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The speaker argues that international security is broader than military-political stability and includes global economic stability, poverty reduction, economic security, and civilizational dialogue. He emphasizes the principle that security of each is security of all, recalling Franklin Roosevelt’s idea that “wherever peace is violated, peace everywhere is threatened.” He asserts that two decades ago the world was split ideologically and economically, with security provided by the large strategic potential of two superpowers, and that global confrontation has moved to the periphery of international relations, leaving acute economic and social issues unresolved. He criticizes the unipolar world as not achievable or acceptable, defining it as one center of power and one center of decision-making, a model he says is not democracy and ultimately destructive for both the ruled and the ruler. He notes that unilateral, illegitimate actions have not solved problems and have caused new tragedies and tens of thousands of civilian deaths. He points to the increasing and unchecked use of force in international affairs, the neglect of core principles of international law, and the tendency to resolve issues on the basis of political expediency. The speaker highlights new threats such as weapons of mass destruction and terrorism, arguing for a balanced approach that considers the interests of all international actors. He notes the rapid changes in the international landscape, including the rise of China and India, whose combined GDP (at PPP) surpasses the US, and BRICS collectively surpassing the EU, predicting that economic power will increasingly translate into political influence and strengthen multipolarity. He calls for multilateral diplomacy, openness, transparency, and predictability, with force used only as an exceptional measure and in accordance with the UN Charter, not as a substitute for collective security institutions such as the UN, NATO, or the EU. The speaker defends adherence to international treaties on nonproliferation and disarmament, recalling Russia’s agreement with the US to cut strategic nuclear weapons to 1700–2200 deployable warheads by December 31, 2012, and emphasizes Russia’s commitment to the NPT and multilateral controls on missile technologies. He critiques the proliferation of missile systems in various countries and the existence of new high-tech weapons, including space-based systems, warning that militarization of space could have consequences comparable to the nuclear era. He announces a Russian proposal for a Space Weapons Prevention Treaty and discusses concerns about missile defense deployments in Europe, arguing they provoke a new arms race and distrust. Regarding conventional forces in Europe, he criticizes the Adapted CFE Treaty for insufficient ratification and notes NATO’s expansion near Russian borders, arguing that such expansion reduces mutual trust. He recalls a 1990 NATO secretary-general statement about not placing troops beyond Germany’s borders and stresses that Russia seeks an independent foreign policy with responsible partners to build a fair and democratic world order for all. He also discusses energy cooperation, arguing that energy prices should be market-driven and that foreign capital participates significantly in Russian oil production, with investments in Russia exceeding Russian investments abroad by about 15:1. He mentions Russia’s ongoing WTO accession and criticizes double standards in poverty alleviation, noting how aid and subsidies can perpetuate economic underdevelopment and fuel radicalism and conflict. Finally, he defends the OSCE as a body intended to address security in a holistic way but contends it has been used to serve external interests and to finance NGOs that may interfere in internal affairs. He calls for the OSCE to respect sovereignty and for cooperation based on mutual trust. He closes by reaffirming Russia’s longstanding tradition of independent external policy and expresses a desire to work with responsible, independent partners to build a just, democratic world order that ensures security and prosperity for all.

Россия поддерживает инициативу Председателя Си Цзиньпина и заинтересована приступить к конкретному обсуждению предложений наших китайских друзей. И думается, что именно ШОС могла бы взять на себя лидирующую роль в формировании в мире более справедливой и равноправной системы глобального управления, основанной на примате международного права и ключевых положениях Устава ООН, быть подлинно сбалансированной и учитывать интересы широкого круга стран, гарантируя возможности для их устойчивого развития и безопасности. Russia supports the initiative of Chairman Xi Jinping and is interested in beginning concrete discussions of the proposals expressed by our Chinese friends. It is thought that the SCO could take a leading role in forming a more just and equal system of global governance, based on the primacy of international law and the key provisions of the UN Charter, truly balanced and taking into account the interests of a broad circle of countries, and guaranteeing opportunities for their sustainable development and security.

