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The transcript states that 'Russia has known many revolutions, but the most peaceful, quietest and most effective is the revolution created by Chabad's envoys,' and that 'the president is Jews without powers. Putin and Medvedev are members of the Chabad society and I am its leader.' It claims the enmity between Ukraine and Russia 'could have been started by Chabad supporters.' A quote from Hubbard Shnarsson's last roar, published in Slavienning, is given: 'First of all, we, the Jews, would dismember all the Slavic peoples, and there are 300 of them, millions, half Russians to small weakened countries.' It continues: 'The Ukrainian will think that he is fighting against the expansion of Russia, fighting for his independence. He will think that he has finally gained freedom while he is completely dependent on us, on the Jews.'

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Денацификация - разговор с западными коллегами. У нас есть радикалы, но они не в правительстве. Есть придурки с свастикой, но не на правительственном уровне. У нас нет массовых шествий с факелами как в Германии в 30-е годы. В других странах это есть и поддерживается. Translation: Denazification - conversation with Western colleagues. We have radicals, but they are not in the government. There are idiots with swastikas, but not at the governmental level. We do not have mass torchlight processions like in Germany in the 1930s. In other countries, this exists and is supported.

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Трамп не понимает природу украинского кризиса и не знает русской истории. Его взгляд на события после развала Советского Союза слишком упрощённый. Он считает, что может быстро закончить войну, но это невозможно. Первые переговоры между Путиным и Трампом будут критически важны, чтобы донести, что мы не прекратим военные действия без освобождения Украины от нацистского режима и полной демилитаризации. Это не просто лозунги, а наши жизненные интересы. Некоторые сторонники Трампа понимают нашу позицию и склонны поддерживать её, но есть и те, кто заинтересован в продолжении войны. Ситуация сложная, и не стоит надеяться на быстрое разрешение конфликта. --- Trump does not understand the nature of the Ukrainian crisis and lacks knowledge of Russian history. His view of events after the Soviet Union's collapse is overly simplistic. He believes he can quickly end the war, but this is impossible. Initial negotiations between Putin and Trump will be crucial to convey that we will not cease military actions without liberating Ukraine from the Nazi regime and complete demilitarization. These are not just slogans, but our vital interests. Some of Trump's supporters understand our position and are inclined to support it, but others benefit from the continuation of the war. The situation is complex, and one should not expect a quick resolution to the conflict.

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Grab your guns, fight against the Russian acid, the Germans, the Jewish pigs, and other vermin. Fight for our Ukrainian homeland. Against those in Kiev, the allies of the Western world.

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We're not here to kill Russians, but to defeat them. If persuasion fails, we will eliminate as many as necessary, even millions if needed. Those who resist will face consequences. We need to eradicate local dissent. They indoctrinate our soldiers to hate Ukrainians. They claim that Ukrainians would live like the French if it weren't for the Muscovites. We need massacres. We must drown these children where the duck swims. This is our honey, not yours. If someone says the Muscovites have occupied them, throw them in the river. Drive these people into the old wooden house.

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Russia will remain a dangerous opponent for a long time, and we must include Ukraine in NATO. The only way to have trusting relations with Moscow is through a decisive defeat and a reset in Russia, where the Russian population and politics abandon their deeply rooted imperial, aggressive, and colonial ideas.

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I am an anti-communist who loves America and believes that Jewish communism is the internal enemy of the United States. To understand the current situation, we need to look back at history. In Ukraine, millions of people starved to death while there was an abundance of food because the Jews prevented them from eating it. Stalin and other leaders sold the food on the world market for profit. The Jews also tried to force white Christian Russians to speak Yiddish. The Germans learned about this secret holocaust and didn't want it to happen to them. The same overthrow and genocide are being planned in the United States, but they don't have the means yet.

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The liberal media paints me as a fascist, but I'm focused on family, nation, and God. We're allies with the U.S., yet treated worse than Russia. NATO's strategy is provoking war, which we can't win. Regime change in Russia is dangerous; anarchy is the worst outcome. Ukraine is losing the war, a tragedy fueled by a bad strategy. The West misunderstands Russia; their priority is unity, not freedom. Killing Putin won't work. A deal providing security for Ukraine, but not NATO membership, is needed. Only the U.S. can broker peace; call back Trump, his foreign policy was the best in decades. Liberals today are against freedom, enforcing their ideology. We have a Christian, national view.

