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I have said many times that in Istanbul three years ago, we were very close to signing a full agreement. However, Boris Johnson prevented Ukraine from signing it. A Ukrainian official confirmed in an interview that they were ready to sign three years ago, but London and Washington forbade them from doing so.

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The panelists discuss whether recent developments around Ukraine, NATO security guarantees, and Western support can produce a peace agreement acceptable to Russia and Ukraine, and what the war’s trajectory might look like by year-end and beyond. Initial reactions and sticking points - Speaker 1 sees potential in recent moves if true and reliable, arguing Ukraine is signaling goodwill to the United States, but remains skeptical that a peace deal will satisfy both sides given core demands over territory and Donbas control. He emphasizes the Donbas as the central unresolved issue. - Speaker 2 notes Putin’s need to show tangible gains to save face, arguing the war is being fought to achieve declared goals and that Russia will not sign a deal unless it secures substantial results. Security guarantees, no-fly zones, and peacekeeping - The discussion centers on two main proposed points: U.S. security guarantees (including possible no-fly zone enforcement) and a European-led peacekeeping force in Ukraine. There is debate about how binding such guarantees would be and whether Russia would accept them, with concerns about the Budapest Memorandum’s history of non-fulfillment versus what a new, more comprehensive, legally binding framework might look like. - Speaker 1 points out that even a robust security package would require Russian agreement, which he doubts will be forthcoming given Moscow’s current aims. He underscores that Europe’s and the U.S.’s support for Ukraine is contingent on political will, which could waver, but he notes Ukraine’s trust gap with U.S. guarantees given past experiences. - Speaker 2 stresses that Putin’s aims include defeating NATO and achieving a U.S.-level accommodation (a “Yalta 2.0” style deal) while keeping Western control over Europe at arm’s length. He argues Putin would accept U.S. and possibly some European troops but not a formal NATO presence on Ukrainian soil, especially in western Donbas or beyond. Budapest memorandum vs. new guarantees - Both sides discuss the difference between a nonbinding Budapest Memorandum and a more robust, legally binding security guarantee. Speaker 1 highlights Ukraine’s past trust in security assurances despite U.S. and European failures to honor them, suggesting skepticism about the enforceability of any new guarantees. Speaker 2 suggests that a stronger, more binding arrangement could be essential for Russia to accept any settlement, but that Moscow would still resist concessions over full Donbas control. On-the-ground realities and war dynamics - The panelists agree Russia is advancing on multiple fronts, though the pace and strategic significance of gains vary. They discuss Ukraine’s ability to sustain the fight through Western weapons flows and domestic production (including drones and shells). They acknowledge the risk of Western fatigue and the potential for a more protracted war, even as Ukraine builds its own capabilities to prolong the conflict. - The West’s long-term willingness to fund and arm Ukraine is debated: Speaker 1 argues Europe’s economy is strained but notes continued political support for Ukraine, which could outlast Russia’s economic stamina. Speaker 2 emphasizes that Russia’s economy is fragile mainly in the provinces, while Moscow and Saint Petersburg remain relatively insulated; he also points to BRICS support (China and India) as sustaining Moscow politically and economically. Economic and strategic pressures - The role of energy revenues and sanctions is debated. Speaker 1 suggests Russia can be pressured economically to seek a deal, while Speaker 2 counters that Russia’s economy is adapting, with China and India providing strategic support that helps Moscow resist Western coercion. They discuss shadow fleet strikes and global energy markets as tools to erode Russia’s war-finance capability. - There is disagreement about whether, over time, economic pressure alone could force regime change in Russia. Speaker 1 is skeptical that penalties will trigger a voluntary Russian withdrawal, while Speaker 2 argues that sustained economic and political pressure, combined with Western unity, could push toward a settlement. Strategies and potential outcomes - Putin’s internal calculus is described as existential: he seeks a win that he can publicly claim to legitimize his rule and justify the costs of the war to the Russian people and elites. This shapes his openness to concessions and to the kinds of guarantees he would accept. - Alexander posits that a near-term peace could emerge from a deal brokered at high levels (potentially involving Trump and Putin) that reshapes European security with U.S. leadership and BRICS engagement, while Paul emphasizes that any credible end to the conflict would require Ukraine and Russia to agree to a swap-like territorial arrangement and to accept a new security framework that deters renewed aggression. End-of-year and longer-term outlooks - By year-end, the panel agrees it is unlikely that a major peace agreement will be realized under the current conditions; any real breakthrough would depend on significant concessions, including Donbas arrangements, and a credible security guarantee framework. - By the end of next year, both expect a continuation of a contested balance: Ukraine likely to press for stronger Western guarantees and EU integration, Russia seeking to preserve Donbas gains while navigating internal and external pressures. Alexander envisions two “wins” emerging: the United States under Trump coordinating a broader peace framework, and China leveraging its economic influence to shape Europe’s response. Paul anticipates a gradual trajectory with ongoing military and economic pressures and a continued stalemate unless a major concession reshapes incentives on both sides.

