reSee.it - Related Video Feed

The transcript depicts an undercover investigation into alleged fraud surrounding the federal 8(a) and pass-through programs used to award contracts to minority-owned small businesses. The participants discuss how government contractors, including ATI Government Solutions, allegedly leverage Native American status to win and maximize contracts with limited competition. Key points asserted in the dialogue: - ATI would supposedly handle about 20% of the actual development work, while subcontractors would perform roughly 80% of the work. This arrangement is framed as a “pass-through” scheme in which the prime contractor profits while outsourcing most of the labor. - It is claimed that because ATI is allegedly Native American–owned, it benefits from set-asides and government contracts with little or no bidding. The conversation emphasizes that Native status enables “an automatic win because of your Native American status” and that there is “no competition” in certain bids. - The discussion references a mechanics of 51% ownership on paper versus real control: “On paper 51%,” with the assertion that the tribal ownership is maintained on paper for compliance, while the supporting operations are controlled by non-Native executives. The participants claim this arrangement allows ATI to secure large contracts (e.g., “$100,000,000 contracts”) with minimal direct work by the Native-owned entity. - The investigation identifies Malayne Cromwell, ATI’s director of contracts, and describes her explaining pass-throughs and the 51% on-paper ownership. It is claimed that ATI’s on-paper tribal ownership is designed to ensure favorable treatment in bidding, while the actual work is done by subcontractors. - The transcript also includes a broader claim that the Susanville Indian Rancheria appears to own ATI on paper, but two non-Native executives—Furmidge Crutchfield (CEO) and Scott Deutschman (CDO)—manage operations, with Crutchfield and the ranchería’s involvement described as minimal in practice. Cromwell allegedly confirms that ATI adheres to the 51% tribal ownership on paper. - A hypothetical arrangement is discussed in which the tribe would own 51% of a new company to obtain government contracts, with the actual work performed by others. The conversation asserts this would allow a party to pose as Native American-owned to gain bids. - The investigation notes the potential legal risk and references cases like Cusisis v. United States, noting that deception in securing contracts can lead to wire fraud charges. It cites a Supreme Court interpretation emphasizing deception as the focus of the fraud statute. - The report highlights a dramatic rise in ATI’s profits from about $2,000,000 in 2019 to $100,000,000 projected for the current year, suggesting the structure is being exploited to generate large sums under the 8(a) program. It also mentions SBA thresholds for small-business status and describes how Crutchfield allegedly cycles through new companies to stay below those limits. - The investigators reveal themselves as undercover journalists and promise to release more material (part two) detailing ATI employees’ statements. They claim to have recorded Cromwell stating that many comments were her opinion and that she wanted the public not to know about the alleged scheme. - The piece closes with a call for DOJ accountability and an appeal for donations to support ongoing investigative journalism, inviting viewers to stay tuned for future installments. Notable names include Malayne Cromwell (ATI director of contracts), Furmidge Crutchfield (ATI CEO), Scott Deutschman (CDO), and Arien Hart (head of the Susanville Indian Rancheria). The narrative frames ATI as embodying a widespread, under-scrutinized system of pass-through contracts that purportedly prioritize tribal status over actual labor contribution.