Checklist for summary approach: - Identify core positions: whether Russia views current tensions as war, and its stated objectives. - Track key diplomatic milestones and proposals: Minsk, Istanbul, security guarantees, doctrine on NATO. - Capture stated justifications for actions: language rights, minority protections, UN Charter references, self-determination. - Note referenced U.S./NATO actions and perceived aims, plus Russia’s response signals (including hypersonic test). - Highlight backchannel diplomacy and statements about negotiations, including who may negotiate and under what terms. - Preserve notable claims about casualties, rhetoric around “massacres,” and contentious episodes (Bucha, Navalny). - Exclude evaluation or commentary; reproduce claims as presented. - Maintain chronological and thematic flow to reflect interview emphasis. - Keep to 556–695 words; translate if needed (English here). Summary: Lavrov states that Russia would not describe the relationship with the United States as a war, expressing a desire for normal relations with all countries, especially the United States, and noting that President Putin respects the American people, history, and achievements, while hoping for cooperation “for the sake of the universe.” He argues that Washington’s support for Ukraine amounts to active participation in a conflict with Russia and characterizes the fighting in Ukraine as a “hybrid war,” asserting Ukrainians could not use long-range, modern weapons without direct American servicemen. He contends that Western officials have suggested that “the attack is the best defense” and warns that statements by Pentagon/NATO figures about limited or even nuclear-echo threats are dangerous, insisting that red lines are being moved and that Russia did not start the war, only a “special military operation” designed to end Kyiv’s actions against Donbas. He emphasizes Russia’s readiness for peaceful solutions based on Russia’s security interests, and the protection of Russian-speaking people in Ukraine—specifically their language, religious rights, and education—rights which he says have been eroded by Ukrainian legislation since 2017 (including bans on Russian education, Russian media, Russian language, and later restrictions on the Ukrainian Orthodox Church). He invokes the UN Charter and international law, arguing that true respect for the Charter requires consideration of the right to self-determination and equal state sovereignty. He contends that referenda in Crimea led to reunification with Russia after Crimeans rejected Kyiv’s coup in 2014; Donbas, initially labeled terrorists by Kyiv, was fought over until Minsk agreements were signed in 2015, which he says were sabotaged by the post-coup Ukrainian government. He asserts that Minsk envisaged territorial integrity for Ukraine minus Crimea, with Russian language rights and local self-governance in certain Donbas areas, plus economic ties with Russia, and emphasizes that Russia offered security guarantees to Ukraine—ultimately rejected when negotiations shifted to Istanbul in April 2022. In Istanbul, Lavrov says the Ukrainian delegation proposed “principles” for peace, which Russia accepted, including non-bloc status for Ukraine and collective security guarantees that would exclude NATO. He notes Boris Johnson’s alleged encouragement to continue fighting and claims the West has pursued a line of conduct that excludes meaningful negotiation, with Zelenskyy later banning negotiations by decree and advancing a “peace formula” and a “Victory Plan.” Russia’s position remains that no NATO bases or foreign troops on Ukrainian soil are acceptable, and that any settlement must reflect the realities on the ground, including updated constitutional changes in Donetsk, Lugansk, Kherson, and Zaporozhye after their incorporation into the Russian Federation. Lavrov characterizes Western sanctions as unprecedented and says Russia must become more self-reliant, seeking cooperation with non-hostile states to counter sanctions. He argues that Western leaders aim to preserve a “rules-based” order that ensures U.S. dominance, pointing to NATO’s Indo-Pacific ambitions and ongoing security strategies that extend beyond Europe. He insists Russia seeks no war with anybody but warns against a presumed willingness in the United States to risk nuclear escalation, stressing that a limited or even threatened nuclear exchange would be catastrophic. He notes that backchannel communications exist but that there has been little meaningful dialogue with the Biden administration, and he observes Western fatigue with the Ukraine issue, while maintaining that Russia seeks a negotiated settlement grounded in Istanbul’s principles and in recognition of Russia’s security concerns, the rights of Russian-speaking populations, and an end to NATO expansion on Russia’s borders.

