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My mother used to say that even in terrible situations, there is always some good that can come out of it if you search for it. We are currently at a crucial point in the world economy, which only happens every few generations. During a recent secure meeting, a top military official mentioned that between 1919 and 1946, around 60 million people died. However, we managed to establish a more peaceful world order since then. Now, things are shifting again, and a new world order is emerging. It is our responsibility to lead and unite the rest of the free world in this endeavor.

We need courageous leaders who prioritize principles and patriotism in senior ranks. A president must shake things up to remove dangerous individuals. Americans must realize the importance of establishing a just world through dialogue with other nations. Unfortunately, significant turmoil may be necessary to drive this change. The media's bias has hindered public perception. Major countries like China, Brazil, South Africa, Saudi Arabia, and India support Russia in the ongoing conflict.

The West is preparing to preserve a system that essentially exploits the world through the power of the dollar and technological dominance. They want to control independent states, traditional values, and cultural attempts by imposing protests, new global currencies, and technological centers. It is crucial for them to have all countries submit to the United States' benefit. They willingly agree or force others to comply, leaving behind ruins, disasters, and millions of suffering people. Their intention is to maintain unlimited power and engage in hybrid warfare against us. They don't want us to be a society, but rather a crowd without work. Our thoughts and culture pose a direct threat to them, so they try to suppress our art and development. Competition is not needed for them, but it is essential for us.

We are at an inflection point in the world economy and globally. This occurs every few generations. In a recent secure meeting, a top military official mentioned that between 1900 and 1946, 60 million people died. However, since then, we have established a more stable liberal world order. Now, things are shifting again, and a new world order is emerging. It is crucial for us to take the lead and unite the free world in this endeavor.

Glenn and Professor Zhang discuss the trajectory of global conflict and the transformation of the world order. Zhang presents several lines of evidence and reasoning for a destabilizing, multi-polar era that could culminate in a broader conflict akin to World War III, with 2026 identified as a period of potential flare-ups. Evidence and triggers pointing toward greater conflict: - The American National Security Strategy recently published argues that “the order has dissipated. It’s gone,” and that America must protect its own national self-interest, primarily in the Western Hemisphere, through a “mineral doctrine” and a Trump corollary to enforce it. China’s and Russia’s encroachment in South America, notably via China’s investments, is cited as a trigger for U.S. assertiveness, including the Caribbean concentration of naval assets and actions affecting Venezuela’s oil. - The Russia-Ukraine war is described as effectively over, with morale in Ukraine collapsed and large-scale desertions; Europe contemplates using seized Russian assets to fund Ukraine and avoid a peace that could allow Russia to consolidate gains. Europe’s intended loans to Ukraine and the fear that Russia could challenge European supremacy are highlighted. - In the Middle East, the Israel–Iran dynamic is seen as increasingly unstable, with predictions of Israel attacking Hezbollah and Lebanon within weeks, and ongoing friction around the Hamas peace deal. Iran is portrayed as a pivot in a broader Eurasian alliance that could threaten Western interests if Iran’s lines of trade and energy routes are integrated with Russia and China. - The overall global contest is framed as a struggle over the new world order: the shift from a liberal, rules-based order to multipolar competition where the U.S. seeks to maintain dominance through deterrence, sanctions, and allied proxies. Historical patterns and structural analysis: - Zhang invokes historical analogies, noting the rise and fall pattern of empires, the McKinder Heartland Thesis, and the dynamics of Britain’s naval supremacy that aimed to keep Eurasia fragmented to prevent a continental power from unifying the region. He argues that today China’s rise, paired with U.S. efforts to sustain dominance, pushes toward a similar pendulum where a Eurasian continental system could emerge if Russia, China, Iran, and possibly India align economically and politically. - The BRICS alliance and Iran as a pivot are emphasized: America’s debt-dominated reserve currency system pushes BRICS and Iran closer together, forming a potential continental trade network that could bypass Western-dominated channels. America’s strategy, in this view, is to “economically strangle China,” deny China access to South American minerals, and use allies to counter Beijing while promoting divide-and-rule tactics in Asia. - The discussion suggests that a war could be expanded by a domino effect: a Venezuela operation could draw Cuba, Nicaragua, Brazil, and other regional players into conflict; a wider confrontation could involve the Hormuz Strait, Odessa, and European troop commitments, creating a global escalation. Domestic dimension and leadership implications: - Zhang cites Arthur Spengler’s decline indicators for Western societies: over-urbanization, declining birthrates, extreme inequality, proxy warfare, and cultural decadence, coupled with immigration and fear-based policies that suppress open discourse (examples include social-media surveillance and visa requirements tied to political speech). - He asserts that Western leadership has become addicted to projection and proxy wars, shedding the liberal pretenses that once underpinned its strategy, and that a collapse of confidence and cohesion could accompany, or even drive, a broader conflict. Conclusion and prognosis: - The conversation converges on a bleak frame: the end of U.S. hegemony and a transition to a multipolar order with rising powers, where the possibility of a large-scale war remains real and not easily contained. Zhang argues that the current trajectory does not easily revert to a peaceful status quo and that the 2020s could be a period of sustained tensions and escalations, potentially lasting a decade or more. He acknowledges that he hopes to be proven wrong and would personally prefer a peaceful resolution, but maintains that the next period may be defined by a significant, multipolar contest in which proxies and great-power competition are central.