The documentary-style segment follows Nick Shirley and David as they investigate widespread fraud in Minnesota, centering on nonemergency medical transportation (NEMT), daycare operations, and the way state funds are billed for services that may not be delivered. They present a pattern where transportation companies appear to underpin multiple fraud schemes across childcare, adult daycare, autism services, and interpreter services, with transportation acting as the “belly of the beast” that ties these lines of fraud together. Key findings and claims include: - The investigation asserts that Minnesota’s NEMT sector is dominated by Somali-owned companies. David notes about 20 NEMT companies in Minnesota, with more than 90% Somali-owned, many hosted in addresses that appear noncommercial or vacant (an apartment, a house, a convenience store, or a vacant building) with little or no signage or staff. - The group argues the average national vehicle count per NEMT company is 20. They estimate Minnesota could have approximately 800 Somali-owned NEMT companies, each with about 20 vehicles, and claim payments from the state are based on electronic submissions of trips and miles, with trips typically paid at about $50 per trip (round trips $100). They contend many trips are never performed, yet payments are made once the electronic form is submitted, with no verification of actual service delivery. - The symposium of fraud is described as consisting of daycares, adult daycares, autism services, and other welfare providers that rely on the transportation brokers to create a paper-trail justifying payments to the providers, even when services aren’t delivered. This paper trail allegedly enables continued state funding for many supposedly operating centers. - Safari Transportation (607 Cedar Avenue South, Minneapolis) and Dreamline Transportation (617 Cedar Avenue South) are presented as examples of fraudulent listings: Safari Transportation is alleged not to exist at the listed address; Dreamline Transportation is said to be housed in a liquor store at 617 Cedar Avenue South, with multiple addresses showing confusing or false registration. On-site checks reveal no functioning transportation company or vans, and staff acknowledge the addresses are misleading. The reporting team notes that the listed addresses often correspond to other, non-transport businesses (e.g., money-wiring shops or liquor stores), with no observable fleet and no evidence of active transportation services. - They visit other addresses tied to transportation, such as Epimonia Transport (at 305/308 area) and Crescent Transportation in Saint Louis Park; Epimonia is described as lacking vehicles and consistency in address listings, while Crescent Transportation is found to be an apartment complex rather than a storefront, casting doubt on the legitimacy of these entities. - The Hopkins Child Care Center is highlighted as an example of large state funding for a facility licensed for 118 children, with reported funding of around $2.25 million for a given year and millions across multiple years, yet the center is observed as shuttered or lacking visible child activity, with many vehicles reportedly idle and windows blacked out. Similar patterns are noted at other daycare centers such as Quality Learning Center and Proud Child Care Center in Eden Prairie, which also show high funding receipts (e.g., $1.9 million for Quality Learning Center in a given year; Proud Child Care Center receiving about $1.25–$1.26 million in recent years), but with no apparent foot traffic or detectable enrollment. - The investigation connects the fraud to political actors and public officials, alleging cover-ups or complicity, and raises questions about accountability for figures like Tim Walz. They assert that investigations and governmental actions have been insufficient or misdirected to address the alleged fraud. - In a broader fraud narrative, they claim millions of dollars were being funneled through TSA at Minneapolis–Saint Paul International Airport, with whistleblowers recounting large sums (often in the millions) moved by Somali-descent individuals, sometimes via routes through Atlanta to Dubai before wiring money to Somalia. A former TSA narcotics investigator describes routine cash movements at checkpoints, suggesting that declarations of large sums did not trigger meaningful enforcement, and implying the funds were linked to the daycare and welfare networks described earlier. Throughout, the speakers attempt to confront individuals at various sites, record responses, and juxtapose the alleged abundance of funding with the lack of visible services or vehicles. They emphasize that even when fraud is spotlighted, participants often respond with hostility or denial, while security is required to manage confrontations. They conclude with a call for accountability and reforms, asserting that the fraud spans the entire state and that transportation companies are central to the ability to sustain fraudulent payments.

The video presents an undercover investigative report into what the presenters describe as “eight a pass-through” schemes linked to minority-owned small business programs, centering on ATI Government Solutions. The speakers claim that ATI leverages Native American status to win large federal contracts with little competitive bidding, then passes most of the work to subcontractors while keeping the majority of the profits. Key claims and dynamics described: - ATI would do 20% of the work while subcontractors do 80%, enabling ATI to collect a large share of the contract money. A participant states, “So we we do about 20% of the work,” and another confirms, “Correct. Yeah. They’re doing most of work.” - Pass-through arrangements are highlighted as a mechanism where Native American status guarantees automatic wins, with subcontractors bidding in their industry but not being American, thus enabling ATI to win via the Native status. A responder says, “with pass throughs, because you’re Native American, right, if you have… all they do is partner with you. They use their people. They subcontract to them. They became our sub, and it’s an automatic win because of your native American status.” - The program is framed as already well-known in Washington as a “best kept secret,” with claims that “There’s no competition because you’re Native American” and that this system is designed to enrich the prime contractor at the expense of taxpayers. - The investigation identifies ATI as a technology services company obtaining federal contracts for next-generation computing solutions, and asserts ATI benefits from eight(a) tribal status, which is described as heavily favored by federal contracts. - Malayne Cromwell, ATI’s director of contracts, purportedly explains that the company’s native American ownership is what enables the contracts, and discusses pass-throughs as a strategic advantage. A journalist notes that Cromwell told them about pass-throughs and indicated that “pass throughs are a great thing as well.” - The footage asserts ATI’s claimed ownership structure on paper shows 51% Native American ownership, enabling access to set-aside contracts. The video questions whether the Susanville Indian Rancheria actually owns ATI and investigates the role of tribal ownership in practice. A participant explains that “ATI is abiding by this 51% tribal ownership on paper.” - The investigation reveals that ATI’s leadership includes non-Native executives—Furmidge Crutchfield (CEO), his fiancée Marina Mogalyeva (CFO), and Scott Deutschman (CDO)—while the Rancheria appears to have limited involvement in operations. An interviewee claims the tribe is the owner of ATI on paper, but the executives run the company and perform the work. - The reporter notes that the tribal arrangement would facilitate similar schemes for others who seek government contracts, suggesting a model where 51% ownership is held by a tribe “on paper,” while the actual work is done by others. - The discussion cites the 51% rule codified in the Federal Acquisition Regulations as FAR 52.219-14, stating that the prime contractor must do at least 51% of the work. The video alleges ATI may be violating this rule by directing most work to subcontractors. - The investigation references usaspending.gov data showing ATI’s profits rising from about $2 million in 2019 to about $100 million in the current year, and discusses SBA small-business thresholds (net worth, AGI, assets) that prompt Crutchfield to create new entities to stay within “small business” criteria. - The segment mentions a related Pennsylvania case (Cusisis v. US) in which a contractor was convicted of wire fraud and conspiracy for fraudulent inducement related to disadvantaged business enterprise schemes, highlighting the legal risk of deception in these arrangements. - The report concludes with a staged reveal of the reporters’ identities and promises forthcoming parts, urging viewers to donate to the Citizen Journalism Foundation and signaling ongoing journalistic accountability efforts. Note: The transcript contains specific names and quotes attributed to individuals involved in ATI and allied entities, as well as investigative claims about ownership structures and regulatory interpretations.