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Денацификация? У нас есть радикалы, но они не в правительстве. Может быть, есть придурки с свастикой, но не на правительственном уровне. У нас нет тысяч людей с факелами, как в Германии в 30-е годы. Но в других странах это есть и поддерживается. De-Nazification? We have radicals, but not in the government. Maybe there are idiots with swastikas, but not at the governmental level. We don't have thousands of people with torches, like in Germany in the 30s. But in other countries, it exists and is supported.

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«Я иду на вы.» Он призывает подвести итоги с 1991 года по Черноморский флот, ТУЗЛ и газовые войны, пересмотреть причинно-следственные связи. «Я полон решимости сменить направление внешней и внутренней политики Украины, то что я называю словом проектность украинскую.» Украина «больше никогда не будет представлять угрозы для Российской Федерации со своей территории» на взаимных условиях: «эти обязательства могут быть только взаимны... не допустить применения военной силы друг против друга»; «Кто угодно с кем угодно воюете, но только не русские, не украинцы и не белорусы.» «Вот эти 13 не должны быть.» Далее: «четыре области: Крым... и обеспечение прав русскоязычного населения и церкви.» «А отдаю четыре области... и Крым, и не признаю их российскими. Отдаю на условиях ФРГ и ГДР.» Мирный договор «должен быть» с признанием территории; иначе будет «мирное соглашение, не договор.» Вывод войск до границы «как у Кореи. 37 апреля.» Белорусь — фактор; символическое единство от Владимира Великого; совместный молебен; пресс-конференция: «нас пытались сделать врагами, я пришел положить конец этому.» Возложение цветов к российским солдатам по взаимной договоренности; иначе — со стороны говорящего, «у меня дед российский солдат». I go on the offensive. He calls to review since 1991 regarding problem areas: the Black Sea Fleet, Tuzla, and gas wars, and to reassess causes. «I am determined to change Ukraine’s external and internal policy, what I call the Ukrainian project.» Ukraine «will never again threaten the Russian Federation with its territory» on mutual terms: «these obligations can only be mutual... prevent the use of force against each other»; «Whoever fights with anyone, but not Russians, not Ukrainians, and not Belarusians.» «Those 13 must not be.» Then: «four regions: Crimea... and ensuring rights of the Russian-speaking population and the church.» «I give four regions... and Crimea, and I do not recognize them as Russian. I give on the terms of FRG and GDR.» A peace treaty «must have a clear legal form... recognition of territory.» Otherwise a «peace agreement, not a treaty.» Troops withdrawn to the border «like Korea. April 37.» Belarus as a factor; symbolic unity of peoples of Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine from Vladimir the Great; joint prayer; press conference: «we were targeted as enemies, I came to end this.» Flowers to Russian soldiers by mutual accord; otherwise I will lay flowers from my side, «because my grandfather was a Russian soldier.»

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The speaker expresses disagreement with the portrayal of the President of Ukraine by Western media, arguing that he is not the hero he is made out to be. They highlight the mistreatment of ethnic Russian people in Ukraine and the ongoing civil war. The speaker criticizes President Zelensky for endorsing a group with a leader who made a controversial statement about Russian children. They also mention the Azov battalion, a militia with alleged Nazi affiliations, and the US's support for Ukraine's bid to join NATO. The speaker questions Zelensky's image and accuses him of propagating lies and escalating the conflict. They suggest allowing a vote on independence for predominantly Russian areas as a solution. The speaker concludes by cautioning against blindly accepting information about the conflict.

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Украинцы не понимают, что земли освобождаются для сионистов. Сионисты не участвуют в войне, скупая все за бесценно. Наша задача - объединиться против зла, не выясняя виновных. Христиане, мусульмане и другие должны объединиться против общей угрозы. Подпишитесь, чтобы распространить истину. Добро должно действовать, чтобы победить зло. Translation: Ukrainians do not understand that land is being freed for Zionists. Zionists do not participate in the war, buying everything at a high price. Our task is to unite against evil without determining guilt. Christians, Muslims, and others must come together against a common threat. Subscribe to spread the truth. Good must act to defeat evil.