I've spent a long day in meetings regarding the war. I'm grateful to our partners who recognize the need for strong positions both on the front lines and in diplomacy. For every two dollars invested in our long-range capabilities, we're seeing almost ten dollars in losses for Russia, which is the dynamic we need. I spoke with President Macron, the Prime Ministers of Denmark, Norway and Canada, and the Presidents of Finland and South Africa. We coordinated our positions, discussed further steps, and the future of Europe. I emphasized the need to free all our prisoners held by Russia, and the necessity of a reliable security guarantee system, so that war does not return. I thank you for your help and your feeling of unity, which is as important now as it was in 2022.

The speakers discuss the importance of avoiding World War III and the need to prioritize peace. They highlight the risks of escalating conflicts and the potential for a global conflict that could have devastating consequences. They emphasize the need to understand the changing dynamics of power, particularly the strength of an alliance between Russia, China, and Iran. The speakers suggest that restoring normal relations with Russia and seeking a ceasefire in Ukraine could be crucial steps in avoiding a catastrophic war. They also stress the importance of realism and a focus on national self-interest in foreign policy decisions.

"Ukraine is an artificial state that was shaped at Stalin's will." "NATO expansion eastward is a violation of the promise you all were made in 1990." "In 02/2008, the doors of NATO were opened for Ukraine." "Maidan and a coup in Ukraine." "denazification. After gaining independence, Ukraine began to search, as some Western analysts say, its identity." "The president of Ukraine stood up with the entire parliament of Canada and applauded this man." "the dollar is the cornerstone of The United States power." "BRICS countries accounted for only 16% in 1992, but now their share is greater than that of the G7." "the world should be a single whole, security should be shared, rather than a meant for the golden billion." "We are ready for negotiations indeed."