The records Joe Gebbia was trying to digitize were stored at Iron Mountain, about an hour north of Pittsburgh, in Boyers, Pennsylvania, where there is a limestone mine 220 feet underground. Since 1960, the federal government has used the mine as a retirement office. The Office of Personnel Management (OPM) keeps about 450 employees working down there full-time alongside 26,000 file cabinets holding over 400 million paper records. The site processes about 10,000 federal retirements every month by hand. A key point discussed is that the issue is not that technology has failed to digitize the records. Every administration since Reagan has tried to digitize the records, and the attempts failed for multiple reasons. The transcript says that doing it correctly, lawfully and with the Federal Office of Personnel’s required legal protections, is very expensive and politically contentious. It also claims that physical paperwork in a mine has a different level of protection than digitized paperwork. The transcript then describes a strategy attributed to Joe Gebbia and his team at Doge: they began moving the records onto the digital infrastructure controlled by the White House. Rather than digitizing under legal guardrails, the transcript says they worked around the legal guardrails and “called it a day.” The speaker describes an investigation into what Gebbia was doing with National Design Studio, saying they ran into roadblocks when trying to follow the money. The transcript states that the work appears to be done “off the books,” with no contracts on USAspending, the office not registered on SAM.gov as a federal procurement entity, and National Design Studio not technically existing. When the speaker could not follow money, they say they followed the data instead, arguing that data leaves residual traces. The transcript then connects this approach to what Larry Ellison’s company was doing over the prior decade. It describes Oracle running a network of tracking tools embedded across the internet to build “digital dossiers,” files containing very sensitive information about people, including where they lived, where they banked, what they bought, and political views, race, and other information. It says Ellison publicly claimed in 2015 that Oracle had dossiers on roughly 5 billion people. The transcript adds that Oracle was sued in federal court in 2022 for building those files without consent, and that in July 2024 Oracle settled for $115 million and shut the entire operation down. The transcript concludes by stating that five months after Oracle’s dossier operation ended, Joe Gebbia joined Doge in the White House.

