauci to provide safety studies on vaccines. Fauci claimed he left them in his office and never sent them. Subsequently, the speaker and Aaron Siri sued Fauci. After a year of stonewalling, HHS provided a letter stating that there has never been a pre-licensing safety study of any vaccine on the childhood schedule.

Vaccine manufacturers are uniquely protected from design defect claims, unlike manufacturers of other products like planes, cars, and drugs. This immunity was granted in 1986 through the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act because manufacturers of the three routine childhood vaccines (MMR, Polio, and DTP) faced excessive liability and potential bankruptcy due to harm caused by their products. Instead of requiring safer products, Congress granted immunity, allowing manufacturers to continue selling vaccines regardless of potential harm. This immunity extended to all future routine childhood vaccines. Consequently, the CDC schedule has expanded from 3 injections in the first year of life in 1986 to 29 today. Pharmaceutical companies developing these vaccines know they won't be liable for injuries. Unlike typical drug trials, vaccine trials often lack placebo controls (except for the COVID-19 vaccine), have short safety review periods (days, weeks, or up to six months), and are underpowered, making it difficult to confirm product safety.