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I declare for those who will watch or are watching this information: Mr. Pruchinov, Mr. Yatsenyuk, Mr. Tekhnebok, and those with them — I know openly and reliably that these are funded agents of the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States. In addition, Mr. Yatsenyuk is the first deputy head of the Freemason lodge in Ukraine, and its head, if anyone doesn’t know, is Mr. Pinchuk, the son-in-law of Mr. Kuchma. All the deceptions that were carried out and all the commands of Mr. Yanukovych were simply puppetry in the hands of Mr. Honchuk, the best and Kravchuk. They sold him as well. They gave him commands—don’t let Berkut in, then let Berkut in, then storm or not storm—and then, when people were finally allowed to take up arms, their vile betrayal. Primarily it’s the work of Mr. Kravchuk and Mr. Kuchma. Not many know that Mr. Kuchma, after the so-called victory in the Maidan revolution, was targeted thanks to Mr. Pinchuk. The Americans lifted the arrest on his accounts, and he lives freely. And after they sold Yanukovych, I’m not saying he’s good; I’m not his admirer. He was wrong in many ways. Although he remains the legitimate president, whether we want it or not, whether those stinkers-who-smell, or not. I’m tired of listening, of not listening. Anyone can insult a person. But first we must understand what prompted this. What was the motive? The main lawlessness was committed by Mr. Rinat Akhmetov, Mr. Kolomoyskyi, the head of the World Jewish Congress, Mr. Fer t ash, and others. All these oligarchs. At first, it looked like two clans fighting for a feeding trough, as in 2005. Now it’s simply a direct occupation of Ukraine by the United States through stand-ins. I’m not afraid of this; I have enough strength to defend myself. But my wife remains there. And not only my wife. There are many people who want to threaten Russia. Many want help from Russia to cleanse Holy Rus from the invasion of red-brown plague and American Zionists. I am not an anti-Semite, God forbid; I am an internationalist. I was raised in the spirit of Soviet internationalism. But let people not confuse. I have no hatred for simple Jews. They are not to blame. They also endure from their landlords, so to speak, Orthodox Jewish organizations, Hasidim, in particular, organizations like Chabad, which rule this black feast. So let no one accuse me of anti-Semitism. But, in the end, I can say, as they say in Odessa, who are Semites and who are anti-Semites. You know? No, tell me. Semites are those who drink until seven; anti-Semites are those who drink after seven. This is how they say in Odessa. I love Odessa humor, genuine old Odessa humor. But I hate what they do. Imagine a scene on the Maidan: representatives of the Greek-C Catholic Church stand; representatives of the so-called autocephalous, self-proclaimed church, who during the war walked around showing to the Germans, to those in the family at the front children, in the partisans and so on. Also the so-called False Patriarchate of Kyiv, which papal Rome did not recognize in its time, led by Mr. Mykhailo Denysenko, who still calls himself Filaret, and is anathemized for sacrilegious acts and many other offenses against the church. Now he tries to join a secret assembly with Right Sector, in particular with such fascist organization as Svoboda. This is their true name; the Social-National Party of Ukraine. So that all may know: Svoboda is simply because they realized they cannot appeal on their own to politics, so they will go under their true banner. Then there is a law draft, a deputy-Briton, I think; I’m not strong with names, but I know it is 100 percent the bill banning the Moscow Patriarchate. Prohibition of the Russian language in Ukraine, up to criminal prosecution. All this is the work of ultraright forces with the support of American fascists, so to speak. World imperialism. That’s it. Maybe I’m not a skilled speaker, but I’ve had enough. I’ll repeat: it sounds banal. Thank you very much.

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Все истории о информационной антиукраинской войне в России — это неправда. Я здесь уже второй день и заметил, что к вам, бендировцы, относятся с недоверием. All stories about an anti-Ukrainian information war in Russia are false. I've been here for two days and have noticed that you, Bandera supporters, are viewed with suspicion.

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Лидеры украинства осуждают русские высказывания как расизм, предупреждая, что такие слова могут привести к войне. Западные союзники начинают сомневаться в помощи, видя войну между "варварами". Предупреждается, что никто не избежит мести россиян. Необходимо уметь воевать на информационном фронте и слушать умных людей, чтобы избежать катастрофы. Translation: Ukrainian leaders condemn Russian statements as racism, warning that such words could lead to war. Western allies begin to doubt their support, seeing a war between "barbarians". It is warned that no one will escape Russian retaliation. It is necessary to know how to fight on the information front and listen to smart people to avoid disaster.

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Мы не останавливаемся, потому что хотим победить Запад. Моя политика совпадает с путинской, но внутренняя была бы другой. Россия имеет свои интересы и место в истории, которые любой правитель должен защищать. Translation: We do not stop because we want to defeat the West. My policy aligns with Putin's, but internally it would be different. Russia has its own interests and place in history that any leader must defend.