A documentary-style investigation in Minnesota accuses widespread government-funded fraud across childcare, elder care, and health care services, alleging that hundreds of millions (potentially billions) of taxpayer dollars were funneled to fraudulent businesses, many run by Somali-owned entities, with insufficient or no evidence of actual children or patients being served. Key figures and setup - David: An investigator whose office is in Minneapolis, claiming firsthand exposure to fraud. He frames the problem as deeply entrenched, involving billions of dollars and potentially ties to terrorist groups abroad. - Nick Shirley: The presenter and filmmaker, documenting the investigation, confronting daycare centers, health care providers, and government officials. Main fraud allegations and examples - Childcare and early learning centers: - Multiple Minneapolis daycares listed at the same addresses, licensed for large capacities (e.g., 120 children) but with no children present in long-running site visits. - Examples include Mako Childcare and Mini Childcare Center: combined licensing for 120 children, but vans never moving and no children observed over repeated visits; fiscal year payments ranged from about 714,000 to over 1.6 million dollars for the two centers in various years. - ABC Learning Center and other nearby facilities: windows blocked out, doors locked, no children observed despite licensing for dozens or hundreds of children; payments in the hundreds of thousands to millions per year. - Sweet Angel Childcare and others: similar patterns—license capacity reported, payments received, but no children seen; in one case, ongoing operation with no obvious play area or evidence of childcare. - The video notes cases where two daycares share addresses or switch names (e.g., Creative Minds Daycare reopens as Super Kids Daycare Center) yet continue to receive state funding, suggesting “fraudulent” billing. - Some locations claimed to be open long hours and to serve many children, yet on-site visits found no children, locked doors, or hostile responses when questioned. In one instance, a staffer refused to discuss the operation or provide paperwork. - Specific sums cited include ownership of facilities with payments like 1.26 million, 987 thousand, 714 thousand, 1.6 million, 1.3 million, 1.0–1.6 million in various fiscal years, totaling near several millions per site and aggregating toward millions across multiple centers. - Home health care and other services: - A building housing 14 Somali-owned home health care companies under many different names, all operating from the same location, raising concerns about service provision and billing. - A broader claim that in Minnesota, 14–22 Somali health care businesses at the same address are part of the same ecosystem; government money (state and federal CCAP funding) is disbursed to these entities, with a perception that services may not be rendered as billed. - A separate building contains numerous health care providers; the interviewee asserts that 50–60 million dollars per year could be fraudulently routed through this single building. - Overall scale and claims: - David asserts the fraud is “far worse than anybody can imagine” with estimates initially as high as 7 to 10 billion, later revised publicly to around 8 billion; in total, a major portion of the state budget is implicated. - A central claim is that funds from CCAP (a blend of federal and state money, taxpayer money) are written as checks to providers who may not deliver corresponding services; the state’s checks are allegedly not effectively cross-checked for actual service provision. - Political and procedural dimensions: - The investigation contends that Minnesota governor Tim Walz is responsible for allowing or failing to curb fraud, describing the state as “ground zero” for the issue and criticizing political and procedural inaction. - The documentary frames fraud as nonpartisan, noting Medicaid fraud occurs across parties and administrations nationwide, but then presents a partisan friction as they confront lawmakers at a state Capitol hearing. - At the Capitol hearing, Republicans and Democrats discuss fraud, with some speakers asserting the problem is nonpartisan and rooted in systemic issues across administrations, while others push to hold specific leaders accountable and emphasize the need for transparency and enforcement. Confrontations and outcomes - The team encounters resistance and hostility at several sites, including doors locked, hostile staff, and in one instance, a confrontation resulting in police involvement at a building housing healthcare providers. - The investigators claim to have faced intimidation and even threats; they describe instances of violence toward them for asking questions about child and elder care fraud. - The film documents a tense, complex landscape of allegations, aiming to connect misallocated funds to non-delivered services, with ongoing investigations, raids, and political debate as the state capital becomes a focal point for accountability discussions.

The transcript argues that a group aligned with Peter Thiel and “tech oligarchs” is pushing to “turn the US government into a private corporation.” It says the country is “technically already” run as a multinational corporation, and that the goal is to formalize this into a national CEO system described as a dictator-style structure. The names “sovcorp” (“sovereign corporation”) or “govcorp” (“governing corporation”) are cited for this concept. It claims Palantir is being set up as a “beta A test” for that transformation. The transcript says Palantir has been handed the military and “our entire intelligence community,” and that under the current iteration of Trump it has also been handed “all of our agricultural data,” “all of our healthcare data,” and “IRS” data, presenting this as an expansion to “total” control. The transcript connects this to alleged ideological alignment between Palantir’s leadership and people who want “one company to replace the governing structure of the country,” stating this is “extremely concerning.” It further claims the New York Times says Palantir “knows already know everything about you,” characterizing Palantir as the “one-seeing eye,” and referencing “total information awareness” described as a “pyramid with the beam covering the earth.” It concludes that independent media publishes data “with the hope that people will wake up and do something about it,” but advises viewers who are concerned to “starve them of your data as much as possible.” The transcript identifies getting rid of a smartphone as the “most powerful thing,” while also saying that if a person “really need[s] one,” they can use alternatives, and that they “don’t need to have an Android or an Apple device on you.” It emphasizes that smartphones generate the most data for Palantir and says the plan fails if people “mass non-comply.”

The transcript asserts that the government can provide funding to a so called nonprofit with very few controls, and that there is no auditing subsequently of that nonprofit. It emphasizes that with the 1,900,000,000.0 to Stacey Abrams, those involved “give themselves extremely lavish, like, salaries, expense everything” and that the nonprofit is used to “buy jets and homes and all sorts of things” and to “live like kings and queens” within the tax paradigm. The speaker reiterates that this pattern is not isolated to a single instance but is happening at scale. It is described as not being limited to one or two cases but as something being seen “everywhere.” Key points highlighted include: - Government funding to nonprofits occurs with very few controls. - There is an absence of auditing of the recipient nonprofit after the funding is provided. - A substantial amount, specifically 1,900,000,000.0, is directed to a high-profile figure identified as Stacey Abrams. - The recipients are portrayed as granting themselves lavish salaries, paying for expenses, and purchasing luxury assets such as jets and homes. - The overall implication is that funds are used to “buy jets and homes and all sorts of things,” leading to a lifestyle described as living “like kings and queens” within the tax framework. - The speaker stresses that this phenomenon is not isolated but is happening at scale, with examples seen “everywhere.” The speaker’s framing centers on alleged governance and accountability failures in nonprofit funding, pointing to large sums of money directed to an individual and the perceived use of nonprofit resources for personal luxury. The emphasis is on the scale of the practice and the lack of oversight, suggesting systemic repetition rather than isolated incidents.