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The Minsk Accords were a Security Council decision that the US helped trample upon. Former Ukrainian President Poroshenko, as well as former leaders of Germany and France, Hollande and Merkel, signed the agreement. However, they confessed a couple of years ago that they were not going to deliver on the Minsk arrangements. They were just playing for time to arm Ukraine. Now, new ideas that are less binding than the Minsk measures are being pursued to buy time for the Nazi regime. President Putin has stated that Russia is ready to consider any earnest and specific proposals.

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Good afternoon. I ask you to convene here today to inform you about how the negotiations are going on on the Ukrainian crisis and how the negotiations are developing in the bilateral format with the Ukrainian delegation in one way or another. And two, I'd like to inform you about at what stage we are currently with the American administration. We know that they are taking quite vigorous and sincere efforts to put an end to the hostilities, to put an end to this crisis, and to reach an agreement that would be of interest for all the parties involved in this conflict to ensure durable conditions for peace between our countries and in Europe in general and globally as well. If the next stage would be agreement about strategic offensive weapons, that's what I wanted to say in the beginning.

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I was part of the Ukrainian negotiators trying to reach a peaceful settlement with Russia. We were close to finalizing an agreement in April, but it was postponed. In my opinion, Putin realized his mistake and quickly tried to make a deal with Ukraine. He personally accepted the Istanbul communique, which was a compromise compared to Russia's initial ultimatum proposal. It's important to remember that Putin genuinely wanted a peaceful resolution with Ukraine.

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It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've been working closely together for a long time, and we've negotiated a fair deal that will benefit both our countries and the world. I've also had good discussions with President Putin, and we're trying to bring the conflict in Ukraine to a close. Too many soldiers are dying, and we want to see the money used for rebuilding instead. The previous administration didn't engage with Russia, but I believe if I were president, this war would have never happened. We're providing great equipment to Ukraine, and their soldiers have been incredibly brave. We're going to sign an agreement soon, and I think we're close to a deal to stop the shooting. It's an exciting moment, and I appreciate everyone being here.

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Negotiations with Russia in Istanbul were successful, even to the point of opening a champagne bottle in celebration. The agreement was 90% ready for a direct meeting between Putin and Zelensky, with only the size of Ukrainian armed forces in peacetime remaining. However, after the discovery of Bucha, Zelensky was shocked and the negotiations were halted. A meeting scheduled for April 9th was canceled. The speaker doesn't know if Boris Johnson's visit to Kyiv influenced this decision. Although Russia showed readiness to continue negotiations, Ukraine declined. The speaker now believes an agreement at that time was impossible, as Putin could reframe the conflict as a war against the West, opening a "Pandora's box" of global issues. The speaker views the current situation as a new "Thirty Years' War," signaling the end of the modern era.

