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Dominion Systems, the owner of Sequoia and Premier, has a customer portal called dominion.dominionvoting/portal. This portal can be easily accessed and manipulated, allowing customers to view and modify data, including election results. It doesn't require a nation state's level of sophistication to manipulate these sites or gain unauthorized access. Even with limited resources, someone could potentially manipulate the election using these systems.

Speaker 0, Speaker 1, and Speaker 2 discuss Dominion’s access to election systems during the 2020 election period in Georgia, with Gwinnett County cited as a specific example. The dialogue confirms that the questioning period was during the 2020 election, and the focus is on whether Dominion remotely accessed election systems and whether such access occurred in Georgia. Speaker 2 asks if there is any indication of nonelection personnel remotely accessing a Dominion system. Speaker 3 responds that they have reviewed a series of emails produced by Dominion in which they’re discussing remoting into Gwinnett County, Georgia. Speaker 1 then notes that Speaker 0 had mentioned Dominion remote collection or connection to election systems but lacks evidence that it occurred in Georgia. Speaker 0 asserts that there was one county and that they have seen many Dominion emails, requiring translation from Serbian to English to verify technical questions and translations. Speaker 1 asks specifically: “So it's your testimony that there is evidence of dominion remotely accessing Georgia election equipment?” Speaker 0 answers: “Yes, on the one county. It was included with stuff that I was researching and reading through considering Colorado. Michigan was also involved and there were other ones.” Speaker 2 inquires about Dominion’s ability to remotely connect to these election systems and whether they could do so without detection. Speaker 0 responds: “Yes.” Speaker 2 then asks if the interviewee is aware of any instances in which that has occurred, and Speaker 0 confirms: “One would be the Denver, Colorado server was granted or requested to grant Belgrave, Only Belgrade. Did search. There is a Belgrade Montana.” The speaker questions why Montana would need to connect to a Colorado file transfer server as part of the election system, noting there are other components and things done in the background concerning the database and the configuration of the database server that still do not have an engineering change order. Speaker 0 explains that in operational environments, things sometimes break and need fixing, leading to the submission of a change request or, in this case, an engineering change order that is retroactive. The goal is to record the process to ensure change management and integrity of the system. If changes are not recorded, it leads to a bad situation, according to Speaker 0.

A Microsoft certified security expert provided evidence of a Dominion vote counting machine in a swing state with a wireless card connected to a thermostat's wireless network. The IP address traced back to a city in China, linked to a Chinese corporation involved in questionable dealings with American politicians. There is a thick binder of documented evidence showing foreign access and interference in the election, including public statements from the FBI and DHS warning about Iran's involvement. The evidence is undeniable, and those questioning it should argue with the FBI and DHS. The photographs and IPs provide conclusive proof of foreign interference in the voting systems.

Break a little bit of news on your program, Jesse. Our partners that do sort of geotagging with devices, they told us that they tracked over 277,000 devices in the vicinity of State Farm Stadium in Glendale, Arizona. 277,000. That's unbelievable. Gives you an idea of the scale of humanity out there.

Speaker 0: The election was stolen. A graph shows people who worked for ES&S, Hart, Dominion Voting Systems, ClearBallot, and Smartmatic, recycling through companies. People who worked at Dominion Voting Systems are entering the political sphere and taking over election offices; one county in Texas, after hiring someone who worked for Dominion, went blue for the first time. The speaker walks through information: Dominion using “Serbian technology with Chinese characteristics.” Huawei Bank is involved; there’s no public board saying Bank of China funds anything, but research on Roaming Networks—a relatively unknown Serbian company until 2013—shows it signed a value-added contract with Huawei Bank. Huawei is “the Bank of China.” Roaming Networks built ICT infrastructure and data centers in Serbia, with owner Nenad Kovac identified as the enterprise partner. Some Roaming Networks information may come off their site after this presentation. Dominion Voting Systems has a corporate office in Serbia; a screenshot of the office and a developer on their site is noted. A Serbian legislative leader said, “I know Dominion Voting Systems back in November. They have an office here.” Dominion started rapidly removing Serbian coders from their site/LinkedIn. Code is built in Serbia for a system used in the United States, using infrastructure funded by China, not just China but the Bank of China. A slide discusses Dominion’s enterprise partnership with Huawei, added to the restricted list on 05/16/2019. Roaming Networks references show Dominion Voting Systems using a pure flash storage solution in Dominion’s data center. A photo of Sacramento shows Dominion hardware coming from China, with a bill of lading from a Chinese supplier to Dominion’s McKinney, Texas office. Testing and approval of Dominion hardware show similarities with Smartmatic; the same hardware with different branding. They claim a “tail” behind the scenes—evidence of connections among ES&S, Hart, Dominion, ClearBallot, Smartmatic, with people cycling through these companies. People who once worked at Dominion are now entering election offices; in Texas, a county that hired a former Dominion employee “went blue” by accident with ES&S involved. The speaker calls out Gina Griswold for commenting on Tina Peters and Mesa, and Matt Crane’s role as Arapahoe County clerk and recorder, now head of the County Clerks Association; Crane’s wife previously worked for Dominion and Sequoia Voting Systems. The speaker asserts a public breach of trust requires an audit; if there’s nothing to hide, audits should restore trust. They argue, whether Dominion is the bad actor or not, removal of logs, altering code, and a “trusted build” are problematic, and emphasize the need for audits and investigations to restore trust in elections. Speaker 1: Indicators: a senior Dominion vice president’s name appears on patents; a software engineer involved in the Wayne County, Michigan tabulation center is connected to the software. Coincidences accumulate, suggesting there is a preponderance of evidence with affidavits across the country. The speaker asks which computer produced certain files analyzed yesterday; whether it came from the central count or precincts. Speaker 0: Answers with a non-answer, noting they imaged the main EMS and the tabulation system; servers in the county coordinate precinct information and house audit reports, cast vote reports, error reports, adjudication reports, and access logs. Thumb drives can contaminate the county and state systems if connected to a machine; it’s not unique to Dominion or voting systems but a general risk. They emphasize avoiding white noise and focusing on facts: Dominion is in Serbia; Huawei Bank funds the enterprise partnership and Serbia-based data centers; code is written in Serbia; imaging shows fingerprints of this. They call for audits, note deviations in Georgia (ballots appearing identical in different batches, a shredder truck before January 20 in Georgia, and a leaky arena water claim later proven to be a leaky toilet), and point to media silence. They argue against accepting the gold standard claim and highlight perceived connections to Soros-funded groups. They stress deviations in state and county behavior, urge audits, and compare the election system to a serial killer—unacceptable to let foreign systems run it. Speaker 2: Adds that with 100 indicators, a pattern emerges; reiterates the need to examine which files came from which computer, and questions the integrity of the central count. Speaker 3: Notes the risk of a non-internet-connected thumb drive introducing malware; emphasizes auditing all machines for that reason.