We need to address the need for a fundamental change in our world. This process will take time, but once we have gone through it, the world will be different.

In this historic moment, we have made significant progress in ending conflicts and the cold war. We now have the opportunity to create a new world order, where nations are governed by the rule of law instead of chaos. Our success will lead to a credible United Nations that can fulfill the vision of its founders through peacekeeping efforts.

There is a powerful case for India and the European Union to forge deeper ties, as we have entered an era of multipolarity and strategic autonomy.

The discussion centers on India’s position in 2025 amid a shifting international order and U.S. efforts to recalibrate a multipolar world. - The year 2025 is characterized as eventful for India, with the country under pressure to choose a path in a world where power is more distributed. The conversation opens with a framing of the U.S. adjusting to multipolarity, the return of Trump, and various global tensions, noting that India’s role has received relatively less attention. - Speaker 1 reflects that 2025 was not a good year for India. At the start of the year, India expected to remain a fulcrum of U.S. policy to contain China and to shuttle between powers, maintaining a growing trade relationship with China while navigating U.S. pressures. The Trump presidency disrupted this balance. India perceived U.S. interference in its domestic politics, including alleged U.S. fingerprints in color revolutions in Bangladesh and Nepal, and a perception that U.S. entities like the National Endowment for Democracy were involved. The 50% trade tariff on India by the U.S. shocked New Delhi, and Trump’s public and private statements criticizing India complicated the relationship. - The discussion notes India’s sensitivity to becoming overly dependent on the U.S. for strategic protection against China, given Modi’s emphasis on Indian sovereignty and self-reliance. Modi’s perceived humility toward Trump, followed by a cooling of the relationship after Trump’s tariff threats, created a crisis of confidence in the U.S.-India alignment. Modi’s personal interactions with Trump—such as a cordial birthday exchange followed by threats of 100% tariffs on India—were seen as signaling mixed signals from Washington. - India’s options in 2025 include: (1) retrenchment and continuing to seek a balancing act between the U.S., China, and Russia; (2) charting an independent course by strengthening ties within BRICS and the Global South; or (3) aligning more with the U.S. with the hope of future U.S. policy shifts. The economic reality complicates choices: while India’s exports did reasonably well despite tariffs and some FDI, opening Indian dairy and agriculture to the U.S. market would threaten farmers’ livelihoods, potentially destabilizing an electorate sensitive to domestic issues. - There is a broader point about Washington’s approach: demand loyalty from regions and countries while using tariffs and pressure to shape alignment, and Trump’s approach is described as a fear-and-intimidation strategy toward the Global South. - On the China-India axis, the speakers discuss how China’s rise and India’s size create a power disparity that makes simple dominance difficult for either side. India’s strategy involves leveraging BRICS and other forums (including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, SCO) to expand multipolar governance and reduce dependence on a single power center. The interlocutors emphasize that BRICS operates by consensus and is not a vetoed UN-style body; thus, it offers a platform where major powers can cooperate without a single dominant voice. - The potential paths for India include growing within BRICS and the Global South, seeking mutual economic advantages, and developing a strategy that reduces vulnerability to U.S. coercion. One line of thought suggests using digital tools to help Indian small and medium-sized enterprises access global markets, and building coalitions using shared developmental and financial needs to negotiate better terms in global trade, similar to how an OPEC-like approach could coordinate commodity pricing for the Global South. - The conversation also touches on border and regional issues: a historical context where Russia resolved border tensions with China via settlements that altered the balance of power; the suggestion that India and China could adopt joint administrative arrangements for disputed border zones to reduce conflict risk and foster cooperation, though this requires