In this conversation, Brian Berletic discusses the current collision between the United States’ global strategy and a rising multipolar world, arguing that U.S. policy is driven by corporate-financier interests and a desire to preserve unipolar primacy, regardless of the costs to others. - Structural dynamics and multipolar resistance - The host notes a shift from optimism about Trump’s “America First” rhetoric toward an assessment that U.S. strategy aims to restore hegemony and broad, repeated wars, even as a multipolar world emerges. - Berletic agrees that the crisis is structural: the U.S. system is driven by large corporate-financier interests prioritizing expansion of profit and power. He cites Brookings Institution’s 2009 policy papers, particularly The Path to Persia, as documenting a long-running plan to manage Iran via a sequence of options designed to be used in synergy to topple Iran, with Syria serving as a staging ground for broader conflict. - He argues the policy framework has guided decisions across administrations, turning policy papers into bills and war plans, with corporate media selling these as American interests. This, he says, leaves little room for genuine opposition because political power is financed by corporate interests. - Iran, Syria, and the Middle East as a springboard to a global confrontation - Berletic traces the current Iran crisis to the 2009 Brookings paper’s emphasis on air corridors and using Israel to provoke a war, placing blame on Israel as a proxy mechanism while the U.S. cleanses the region of access points for striking Iran directly. - He asserts the Arab Spring (2011) was designed to encircle Iran and move toward Moscow and Beijing, with Iran as the final target. The U.S. and its allies allegedly used policy papers to push tactical steps—weakening Russia via Ukraine, exploiting Syria, and leveraging Iran as a fulcrum for broader restraint against Eurasian powers. - The aim, he argues, is to prevent a rising China by destabilizing Iran and, simultaneously, strangling energy exports that feed China’s growth. He claims the United States has imposed a global maritime oil blockade on China through coordinated strikes and pressure on oil-rich states, while China pursues energy independence via Belt and Road, coal-to-liquids, and growing imports from Russia. - The role of diplomacy, escalation, and Netanyahu’s proxy - On diplomacy, Berletic says the U.S. has no genuine interest in peace; diplomacy is used to pretext war, creating appearances of reasonable engagement while advancing the continuity of a warlike agenda. He references the Witch Path to Persia as describing diplomacy as a pretext for regime change. - He emphasizes that Russia and China are not credibly negotiating with the U.S., viewing Western diplomacy as theater designed to degrade multipolar powers. Iran, he adds, may be buying time but also reacting to U.S. pressure, while Arab states and Israel are portrayed as proxies with limited autonomy. - The discussion also covers how Israel serves as a disposable proxy to advance U.S. goals, including potential use of nuclear weapons, with Trump allegedly signaling a post-facto defense of Israel in any such scenario. - The Iran conflict, its dynamics, and potential trajectory - The war in Iran is described as a phased aggression, beginning with the consulate attack and escalating into economic and missile-strike campaigns. Berletic notes Iran’s resilient command-and-control and ongoing missile launches, suggesting the U.S. and its allies are attempting to bankrupt Iran while degrading its military capabilities. - He highlights the strain on U.S. munitions inventories, particularly anti-missile interceptors and long-range weapons, due to simultaneous operations in Ukraine, the Middle East, and potential confrontations with China. He warns that the war’s logistics are being stretched to the breaking point, risking a broader blowback. - The discussion points to potential escalation vectors: shutting Hormuz, targeting civilian infrastructure, and possibly using proxies (including within the Gulf states and Yemen) to choke off energy flows. Berletic cautions that the U.S. could resort to more drastic steps, including leveraging Israel for off-world actions, while maintaining that multipolar actors (Russia, China, Iran) would resist. - Capabilities, resources, and the potential duration - The host notes China’s energy-mobility strategies and the Western dependency on rare earth minerals (e.g., gallium) mostly produced in China, emphasizing how U.S. war aims rely on leveraging allies and global supply chains that are not easily sustained. - Berletic argues the U.S. does not plan for permanent victory but for control, and that multipolar powers are growing faster than the United States can destroy them. He suggests an inflection point will come when multipolarism outruns U.S. capacity, though the outcome remains precarious due to nuclear risk and global economic shocks. - Outlook and final reflections - The interlocutors reiterate that the war is part of a broader structural battle between unipolar U.S. dominance and a rising multipolar order anchored by Eurasian powers. They stress the need to awaken broader publics to the reality of multipolarism and to pursue a more balanced world order, warning that the current trajectory risks global economic harm and dangerous escalation.

Yesterday, I addressed the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, emphasizing the importance of significantly reducing our country's accumulated net emissions by 2050 in the context of social and economic development. I also mentioned considering preferential treatment for foreign entities. It is crucial to highlight that Russia is genuinely interested in enhancing international cooperation.

The global military and political landscape remains unstable, particularly in the Middle East, with ongoing conflicts fueled by the West's attempts to maintain dominance. NATO's military presence near Russia's borders has increased, prompting a response to ensure safety and security. Russia is modernizing its armed forces, enhancing capabilities, and developing new military technologies, including advanced robotics and hypersonic systems. Efforts are underway to integrate combat experience into training and improve communication between military units and the defense industry. Additionally, there is a focus on expanding military cooperation with allied nations to strengthen collective defense efforts.

The speaker addresses international security, stating it involves more than military and political stability, including global economic stability and dialogue between civilizations. The speaker critiques the concept of a unipolar world led by one master, arguing it's flawed and undemocratic. The speaker claims the hyper-use of military force is plunging the world into conflict, with increasing disdain for international law. The speaker notes the economic potential of countries like India, China and the BRIC countries will strengthen multipolarity. The speaker advocates for openness, transparency, and predictability in politics, with the UN as the sole legitimate authority for using military force. The speaker highlights the stagnation in disarmament and supports renewing dialogue, while expressing concern over plans to expand anti-missile defense systems to Europe and NATO expansion. The speaker emphasizes the need to strengthen the nonproliferation regime and proposes international centers for uranium enrichment. The speaker calls for uniform market principles and transparent conditions in the energy sector. The speaker criticizes developed countries for maintaining agricultural subsidies that hinder developing countries. The speaker also criticizes the OSCE, claiming it is being used to promote the interests of select countries. The speaker concludes by affirming Russia's commitment to an independent foreign policy and collaboration with responsible partners to build a fair and democratic world order.