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The speaker discusses the collapse of the Soviet Union and the expectations of Russian leadership regarding cooperation with the West. They highlight the broken promises of NATO expansion and the negative response from the West towards Russia. The speaker also mentions the events leading up to the conflict in Ukraine, including the coup and the failure to implement the Minsk agreements. They express their willingness to resolve the conflict peacefully but emphasize the need to protect Russian interests and the people of Donbas.

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«Я иду на вы.» Он призывает подвести итоги с 1991 года по Черноморский флот, ТУЗЛ и газовые войны, пересмотреть причинно-следственные связи. «Я полон решимости сменить направление внешней и внутренней политики Украины, то что я называю словом проектность украинскую.» Украина «больше никогда не будет представлять угрозы для Российской Федерации со своей территории» на взаимных условиях: «эти обязательства могут быть только взаимны... не допустить применения военной силы друг против друга»; «Кто угодно с кем угодно воюете, но только не русские, не украинцы и не белорусы.» «Вот эти 13 не должны быть.» Далее: «четыре области: Крым... и обеспечение прав русскоязычного населения и церкви.» «А отдаю четыре области... и Крым, и не признаю их российскими. Отдаю на условиях ФРГ и ГДР.» Мирный договор «должен быть» с признанием территории; иначе будет «мирное соглашение, не договор.» Вывод войск до границы «как у Кореи. 37 апреля.» Белорусь — фактор; символическое единство от Владимира Великого; совместный молебен; пресс-конференция: «нас пытались сделать врагами, я пришел положить конец этому.» Возложение цветов к российским солдатам по взаимной договоренности; иначе — со стороны говорящего, «у меня дед российский солдат». I go on the offensive. He calls to review since 1991 regarding problem areas: the Black Sea Fleet, Tuzla, and gas wars, and to reassess causes. «I am determined to change Ukraine’s external and internal policy, what I call the Ukrainian project.» Ukraine «will never again threaten the Russian Federation with its territory» on mutual terms: «these obligations can only be mutual... prevent the use of force against each other»; «Whoever fights with anyone, but not Russians, not Ukrainians, and not Belarusians.» «Those 13 must not be.» Then: «four regions: Crimea... and ensuring rights of the Russian-speaking population and the church.» «I give four regions... and Crimea, and I do not recognize them as Russian. I give on the terms of FRG and GDR.» A peace treaty «must have a clear legal form... recognition of territory.» Otherwise a «peace agreement, not a treaty.» Troops withdrawn to the border «like Korea. April 37.» Belarus as a factor; symbolic unity of peoples of Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine from Vladimir the Great; joint prayer; press conference: «we were targeted as enemies, I came to end this.» Flowers to Russian soldiers by mutual accord; otherwise I will lay flowers from my side, «because my grandfather was a Russian soldier.»

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It’s an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've been working closely together for a long time and have negotiated a fair deal to obtain rare earth minerals that we need for AI, weapons, and our military. I've also had good discussions with President Putin to try and bring the war to a close. If I were president, this war would have never happened. We've given Ukraine great equipment and credit to their brave soldiers. We're going to sign the agreement shortly, and I think we're fairly close to a deal to stop the shooting. I hope this document will be the first step to real security guarantees for Ukraine. We count on America's continued support, including licenses for air defense and your strong position to stop Putin.

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The speaker mentions that the draft of the agreement on the permanent neutrality and security guarantees of Ukraine was initialed by the head of the negotiation group from Kyiv. They emphasize that the agreement includes 18 articles on guarantees, with additional appendices covering armed forces and other matters. However, after the speaker's side withdrew their troops from Kyiv as promised, the Kyiv authorities discarded the agreement, as they usually do, without giving it any importance. The speaker tries to express this in a polite and intelligent manner. (Translated from Russian)