The speaker argues that “certain nefarious characters within the FBI and Department of War” helped assassinate Charlie Kirk and cover it up, and says they will present “correlated events” and “receipts.” They describe Stu Peters as an early proponent of an “exploding microphone theory,” and say they investigated further. The speaker’s first focus is an explosives procurement involving Acura Energetic Systems (AES). They say AES makes explosives and has government contracts, but highlight alleged anomalies tied to timing around Charlie Kirk’s assassination. They claim an AES contract had a procurement period from May 1 through August 2025, ending about eight months later “right before Charlie Kirk’s assassination.” The speaker says the contract was signed April 22, one month after Steven Feinberg took office, adding that Feinberg owned Cerberus, which the speaker says has CIA agents working for him and other intelligence personnel, and also owns DynCorp and special operations units “on how to detonate tiny explosives.” The speaker claims the AES contract used a simplified acquisition procedure (SAP) to streamline procurement, and they state the contract amount was “440,000, some odd change.” They allege there was only one bidder, and that in Federal Business Opportunities it was labeled “not applicable,” meaning it was never posted on SAM.gov even though they say SAPs are posted there. They also claim the contract was for “extra small, tiny explosives,” and that the speaker reviewed decades of online procurements and found nothing similar besides this one time. They further claim that the Department of the Navy made the contract, received devices, and that AES exploded “exactly one month after Charlie Kirk is assassinated.” The speaker states a CSB investigative report identifies the explosion timing as around 7.47 a.m., after the third shift ended around 7 a.m. and the first shift began. They claim the plant operated 24 hours per day with three shifts and that the explosion detonated about 23,000 tons of explosives, felt “from like miles away,” described as like an earthquake. They state all 16 people in the building died, and multiple people outside or in other buildings were severely injured. They also say the building made PETN and claim the company’s facility contained PETN. The speaker describes the post-explosion response as inconsistent. They say the Humphreys County Sheriff (Tennessee) stated it would take a long time to rule out “nefarious play,” while within two weeks, the ATF said it was an accident involving mixtures mishandled on the ground floor and a spark. The speaker claims AES’s building was “literally leveled.” They say OSHA closed its April 2026 investigation with 56 violations and that AES had “tons” of violations for decades. They add that OSHA closure did not stop government procurement from AES, and that press coverage “got under that rug.” They state AES has wrongful death lawsuits and should be unable to bid on federal contracts, yet they claim AES received its biggest contract “just a few weeks after Charlie Kirk’s assassination,” and in January 2026 received another largest contract valued at $377 million. They say they are not claiming bribery directly, but assert the situation “looks” like something was arranged. The speaker also references other procurements they plan to investigate, including FBI-related aerial surveillance in Arizona and an FBI procurement for truck beds from an automotive shop near UVU. They conclude by saying they believe “someone in the Department of War ordered the contract” and that FBI/ATF were part of a cover-up. They mention Senator Jamie Raskin discussing Kash Patel having “slush funds” paying $8,000 every two weeks to executive advisors, and say they want to check the timing of those payments.

The group discusses various connections and claims related to the Iron Dome program and individuals involved. Key points mentioned: - Erica’s father is said to be the chairman of Raytheon and to do extensive work on the Iron Dome. - Sean Maguire is described as “one of the key people running cover up for the identity of the killer” and is accused of pushing support for a person named Robinson, as well as supporting Bill Ackman, who is said to have offered a bribe. - The conversation references Truth and Ian and includes an assertion about Desi clarifying these connections. - Jonathan is highlighted for his exceptional ability to recite information; there are anecdotes about long sessions with him and the intensity of his contributions. There is also discussion about the challenges editors face due to Jonathan’s frequent changes of online usernames after being deplatformed, making it hard to track his accounts. - Other names appear in the dialogue: Lunae, Falu, Desi, Ian, Sam Parker, and Bill Ackman. - There is a mention of the workload on editors who compile and clip Jonathan’s videos, expressed as sympathy for their task. - There is a casual aside about a “big boobs” vendor reference and a note that the Israeli girl was discussed in DMs, with a disclaimer that the speaker is not the person being referenced. - Regarding the Iron Dome, it is stated that there are three main companies involved in hosting, overseeing, maintaining, and keeping it operational; one of these companies is Rafael (the sentence is cut off, but Rafael is identified as one of the three). The dialogue emphasizes alleged ties between prominent figures and defense contractors, the role of individuals in disseminating or concealing information, and the logistical and social challenges of content creation and attribution within this online discourse.