The speaker criticizes the unipolar model, stating it's impossible in today's world due to lack of moral foundations. They condemn the US for overstepping its boundaries in various aspects, making no one feel safe. NATO's expansion is seen as a provocation, with American bases near Russia's borders. The speaker asserts Russia's long history of independent foreign policy won't change.

На Валдайском клубе 22-го заседания обсуждался полицентричный мир: инструкции по применению. Участники отметили более открытое, творческое внешнеполитическое пространство, где решения зависят от точности выверенных действий и договорённостей между многочисленными участниками. Мир становится многополярным: растёт роль культурно-цивилизационных различий, региональных объединений (БРИКС, ШОС) и общего мирового большинства, которое настаивает на консенсусе и гармонии в решении вопросов безопасности. Гегемония Запада утративала хватку; формируется система договорённостей, а не принуждения. Россия подчёркнута как важный элемент глобального баланса и устойчивости, перенёсшая санкции. Вопросы ядерного сдерживания, возможной паузы в рамках соглашений с США и Китая, а также роль Европы обсуждались на фоне украинского кризиса и ближневосточных процессов. Подчеркивается значимость культуры, традиций и взаимного уважения для мирного сотрудничества. In the Valdai Club's 22nd meeting, the multi-polar world was discussed: how to apply it. Participants noted a more open, creative foreign policy space where decisions depend on precise, well-balanced actions and agreements among many players. The world is becoming multi-polar, with rising roles for civilizational differences, regional unions (BRICS, SCO), and the common world majority advocating for consensus and balance in security issues. Western hegemony has weakened; a system of agreements, not coercion, is forming. Russia is highlighted as a crucial part of global balance and resilience, having endured sanctions. Debates covered nuclear deterrence, the possibility of a pause in treaty regimes with the US and China, and Europe’s role amid Ukraine and Middle East conflicts. Emphasis is placed on culture, traditions, and mutual respect as foundations for peaceful cooperation.

На Валдайском клубе обсуждался “Полицентричный мир: инструкция по применению”. Участники подчеркивали открытое, динамичное внешнеполитическое пространство и необходимость договорённостей, которые устраивают все стороны. Формирование “мирового большинства” через BRICS, SCO и региональные объединения подчёркивает, что решения требуют учёта интересов всех и отказа от односторонности. Россия заявляет, что “запреты не работают” и что безопасность — это “неделимость”. Вопросы Украины, ближнего Востока и угроз со стороны Запада требуют региональных решений и диалога. Россия готова к сотрудничеству с США и Китаем и считает, что полицентризм определяет будущее глобального порядка. "Policentrc world: instructions for use" was the topic at Valdai. Participants stressed an open, dynamic international space and the need for agreements that satisfy all sides. The rise of the "world majority" through BRICS, SCO, and regional unions shows that decisions require accounting for all interests and avoiding one-sidedness. Russia argues that "sanctions don't work" and that security is "indivisible." Ukraine, the Middle East, and Western pressure demand regional, negotiated solutions and dialogue. Russia is ready to work with the US and China, and believes that multipolarity will shape a sustainable global order through broad cooperation rather than coercion.

The speaker discusses the shift from Western dominance to a more polycentric world, highlighting the decline of the West and the rise of non-Western economies. They criticize the negative impacts of American imperialism, citing examples like Libya and Syria. The speaker emphasizes the dangers of nuclear conflict and stresses the importance of preventing war. They advocate for a more balanced, polycentric world order to avoid catastrophic outcomes.