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## Russian Summary: Переговоры с Украиной рассматривались как продолжение стамбульского процесса, начатого еще в Гомеле. Вмешательство Запада сорвало договоренности, как это уже бывало в истории, например, после русско-турецкой войны, когда Берлинский конгресс "улучшил" Сан-Стефанский мир, что привело к Балканским войнам и Первой мировой. Война и переговоры должны идти одновременно, как во Вьетнаме, Корее и советско-финской войне. Петр I предлагал Швеции мир после начала Северной войны, но Швеция, поддержанная Англией и Францией, отказалась, что привело к потере статуса великой державы и территорий. История повторяется, и Бисмарк говорил, что русские всегда возвращаются за своим. ## English Translation: Negotiations with Ukraine were seen as a continuation of the Istanbul process, which began in Gomel. Western interference disrupted the agreements, as had happened in history, for example, after the Russo-Turkish war, when the Berlin Congress "improved" the San Stefano peace, leading to the Balkan Wars and World War I. War and negotiations should proceed simultaneously, as in Vietnam, Korea, and the Soviet-Finnish War. Peter I offered Sweden peace after the start of the Great Northern War, but Sweden, supported by England and France, refused, leading to the loss of its status as a great power and territories. History repeats itself, and Bismarck said that the Russians always come back for what is theirs.

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Российская сторона настаивала на мирных инициативах, и стамбульские мирные инициативы были неплохим промежуточным документом. В НАТО Украина не могла вступить, но вопрос, примет ли НАТО. Сейчас Путин выставляет условие – никакого НАТО. Возможно, 200 тысяч человек были бы живы, и пол-Украины не было бы разрушено. Стоит ли подписать мирное соглашение в Стамбуле? Россияне были согласны на политическую дискуссию по Крыму, что было чуть ли не актом поражения России. Сумма уступок со стороны России была беспрецедентной, и такого уже не будет. Вопрос, надо было или не надо было фиксироваться тогда, будет тревожить современников и историков. **English Translation:** The Russian side insisted on peace initiatives, and the Istanbul peace initiatives were a good interim document. Ukraine could not join NATO, but the question is whether NATO would accept it. Now Putin sets a condition – no NATO. Perhaps 200,000 people would be alive, and half of Ukraine would not be destroyed. Was it worth signing a peace agreement in Istanbul? The Russians agreed to a political discussion on Crimea, which was almost an act of defeat for Russia. The amount of concessions from Russia was unprecedented, and this will never happen again. The question of whether or not it was necessary to fix it then will bother contemporaries and historians.

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Russia occupied parts of Ukraine starting in 2014, and despite conversations and agreements, nothing stopped them. We signed ceasefire deals with Macron and Merkel, but Russia broke them, killing our people and not exchanging prisoners. I question what kind of diplomacy is being discussed when our country faces destruction. Everyone faces problems during war, but it seems like some don't fully grasp the situation. From the beginning, we've been strong and thankful, even when alone. However, we are told that we're not winning and should be more appreciative of the aid we've received. We want to stop the war, and if a ceasefire could be reached with guarantees, it would save lives.

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In 2014, foreign ministers from Poland, Germany, and France acted as guarantors of an agreement between then-President Yanukovych's government and the opposition, stipulating a peaceful resolution. According to the speaker, a coup d'etat occurred two days later, instigated by "American cronies" to create conflict, instead of winning through elections. The speaker claims the European guarantors feigned ignorance. The speaker states that this, along with NATO expansion towards Russia's borders and the "bloody events" in Donbas for eight years, led to the current tragedy.

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So, back in 2014, Russia occupied parts of Ukraine, and nobody stopped them. From 2014 to 2022, people kept dying, despite our conversations and signed ceasefire deals with Macron and Merkel. Russia broke the ceasefire, killed our people, and didn't exchange prisoners. What kind of diplomacy is that? It's disrespectful to come here and complain when the US is trying to prevent the destruction of Ukraine. You're drafting conscripts because of manpower issues. Be thankful for our help. Everyone has problems during war. We're staying strong in our country. From the start, we've been alone, but we are thankful. We want to stop the war, but we need guarantees for any ceasefire. Don't ask about ceasefires, ask about our people.