The speaker discusses a conspiracy involving the US government and NGOs bringing illegal immigrants into the country. A DHS employee reveals how NGOs receive millions of dollars to facilitate this operation. The employee mentions Jewish Family Services receiving $600 million for a few months, with subcontractors requesting more funds. The partnership between NGOs and the government is described as a massive money laundering scheme.

Tell me who you are, sir. Walk me through, you overheard or you witnessed some of these people talk about pass-throughs. We have a check here, SIRC0, federal services, the Susanville Indian Rancheria that's dated last week, signed by Furmage Crutchfield, $2,000,000 to the tribe. So with this check for $2,000,000, where does the money go? Because how many—how many was it, $700,000,000 when I spoke with you—how much money has Sirco or Susanville Indian Rancheria taken in from these federal no-bid contracts? The people of the Susanville Rancheria are an impoverished community for the most part. So where is the $700,000,000 actually going? The tribe was taking 50% of the money. How was that happening? You mentioned a few people. Robert Kennedy was the guy that you had interacted with. Also Doyle Lowry. So Robert Kennedy is the CEO of Serco and now is the head of something called Bold Concepts in Maryland. Doyle Lowry, the CEO of Four Tribes Construction. Can you just walk through some of these players and who they were and how they participate in the scheme? Doyle Lowry was the CEO of Four Tribes Construction, and this is a lot for people to understand. How does Four Tribes relate to ATI and Serco? Is Four Tribes a different company? So why did you decide to come forward to me after the story we showed we saw with Anish and Malayne talking about pass-throughs, eight contracting systems? At what point did you realize something wasn't right? Why are you talking to me? And what do you want to happen? What do people need to know about this whole racket? Alright. Well, thank you for your time. And we will certainly be in touch and hopefully more people come forward.

A federal consulting group within the Department of Interior managed contracts for various agencies. One contract was for $830 million to conduct surveys. The surveys were simple, consisting of 10 questions on an 8.5 x 11 sheet of paper, easily created by a child or AI. This contract was stopped after the inauguration. The speaker stated that the contract was a fraud.

The speaker asserts that fraudsters complain the loudest and with fake righteous indignation, calling it a tell. They cite a striking example: $2,000,000,000 awarded from the federal government to Stacey Abrams’ NGO, which the speaker says basically didn’t exist. They question, “Why?” and note that there are many such cases like that.

Two individuals who ran a company with no other employees were hired by the government to do no IT work. Instead, they subcontracted the work and received over $11,000,000 for themselves. The government's decision to hire these middlemen who did not perform any IT work is questionable. The speaker questions why government officials thought it was a good idea to give such a large sum to these individuals. The response from Speaker 1 suggests that the hiring was done through a standing offer or supply arrangement. The speaker further highlights the absurdity of the situation, wondering why any two Canadians couldn't do the same. The lack of knowledge regarding who made the decision to hire these individuals is mentioned, with an ongoing investigation by the RCMP.

The speaker, who claims a background with the CIA and NSA and now runs a corporate intelligence firm, discusses an investigation into TPUSA (Turning Point USA). They present that on 09/02/2025 Charlie Kirk sent an internal memo announcing Justin Streiff as Chief Operating Officer, stating Streiff would lead a “doge like” effort into TPUSA’s financials and operations, described as an internal audit without triggering red flags. Eight days later, the speaker claims Charlie Kirk was murdered, and within the week Eric Kirk was announced as CEO, with the audit and the “doge like effort” never materializing. TPUSA is identified as a 501(c)(3) with public financials, enabling the speaker to review them. The speaker positions themselves as an independent investigator who followed the money to look for fraud or red flags, noting that a key part of such an audit is examining vendors and consultants. They focus on three entities: Lion Rock Ventures, Cloverstone, and GSM Strategies. The speaker asserts that these three LLCs shared a director and an address, and that Stacy Sheridan is the common individual involved in all of them. Sheridan is described as the TPUSA senior advancement employee, earning upwards of $200,000 annually to perform the same function allegedly outsourced to these consulting firms. The speaker implies that Sheridan owned the consulting businesses. A further red flag highlighted is the formation and quick dissolution of Lion Rock Ventures (formed in 2019 and dissolved about a year and a half later) and Cloverstone (formed and dissolved while Sheridan was performing the same job for TPUSA). The nine ninety forms for these entities allegedly show directors and Sheridan’s position sign conflict of interest forms, which the speaker claims indicates a conflict of interest given Sheridan’s dual roles. The firms are said to have generated nearly $3,000,000 across four years. The speaker mentions a $350,000 payment that is frequently discussed in relation to these deals, stating that they found it in the Form 990 (9/90) filings and that they will discuss it in part two. The transcript ends with “They do” and promises a continuation with a full write-up on a Substack channel and a new podcast next week, inviting support.