Speaker 1: We have not gone to war with Russia. Russia is isolated, more than five years ago, a regional power threatening neighbors, not out of strength but out of weakness. Ukraine had influence for decades since the Soviet breakup. We have considerable influence on our neighbors and generally don't need to invade to have cooperation. Russia's military action violates international law and signals less influence. They don't pose the number one national security threat to United States; I am concerned about a nuclear weapon going off in Manhattan. Speaker 2: It is up to the Ukrainian people to decide how they organize themselves. The Ukrainian government is prepared to negotiate with Russia, and the international community supports a diplomatic process to de-escalate tensions, move Russian troops back from Ukraine's borders, and organize elections; the Ukrainian people will choose leadership. They will want a relationship with Europe and with Russia; this is not a zero-sum game.

Спикер подчёркивает, что безопасность охватывает военно-политические, экономические и гуманитарные аспекты, и баланс явно нарушен. Он говорит: "ОБСЕ пытаются превратить в вульгарный инструмент обеспечения внешнеполитических интересов одной или группы стран в отношении других стран", и что "вскрыли бюрократический аппарат ОБСЕ" и "формально независимых, но целенаправленно финансируемых, а значит подконтрольных" НПО. По его словам, "гуманитарная сфера ОБСР призвана оказывать странам-членам по их просьбе содействие в соблюдении международных норм в области прав человека", но "это не означает вмешательство во внутренние дела других стран, тем более не навязывание этим государствам того, как они должны жить и развиваться." Такое вмешательство, по его мнению, "не способствует вызреванию подлинных демократических государств и наоборот делает их зависимыми и как следствие нестабильными." Он призывает ОБСЕ действовать по задачам и строить отношения с суверенными государствами на основе уважения и доверия. Россия, с тысячелетней историей, сохраняет независимую внешнюю политику и хочет сотрудничать с ответственными партнерами ради справедливого мироустройства для всех. Speaker notes: English translation of the Russian summary: Speaker emphasizes that security encompasses military-political, economic, and humanitarian aspects, and the balance is clearly broken. He states: "OSCE is trying to turn into a vulgar instrument of pursuing external political interests of one or a group of countries against others," and notes that "the bureaucratic apparatus of the OSCE has been exposed" and that "formally independent, but purposefully financed, and thus controlled" NGOs exist. According to him, "the humanitarian sphere of the OSCE is to assist member states at their request in upholding international norms in the field of human rights," but "this does not mean interference in internal affairs of other countries, and certainly not forcing these states how they should live and develop." Such interference, in his view, "does not contribute to the maturation of genuine democratic states and, on the contrary, makes them dependent and, as a consequence, unstable." He calls on the OSCE to act according to its tasks and to build relations with sovereign states on the basis of respect and trust. Russia, with a thousand-year history, maintains an independent foreign policy and wants to cooperate with responsible partners for a just world order for all, not for the chosen ones.

I know that some people aren't happy that Russia and America are talking again. Some groups want things to stay hostile, and they'll probably try to mess up our conversations. We have to use everything we've got, like diplomacy and special forces, to protect our country's interests, our people's lives, and our freedom from any dangers out there.

We've seen five waves of NATO expansion, with military bases and attack systems now deployed in Romania and Poland. Ukraine is also being considered for NATO membership. We didn't threaten anyone; they came to our borders. Instead of treating Russia as a potential ally and building trust, they kept breaking us up and expanding NATO to the East. We expressed our concerns, but they didn't care. We prioritize our own security.

We've seen 5 waves of NATO expansion, with military bases and attack systems now in Romania and Poland. Ukraine may also join NATO, further increasing their presence. We didn't threaten anyone, they came to our borders. Instead of treating Russia as a possible ally, they kept breaking us up and expanding NATO to the East. We expressed our concerns, but they don't care. We prioritize our own security.

Мы против расширения НАТО и размещения ударных систем у наших границ. Если все хотят мира, почему не отказаться от этого? Мы готовы создать условия для повышения доверия и безопасности.

Russia will stand strong regardless of whether other countries support or oppose it. Even if we face economic challenges, we will not be manipulated politically. We have our own interests and will defend them.