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Putin claimed to have a document outlining a peace agreement with Ukraine, which he showed during negotiations in Istanbul. The agreement was called the Permanent Agreement on Ukraine and Security Guarantees, consisting of 18 articles covering everything from military equipment to personnel. However, Putin did not make the document public. The Ukrainian delegation aimed to prolong the process, while the Russian delegation wanted to pressure Ukraine into signing the agreement, particularly by ensuring Ukraine's non-membership in NATO. Ukraine refused this point due to the need for constitutional changes and lack of trust in Russia's commitment. The lack of preparation and uncertainty led Ukraine to only work towards an agreement with 100% assurance that history would not repeat itself. Boris Johnson's visit to Kyiv further complicated matters, as he stated that no agreements would be signed, suggesting a preference for continued conflict.

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I see the hatred for Putin, which makes a deal tough. I want to get this settled and align with Europe. I could be tougher, but that won't get a deal done. We had a president who talked tough, but Putin still invaded. Diplomacy is the path to peace. Putin occupied parts of Ukraine in 2014, and nobody stopped him. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke them, killing our people and not exchanging prisoners. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about? It's disrespectful to litigate this here. You should be thanking me for trying to bring this to a conference.

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Checklist for summary approach: - Identify and order the core claims and chronology of events. - Preserve the speaker’s key assertions and specific examples, including quoted phrases where appears in the transcript. - Highlight unique or surprising points (e.g., alleged coups, Minsk II interpretation). - Exclude repetition, filler, and off-topic content. - Avoid commentary on truthfulness; present claims as stated. - Translate only if needed (not needed here); keep the summary within 380–476 words. The speaker argues that the United States has repeatedly acted to redraw borders and topple governments without UN authorization, and that Western powers have treated international agreements as tools to serve their interests. He cites the Belgrade bombing for seventy-eight days as the first post-World War II European war that aimed to break Serbia, create Kosovo as an enclave, and install a NATO base in the Balkans, describing it as a NATO mission without UN authority. He lists additional interventions: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, with the assertion that the Obama and Hillary Clinton era tasked the CIA to overthrow Bashar al-Assad, and that NATO illegally bombed Libya to topple Muammar Gaddafi. He also recounts Kyiv in February 2014, stating that the United States overthrew Yanukovych together with right-wing Ukrainian forces, noting that this occurred after the EU had reached an agreement for early elections, a government of national unity, and a stand-down by both sides. He emphasizes that the next day the opposition asserted disagreement, and the United States immediately backed the new government, ignoring the prior constitutional agreement. In 2015, he contends the Russians did not seek Donbas restoration but peace through negotiations. Minsk II, a UN Security Council unanimously adopted treaty, was signed by the Ukrainian government and guaranteed explicitly by Germany and France. He states that it was laughed at inside the US government, despite the UN endorsement. He cites Angela Merkel’s later remark in a desight-era interview after the 2022 escalation, claiming she said Minsk II was “a holding pattern to give Ukraine time to build its strength.” He counters that Minsk II was a UN Security Council unanimously adopted treaty meant to end the war. He asserts familiarity with the United States government and urges distrust, arguing that both sides should sit down publicly and present their terms “in front of the whole world” for judgment. He calls for clear terms: “We’re not going to overthrow governments anymore,” and asks the United States to say “We accept this agreement,” and Russia to say “We’re not stepping one foot farther than whatever the boundary is actually reached,” with NATO not enlarging. He envisions putting the terms on paper for the world to see, asserting that “once in a while, treaties actually hold.”

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Russia occupied parts of Ukraine, including Crimea, starting in 2014. During the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations, no one stopped him as people died on the contact line. In 2019, I signed a ceasefire deal with Macron, Merkel, and him, but he broke it, killing people and not exchanging prisoners. We need diplomacy to end the destruction of Ukraine. We have problems during the war, like everyone else. We are staying strong and thankful for the support, but we are not winning. You have given us billions of dollars in military equipment. I have said thank you many times to the American people. We want to stop the war, but we want a ceasefire with guarantees. Ask our people about a ceasefire. Obama gave us sheets, but Trump gave us javelins. Without your support, we have no cards.