A small group of government contractors were allegedly hired to frame the Trump campaign, set him up for the Russia collusion investigation, provide impeachment witnesses, and provide administrative support to the DOJ during the Mueller investigation. This same group is also allegedly behind fake news, social media influence operations, and the defund the police movement. Both parties are allegedly covering up an even bigger scandal, Shadowgate, and the tactical role the shadow government played in a coup against President Trump. The shadow government consists of government contractors in defense, intelligence, and security. The government consists of compartmentalized desk jockeys to cover up that the real work is outsourced to contractors. These contractors have allegedly created an international criminal enterprise where blackmail is traded and personal data is gold.

The transcript claims that an electrician who works every day and pays rent, supports a family, and relies on tax dollars is being told that his tax money is used to buy others’ luxury items such as cars and yachts, and to fund “terrorism and child trafficking.” It states that “a trillion dollars a year” is spent on “this stuff,” describing it as “a hundred and fifteen million dollars an hour.” It then asks how the money is obtained, questioning whether it comes from “trends, national organizations, [or] criminal networks,” and pressing for an explanation of “how did they get their hands on it?” The answer given is that the actors “take advantage of antiquated government systems and processes,” and they enter programs that elected and appointed officials “won’t touch,” allowing them “to steal at scale.” The transcript adds that the lesson learned is that “Government never runs out of money,” and that “the probability of getting caught is virtually zero.”

We found 10,000 people using the same Social Security number. They are brought in illegally and given a number to pay taxes. Companies hire them across various plants and factories, all using the same number. The IRS only checks if there's an employer associated with the number, validating it. These individuals then use the number to obtain driver's licenses, leading to voter suppression. The government ignores this issue and these individuals don't pay taxes, as companies deduct them. The government has a $1.7 trillion slush fund, generating $100 million in interest monthly. This information is unsettling, revealing a corrupt system benefiting everyone involved.

We discovered 10,000 people using the same Social Security number. They are brought in illegally and given a fake promise to pay taxes. These individuals are spread across various factories and plants, all using the same Social Security number. The government turns a blind eye to this, as it only checks if there is an employer associated with the number. They use this system to manipulate voter registration and driver's license issuance. The government has accumulated a $1.7 trillion slush fund, generating $100 million in interest monthly. This revelation sheds light on why they tried to harm us. It's unsettling information about our country, revealing a unified party benefiting from this system.

The speaker asserts that fraud has been legalized and concealed through unethical behavior enabled by unethical legislation, effectively allowing the fraud to go unseen, untracked, and without accountability. The speaker highlights Nexus Family Healing, a nonprofit located in Plymouth, Minnesota, as an example. According to the speaker, Nexus Family Healing is a national nonprofit with an executive director earning well over $500,000 annually, who is awarded a $1,000,000 grant contract through Hennepin County. The speaker then alleges that this $1,000,000 grant morphs into a three-year $7,000,000 ongoing contract, and claims that nobody knows how or why this transformation occurs. The speaker notes that when Hennepin County workers approached Julie Blaha in the state auditor’s office with concerns, they were met with “complete radio silence.” The speaker contends that Julie Blaha refuses to take action. The claim is made that the state auditor’s office is currently opaque, with no visible duties, no responsibility, and no accountability arising from that office. The speaker adds that the office receives $8,000,000 in biannual funding, yet allegedly does nothing beyond purported TikTok dances. The overarching claim is that there needs to be someone in the state auditor’s office who actually takes responsibility for how taxpayer dollars are managed and accounted for. The speaker uses these points to argue that the current system enables undisclosed or unaddressed fraud through a combination of perceived legislative loopholes and a lack of oversight or action from the state auditor’s office. The narrative centers on alleged improper contracting and funding flows involving Nexus Family Healing, and the perceived non-responsiveness of Julie Blaha and the state auditor’s office in the face of county concerns about these matters.