The speaker discusses various aspects of international relations and national security. They question the need for a large nuclear arsenal and criticize the perception of Russia as an enemy. They highlight the double standards in how incidents involving different countries are treated. The speaker also questions the effectiveness of increasing missile capabilities and wonders why Russia is not more willing to negotiate. They bring up concerns about the credibility of negotiations and emphasize the importance of verification. The transcript ends abruptly without a clear conclusion.

Вопрос о возможной встрече с президентом США Трампом и украинском урегулировании остается актуальным. Россия не отказывалась от контактов с США, хотя предыдущая администрация их избегала. Трамп и я имели деловые, доверительные отношения. Если бы он был президентом в 2020 году, возможно, кризиса в Украине удалось бы избежать. Однако его администрация также вводила санкции против России, что не способствовало интересам обеих стран. Мы открыты к переговорам по украинской проблематике, но действующий запрет на переговоры со стороны Киева создает препятствия. Существуют точки соприкосновения между нашими странами в вопросах стратегической стабильности и экономики. Мы готовы к диалогу, но это зависит от выбора американской администрации. --- The question of a possible meeting with President Trump and the Ukrainian settlement remains relevant. Russia has not refused contacts with the US, although the previous administration avoided them. Trump and I had business, trusting relations. If he had been president in 2020, the crisis in Ukraine might have been avoided. However, his administration also imposed sanctions on Russia, which did not serve the interests of both countries. We are open to negotiations on the Ukrainian issue, but the current ban on negotiations from Kyiv creates obstacles. There are points of convergence between our countries on strategic stability and economic issues. We are ready for dialogue, but this depends on the choice of the American administration.

Спасибо за приглашение на конференцию, где обсуждаются важные вопросы международной безопасности. Безопасность включает не только военно-политическую стабильность, но и экономическую устойчивость, борьбу с бедностью и межцивилизационный диалог. Однополярный мир невозможен и губителен, так как он не учитывает интересы всех стран. Мы наблюдаем рост конфликтов и пренебрежение международным правом, что ведет к гонке вооружений. Необходимо искать баланс интересов и укреплять многостороннюю дипломатию. Россия готова к диалогу по разоружению и поддерживает международные усилия по нераспространению ядерного оружия. Важно создать справедливую экономическую систему, чтобы избежать радикализации и конфликтов. Россия будет продолжать проводить независимую внешнюю политику, стремясь к сотрудничеству с ответственными партнерами. --- Thank you for the invitation to the conference, where important issues of international security are discussed. Security encompasses not only military-political stability but also economic resilience, poverty alleviation, and inter-civilizational dialogue. A unipolar world is impossible and detrimental, as it does not consider the interests of all countries. We are witnessing an increase in conflicts and disregard for international law, leading to an arms race. It is essential to seek a balance of interests and strengthen multilateral diplomacy. Russia is ready for disarmament dialogue and supports international non-proliferation efforts. It is crucial to create a fair economic system to avoid radicalization and conflicts. Russia will continue to pursue an independent foreign policy, aiming for cooperation with responsible partners.

Спасибо большое. The international security landscape is far broader than military issues; it encompasses economic stability, poverty reduction, and intercultural dialogue. The Cold War left behind ideological stereotypes and double standards, and the attempted imposition of a unipolar world has failed. A unipolar world, with a single center of power, is neither acceptable nor feasible; it lacks a moral foundation and has generated new conflicts and human tragedies. The disregard for international law and the excessive use of force are destabilizing factors. The economic rise of countries like China and India reinforces multipolarity. We must work towards a balance of interests, reviving disarmament dialogue and ensuring the universal application of international law. The expansion of NATO raises concerns, and we need responsible partners committed to building a just and democratic world order for all. We support the peaceful use of nuclear technology but oppose its proliferation. Economic security requires fair competition and the rejection of political manipulation of energy prices. Russia is committed to playing a constructive role on the global stage while maintaining its independent foreign policy.