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In April 2022, an agreement was signed between President Putin and President Zelensky, facilitated by the leaders of Israel and Turkey. This agreement was favorable for the American people, primarily addressing Putin's demand to keep NATO out of Ukraine. Following the signing, Putin began withdrawing troops. However, President Biden intervened, sending Boris Johnson to pressure Zelensky into abandoning the treaty. As a result, the conflict escalated, leading to the tragic loss of 600,000 Ukrainian children and bringing the world closer to nuclear confrontation.

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I'm aligned with the US and the world, and I want to end this conflict. It's hard to make a deal with so much hatred. I could be tough, but that won't get us anywhere. For four years, tough talk didn't stop Putin. Diplomacy is the path to peace. Others didn't stop Putin from occupying parts of Ukraine since 2014. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke them, killing people and not exchanging prisoners. I am trying to end the destruction of your country. Everyone has problems during war, even you. You've allowed yourself to be in a bad position. You're gambling with lives and World War III, and that's disrespectful to the US. You haven't said thank you, and campaigned against us. Your country is in trouble and not winning. If we are out, you will be fighting on your own.

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Speaker 1 argues that the United States has repeatedly engaged in illegal military actions and regime changes in multiple countries, starting with the bombing of Belgrade for 78 days to change borders of a European state, with the aim of breaking Serbia and installing Bondsteel, a large NATO base in the Balkans, under Clinton. They claim this was done without UN authority and described as a NATO mission. Speaker 1 continues, alleging that the US has subsequently waged war in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, where, according to them, the Obama administration and Hillary Clinton tasked the CIA with overthrowing Bashar al-Assad. They also claim NATO illegally bombed Libya to topple Muammar Gaddafi, and that in Kyiv in February 2014 the US overthrew Yanukovych together with right-wing Ukrainian military forces, noting that the overthrow happened the day after EU representatives had reached an agreement with Yanukovych for early elections, a government of national unity, and a stand-down of both sides. They assert that the US supported the new government immediately afterward, despite that agreement and without addressing it as unconstitutional. Speaker 1 asserts that Russia, the United States, and the EU were parties to the 2015 Minsk two agreement, which was unanimously voted on by the UN Security Council, signed by the government of Ukraine, and guaranteed explicitly by Germany and France. They contend that Minsk II was dismissed as a holding pattern by inside-US government circles, despite the UN Security Council approval. They claim Angela Merkel later said Minsk II was a holding pattern to allow Ukraine time to build its strength, countering the assertion that Minsk II was meant to end the war. The speaker emphasizes distrust of the United States government and calls for all sides to sit down publicly to agree on terms, with both the United States and Russia committing to specific boundaries, and for NATO not to enlarge, so that a written, global judgment can be made. Speaker 2 adds that there has been an ongoing effort to create an anti-Russian platform in Ukraine, describing it as an enclave, and accusing the US and its allies of lying about not expanding NATO multiple times. Speaker 3 states that President Putin sent a draft treaty asking NATO to promise no more enlargement as a precondition for not invading Ukraine, and notes that this draft was not signed.

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They were ready to end the war if we took a neutral stance like Finland and promised not to join NATO. When we returned to Istanbul, Boris Johnson came to Kyiv and said we wouldn't sign anything with them and let's just fight. But as soon as we called on them to sit down, the next day they would already be sitting, waiting with a delegation.

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In 2014, three foreign ministers from Poland, Germany, and France arrived in Ukraine to sign an agreement between the government and the opposition. However, just two days later, a coup d'etat took place, orchestrated by our American allies. The European guarantors of the agreement claimed ignorance. This event, along with the desire to bring Ukraine into NATO, has led to the ongoing tragedy in the Donbas region.
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