The transcript centers on an undercover investigation into alleged eight(a) pass-through schemes used to secure federal contracts, focusing on ATI Government Solutions and its connections to Native American ownership arrangements. - ATI, described as a technology services company, allegedly acquires hundreds of millions in taxpayer dollars for federal contracts and benefits from a supposed Native American eight(a) tribal status. The program is said to favor Native American–owned small businesses in obtaining contracts. - A key claim is that ATI acts as a pass-through, with the prime contractor (ATI) doing only a small portion of the work and subcontracting the majority to other firms. Specifically, Malayne Cromwell states that ATI “would often do as little as 20% of the actual software development work and offload 80% of the work to their subcontractors,” with ATI “sitting back, collecting my percentage, and they do the work.” - The 51% rule is repeatedly cited: the prime contractor on a government contract must do at least 51% of the work. The investigation alleges ATI complies on paper with “51% on paper,” while the actual work is done by subcontractors. The RFI notes that the limitations of subcontracting clause FAR 52.219-14 requires the prime to perform at least 51% of the work. - The investigation describes “pass-throughs” as a mechanism whereby a non-Native company bids on a contract but partners with ATI, using ATI’s Native status to win, and then subcontracts the work to the non-Native company. The transcript states: “a lot of our subcontractors bid on contracts that were perfect in their industry, but because they weren’t American, they wouldn’t win it. We bid on it for them. They became our sub, and it's an automatic win because of the government set aside.” - There is a claim of “no bidding war” and that contracts are obtained due to Native status, with “pass-throughs” described as a “secret” and “best kept secret.” - The investigation identifies specific individuals tied to ATI and the tribal arrangement. Malayne Cromwell is identified as ATI’s director of contracts who explains the pass-through process and claims that “51% on paper” is sufficient for eligibility. The Susanville Indian Rancheria appears as the listed Native ownership on paper, but the investigation reveals that ATI was founded in collaboration with the Rancheria by two Caucasian executives, Furmidge Crutchfield (CEO) and Scott Deutschman (CDO), who supposedly manage operations. Cromwell asserts that ATI abides by the 51% tribal ownership on paper, while the leaders who actually run ATI are non-Native. - The tribal entity’s role is described as largely non-operational: “the tribe itself will not be doing any of the work. They would literally be taking 51% of the company for the sole purpose of allowing us to pose as Native American owned because it puts you to the front of the line for acquiring those government contracts.” - The investigation cites the growth of ATI’s profits from about $2,000,000 in 2019 to $100,000,000 in 2024, per usaspending.gov, and explains a pattern of creating new companies to stay under small-business thresholds as profits rise. - The report references a related case, Cusisis v. US, where a company was convicted of wire fraud and conspiracy for misrepresenting DBE status in Pennsylvania, highlighting the potential legal consequences of deceptive eight(a) practices. - The piece concludes with the investigators stating they recorded statements that allegedly show pressuring for secrecy and urging quiet about the alleged schemes, and they announce part two of the story. They call on the Department of Justice to act and invite donations to support their journalism. They also mention an upcoming Citizen Journalism Foundation event.

This is a deep-dive into TPUSA’s financials focusing on one of the largest vendors that appeared in the forms: Resource One, a printing company. The speaker, who previously worked for the CIA/NSA and now runs a corporate intelligence firm, frames the analysis as public and for entertainment purposes only, aiming to uncover why an audit was requested and to connect the dots in the nine-nine forms. Key findings and questions raised: - In the 2022 filing, Resource One appears as a new vendor with a charge of 2,900,000. - In the 2023 filing, Resource One becomes TPUSA’s top vendor, with expenses of just over 6,000,000 for printing services. - There is a discrepancy: TPUSA reports 6.1 million in printing expenses, yet a separate line item shows only 1.3 million spent on printing, leaving about 4.8 million unaccounted in printing expenses. The speaker asks, “Where’s the other 4,800,000?” - The Tulsa, Oklahoma address associated with Resource One appears to be a front; OpenCorporates lists the actual company as Worldwide Printing and Distribution, with Resource One doing business as Resource One. The LLCs connected to Resource One trace to Delaware, but the filing address points to Tulsa. - Worldwide Printing and Distribution is connected to James Moore, who is the CEO and the chairman of Moore DM Group. Moore DM Group is described as a $700,000,000 direct mail political conglomerate that brings in over $16,000,000 from PACs per FEC filings and has 33 subsidiary companies. Their website highlights political fundraising as one of their four major service lines. - The speaker notes that a 501(c)(3) cannot spend money on political activities, and TPUSA’s revenue reportedly comes largely from donations, making the financial links to a political fundraising conglomerate appear problematic. - The unaccounted $4.8 million is suggested to have gone to a politically affiliated entity; the speaker points to TPUSA’s 501(c)(4) or related arms and questions the clarity of the relationship. - Additional payments are noted: 1,100,000 paid to Conrad, another subsidiary of Moore, via TPUSA’s 501(c)(4) filings; 1,300,000 reported as printing expenses; 4,800,000 unaccounted for in relation to the Resource One/Worldwide Printing and Distribution connections. - The speaker mentions CREW has filed complaints about these issues and states that they have not been able to connect all the dots conclusively, but believes something noteworthy has been found. - The speaker reiterates that all claims are presented as alleged for entertainment purposes, and notes the White House’s stance on audits as a broader, related context. - Teases Part Three with more to come. Throughout, the speaker emphasizes tracing the money, the murky relationship between Resource One/Worldwide Printing and Distribution, Moore DM Group, and TPUSA’s fundraising-related expenditures, while highlighting discrepancies in reported printing expenses and the potential political nature of the funding. The segment concludes with a promise of further discoveries in Part Three.

There is a pentagon that hides a billion dollars without any accountability, and it has never passed an audit. To uncover the truth, it seems that someone may need to leak information from these labs online, potentially facing dire consequences afterward.