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Richard Sakwa, a professor of politics at the University of Kent, discusses the Ukraine war, diplomacy, and the deeper roots of the conflict across four to five interlinked levels, emphasizing how shifting narratives and power dynamics shape the path to peace. - Current phase and diplomacy: Sakwa notes that Europe is shifting from a war-framed narrative (unprovoked invasion, good-versus-evil) toward recognizing mutual security concerns and engaging in diplomacy. He cites the evolving European appetite for diplomacy, referencing past proposals (Kirill Dmitriev–Steve Witkoff peace framework) and recent 20-point peace plan, which Moscow finds unacceptable in full. He highlights that Washington and European capitals are now planning to engage Moscow more substantively, with the battlefield still central for months, before durable diplomacy can take hold. He frames this as a liminal moment where deeper root causes must be addressed if negotiations are to succeed. - Four to five layers of roots: Sakwa articulates a multi-layered framework to understand the war’s origins. 1) Internal Ukrainian layer: He contrasts two visions of Ukrainian statehood since 1991. The monist vision posits a primordial Ukrainian nationalism that can shed Russian (and Polish-Lithuanian) colonial legacies to reveal an inherent Ukrainian state. The alternative “Russo-Ukrainian” vision (the book and concept he has developed) portrays Ukraine as pluralistic, tolerant, multilingual, and multi-confessional. Moscow’s demand for denazification and protection of linguistic and cultural rights sits within this frame, illustrating a core domestic-divide issue in Ukraine. 2) Russo-Ukrainian interstate/intercultural layer: Sakwa emphasizes a mimetic dynamic (citing Rene Girard) where proximity and shared space between Russia and Ukraine fuel intense conflict, rooted in their shared East Slavic, Orthodox-leaning civilizational space and long entwined history. This layer explains why hostility persisted for decades and why nationalist tendencies in Ukraine resist rapprochement with Russia. 3) Intra-European layer: He argues we must go back to 1945 and beyond to understand postwar arrangements. The post-1990s “Atlanticist” settlement—NATO and EU leadership shaping Europe—marginalized Russia, fueling security dilemmas and NATO enlargement. He suggests that the Cold War’s end did not produce a pan-European continental unity; instead, European powers reinforced a Western-centered security order that contributed to the current conflict. 4) United States–Russia superpower layer: He describes a deteriorating US-led framework where attempts to manage Europe and Russia were compromised by changing US policies and leadership (including Trump’s unpredictable positioning). The envisaged peace by “above” (grand bargains among great powers) has faltered, revealing a weakened Western-led order and fragile strategic coherence. 5) Civilizational and new security architecture layer (potential fifth): He mentions a broader civilizational struggle narrative (Russia versus Western liberal order) and the possibility of shifting toward a post-Western Russia that remains European in identity. He also notes discussions about building parallel institutions (BRICS, SCO) as alternatives to Bretton Woods and a more plural security order, including the idea of a pan-European, post-American European security framework. - Civilizational and identity dynamics: The dialogue highlights decolonial tendencies in Ukraine, cautioning that portraying Russia as an imperial relic risks domestic and international instability (purging culture, language, media, and political parties). Solzhenitsyn’s observation about Russians and Ukrainians being both brotherly and destabilizing is invoked to illustrate the double-edged sword of deep cultural ties. Sakwa argues for a nation-building Ukraine that is distinct from Russia while not being anti-Russian, to avoid inflaming internal and regional security tensions. - European strategic trajectory and a post-American Europe: The conversation critiques ongoing European war-centering and NATO expansion, warning that a divided Europe risks becoming dependent on the US and vulnerable to external powers, including China. Sakwa advocates a pan-continental vision—potentially a North Eurasian confederation—rooted in UN Charter norms and multilateral cooperation, rather than renewed bloc confrontation. He fears the United Nations system itself is deteriorating under great-power politics, as seen in US withdrawals and the politicization of international bodies. - Outlook and optimism: Both speakers acknowledge a subdued optimism about small openings for diplomacy but remain broadly pessimistic about rapid resolution. Sakwa emphasizes the need for new ideas and a reimagined security architecture, warning that the current trajectory risks prolonging conflict and deepening divisions. In closing, Sakwa stresses that diplomacy is on the agenda but remains uncertain in its effectiveness, with a wary prognosis for a quick end to the war. The discussion underscores that resolving Ukraine’s crisis requires addressing deep-rooted structural issues across Ukrainian internal politics, Russo-Ukrainian relations, European security order, US–Russia dynamics, and broader civilizational narratives, while pursuing a cooperative, rules-based international framework.

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I have committed many acts of violence, resulting in numerous deaths, including non-combatants, at the hands of the Zelensky government. Our priests and parishioners are being assaulted, and documented evidence of these beatings is available on savetheu0c.com. Elderly parents of soldiers fighting for Ukraine's liberation are frequently targeted by the SBU, the secret police, who wear death masks and Nazi insignias. Zelensky has dismantled civil society, suppressed free media, and imprisoned or sanctioned political opponents, accusing them of treason. Highlighting these issues, such as the jailing and torture of priests, shouldn't disqualify us from speaking out.