careful handling to avoid loss of face for either side. - The role of China is described as patient and multipolar-friendly, seeking to buy more from India and to cultivate mutual trade, while recognizing India’s internal challenges, such as power reliability and structural issues like caste and crony capitalism, which affect India’s ability to produce and export higher-value goods. - The broader takeaway is a vision of a more integrated multipolar Eurasia, where India’s leadership within BRICS/SC0 and its ability to create innovative economic arrangements—such as “resource bourses” or shared supply chains—could alter the balance of power and reduce dependency on U.S. policy dynamics. There is an emphasis on avoiding a new Cold War by fostering dialogue and joint governance mechanisms that include China, India, Russia, Brazil, South Africa, and other Global South actors. - The speakers close with a cautious optimism: 2026 could be better if nations learn to push back against coercive power, redefine security around development and governance rather than force, and pursue multipolar institutions that preserve autonomy while enabling peaceful competition. The expectation is that seeds of hope exist within these analyses, even as the present year has been challenging.

In this historic moment, we have made great progress in ending conflict and cold war. We now have the opportunity to create a new world order, where the rule of law governs nations instead of the law of the jungle. We are confident that we will succeed in establishing this new world order. With a credible United Nations, we can fulfill the promise and vision of the UN's peacekeeping role.

We established a liberal world order, which hadn't happened in a long time. Although many people died, it was less chaotic than before. Now, things are shifting and a new world order is on the horizon.

The speaker discusses the emergence of a multipolar world after 500 years of Western domination. The United States and its allies built a model of globalization to maintain their dominance, but other countries have used the same principles to challenge the West's power. This has led to the rise of new centers of economic growth and political influence. In response, the West has sacrificed the principles of globalization to suppress dissent and maintain hegemony. The speaker highlights the negative consequences of Western interventions and emphasizes the need to recognize and respect the objective course of history towards a multipolar world.

This video explores various conspiracy theories and controversial topics, including elite plans, forest fires, chemtrails, organ donation, the Vatican, 9/11, abortion, the migrant caravan, the Federal Reserve, the Rothschilds, the Rockefellers, George Soros, Hollywood, and pedophilia. It suggests that there is a battle between good and evil, with the truth being concealed by the mainstream media. The video also discusses the QAnon phenomenon and its belief in a corruption-free world. It concludes by mentioning President Trump's efforts to combat human trafficking and his alleged role in exposing corruption. Additionally, the video delves into conspiracy theories related to Pizzagate, satanic rituals, and child trafficking, implicating political figures such as the Clintons and the Dutch royal family. It highlights alleged connections between the elite, satanic cults, and child sacrifice. The video warns viewers about disturbing evidence and advises against watching certain related videos or images. It further reveals a hidden order above the visible top of the power pyramid, controlling influential figures like George Soros and government leaders. The Jesuit order, three popes, Agenda 21, and depopulation programs are mentioned. Despite this dark reality, the video emphasizes hope through the awakening of the QAnon movement, leading to global protests. The mainstream media's attempts to downplay these protests are discussed, while the truth spreads through social media. The video suggests that the cabal has used violence to suppress the movement, but the people remain united. Q, potentially including Donald Trump and loyal army generals, is working to expose the cabal. Hidden messages and clues are believed to be present in Trump's actions and tweets. The video predicts that the truth about the cabal's crimes, such as child trafficking and high treason, will soon be revealed, resulting in mass arrests. It concludes by stating that the world is on the brink of a significant transition, offering the promise of world peace and a new era of equality and harmony.

In this historic moment, we have made progress in ending conflict and cold war. We now have the opportunity to create a new world order, where the rule of law governs nations instead of the law of the jungle. We are confident in our success and believe in the potential of a credible United Nations to fulfill its peacekeeping role and realize the vision of its founders.

India will decide its own relationships with other countries, including Russia, China, and the United States. India's relationship with China is growing stronger. India is not required to halt its relationship with China because of Donald Trump or close ties with the U.S. government. The world is multipolar, not bipolar, and it is not "America first and everybody else last."

We can create a new world order for ourselves and future generations.

It is very likely Trump might be elected again, which would likely be a death blow to what remains of the global order. Many politicians present a false dichotomy, a false binary vision of the world. They act as if one has to choose between patriotism and globalism, between being loyal to one's nation and being loyal to some kind of global government.

In these troubled times, our objective is to create a new world order that is free from terror, just, and secure. We aim for a world where nations can prosper and live in harmony, regardless of their location. For centuries, people have sought peace amidst countless wars. Today, we are striving to bring forth a new world, different from what we have known. It is a world where the rule of law replaces chaos, where nations share the responsibility for freedom and justice, and where the strong respect the rights of the weak. We have the opportunity to create a new world order, governed by the rule of law, and the United Nations can play a crucial role in achieving this vision. This is not just about one country, but a grand idea of uniting diverse nations to achieve the universal goals of peace, security, freedom, and the rule of law.

The speaker suggests that we are in a transition between old and new orders. They question how we can retain positive aspects from the old order while avoiding a chaotic new world order. Another speaker views it as a transition of eras rather than orders, but acknowledges that the international order built after 1945 will evolve. They emphasize that we are entering a new era and have the opportunity to shape it. The core principles and institutions of the existing order will be adapted to address current challenges.

We must evolve our institutions and form new partnerships to drive innovation. It is important to note that some principles of our international system need to be clarified.

Countries with significant military influence, especially nuclear powers, have a special responsibility. Instead of escalating conflict, they should engage in direct dialogue, similar to how disputes were resolved in old Westerns.

This is a conflict between powerful nations, not to be taken sides with. It's like modern slavery, where we should aim to overthrow the system, not support any master. We must see these fights as opportunities to eventually make a revolution and end their control.

The current situation marks the end of the post cold war order. The reasons behind this will be analyzed for years to come. It is now widely acknowledged that some fundamental beliefs that guided us during this era are no longer valid. Beijing and Moscow are collaborating to promote autocracy worldwide through their partnership. As this rivalry intensifies, many countries are adopting cautious strategies.

For the first time, policy is global due to instantaneous communication and non-national problems like the environment and nuclear proliferation. A new world order will emerge, either through intellectual and moral insight and design, or forced upon mankind by catastrophes. This challenge makes our period an exciting one to live in.

There is talk of a new world order, with various leaders mentioning it. The Clinton administration is focused on establishing their foreign policy and shaping this new world order. It is seen as a big idea and an opportunity for change. The world we know is evolving, and there is a chance for us, especially the younger generation, to lead in shaping this new world order.