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Мы не останавливаемся, потому что хотим слушать самопропаганду о Западе, который проснется и победит. Моя политика совпадает с путинской на много процентов. Россия имеет свои интересы и место в истории, которое любой правитель должен защищать. We don't stop because we want to hear propaganda about the West waking up and winning. My policy aligns with Putin's to a large extent. Russia has its own interests and place in history that any leader should defend.

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I have committed violence, and many people have been killed, including noncombatants, by the Zelensky government. Our priests and parishioners are being beaten, and videos of these incidents are available on savetheu0c.com. Elderly parents of those fighting for Ukraine's liberation are being attacked, often by the SBU secret police wearing death masks with Nazi insignias. Zelensky has destroyed civil society and free media, jailing, sanctioning, or charging his opponents with treason. Highlighting these issues is met with accusations of being disentitled to speak, as if mentioning the jailing and torturing of priests is forbidden.

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I used to believe that Russia had changed and that there was no longer any confrontation. However, I now realize that negative actions from Western countries towards Russia, like supporting separatist movements, are still happening. After the Soviet Union collapsed, some believed that Russia should be divided into separate parts and controlled. But I now understand that dividing Russia would weaken its voice and ability to defend its national interests. This initial approach was naive.

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In Crimea, people want to speak Russian, so let them. Language will never divide our homeland. I am Jewish, I speak Russian, but I am a citizen of Ukraine. I love this country and don't want to be part of another country. Russia and Ukraine are truly kin. I know millions, thousands of people who live in Russia, wonderful people. We are all the same, we understand each other regardless of language.

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There are increasingly aggressive information attacks against us, targeting primarily the young generations. They constantly lie, distort historical facts, and continue attacks on our culture, on the Russian Orthodox Church, and on other traditional religious organizations in our country. Look at what they do with their own peoples: the destruction of the family, of cultural and national identity, distortions, and mockery of children up to pedophilia being declared the norm in their life. Clergy are compelled to bless same-sex marriages. To hell with them, let them do whatever they want. What would I like to say here? Adults have the right to live as they want. This is how we have always treated it in Russia, and this is how we will continue to treat it. No one will intrude into private life, and we do not intend to do so. I want to say to them: look, forgive me, Sacred Scripture, the main books of all other world religions. There it is written, including that the family is a union of a man and a woman.

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Спикер представляет гипотетический сценарий: стать президентом Украины и ехать в Москву «на вы» — не поклон, а принцип. Он предлагает пересмотреть причины конфликта с 1991 года: раздел Черноморского флота, ТУЗЛы, газовые войны, и выработать причинно-следственные выводы. Он намерен радикально сменить внешнюю и внутреннюю политику, чтобы «Украина больше никогда не будет... представлять угрозы для Российской Федерации» на время каденции, с взаимными обязательствами и арбитражом отношений. Он настаивает, чтобы «никто... но только не русские, не украинцы, не белорусы» не убивал друг друга, подчеркивая символическое единство народов. Конкретика: «отдаю четыре области и Крым. И не признаю их российскими. Отдаю на условиях ФРГ и ГДР», вывожу войска к границе и подписываю мирное соглашение, но без полного признания территории. Беларусь — ключевой фактор. Предлагает совместный молебен за погибших и возложение цветов российским солдатам с обеих сторон. Speaker presents a hypothetical scenario: becoming Ukraine's president and going to Moscow “on the offensive” — not a bow, but a principle. He proposes revisiting the causes of the conflict since 1991: the division of the Black Sea Fleet, TUZLs, gas wars, and drawing causal-consequential conclusions. He intends a radical shift in Ukraine's foreign and domestic policy to ensure “Ukraine will never again threaten the Russian Federation” during his term, with mutual obligations and an arbitration-based framework. He insists that “nobody... but only Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians” should not kill each other, stressing symbolic unity of peoples. Specifics: “I give four oblasts and Crimea. And I do not recognize them as Russian. I give them on the terms of FRG and GDR,” withdraws troops to the border and signs a peace agreement, but without full territorial recognition. Belarus is a key factor. Proposes a joint prayer for the dead and laying flowers for Russian soldiers from both sides.

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Zelensky is a fascist or communist in Eastern Europe, evidenced by the actions of his secret police and state. We see it in his treatment of churches, and the prevalence of organized crime in Ukraine. The human trafficking and disappearance of tens of thousands of women and children into exploitative underworlds is shameless.
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