The discussion concerns alleged H-1B visa abuse connected to “Quibbits Technology,” “Three Bs Technologies,” and other related companies. The first visits involve a residential address at 130 Darbonne Lane, Irving, Texas 75039, where the doorbell is broken and windows appear boarded up. The narrator claims 27 H-1B visas were approved for that address between 2022 and 2025 and lists job titles such as software developer, software engineer, and IT project manager. No one appears to be present for the supposed workers. The narrator says the investigation began after online chatter about H-1B scams that included misplaced or incorrect information, and then explains how H-1B visas are described as working: a business files an LCA (Labor Condition Application) stating it has a job needing specific skills and cannot find Americans; after the LCA is certified by the Department of Labor, the H-1B petition can be filed with USCIS; USCIS then issues authorization so the sponsored worker can come to the U.S. and work. The narrator argues that businesses can be set up using an address and paperwork filed, including from a home address, which could allow sponsors to bring in multiple visa holders. They ask a neighbor about what they have seen at 130 Darbonne Lane. The neighbor says they know the family that lives there, but they do not know what the family works for and they do not see workers coming in and out; the neighbor says the family keeps to themselves and that the neighbors see young boys playing. The narrator then claims the company’s website lists a different address after the page was “scrubbed,” changing to 7300 Lone Star Drive, Suite C 200 in Plano, Texas, even though parts still reportedly show Darbonne Lane. At 7300 Lone Star Drive, the narrator finds an unfinished building under construction with no staff or office activity and no apparent offices for “Three B’s Technologies.” When searching the address further, the narrator says it is tied to “Legacy Club,” described as a members-only social club with an availability target of early 2026, and the narrator questions why a technology company would use that address. The narrator identifies a person connected to the visa filings and residence as Vamsi Krishna Vaginapalli and claims there is “potential fraud” involving multiple addresses being WeWork locations. They say the address listed for “Three B’s Technologies” is an old WeWork location and that another WeWork location is also listed as active on the Texas Business Registry. The narrator also claims some H-1B workers sponsored by the person were contracted to other businesses such as Verizon, and that another H-1B filing was made at “Critty Info Systems.” They state that the website for “Critty Info Systems” appears to have coding and spelling errors and lists an office address that takes users to a virtual office location; they also claim the India contact information references a made-up name. They add that other listed addresses reportedly do not exist and that the UK office address is linked to another entity. The narrator then references “H2M Info Systems,” stating its website is made in WordPress, lists an award/integrity-themed “About Us,” and that the “careers” section shows no open positions. They say a phone number with a Florida area code is not reachable. They also claim its listed location is another WeWork site and that an H-1B worker was allegedly subcontracted to a company in Des Moines, Iowa. The narrator then says “Three B’s Technologies is not an isolated incident” and moves to another company: Quibbits Tech Systems, which they claim filed 13 H-1B visas, with 12 approved in 2025 and one denied. They attempt to locate “12 workers” associated with that company at an address and encounter a person (identified as Hari / Speaker 1) who refuses to speak. The person says they cannot talk, states the address is “03 Roman 3 Drive” (Newport, Texas 7503 is mentioned) and later references “existence.com” as well as “03 Roman 3 Drive.” The narrator also states that USCIS data allegedly indicates workers are at their office. The narrator claims that the address associated with Quibbits Tech Systems (cubbitstechsystems.com) is in Irving, Texas, and they go there. The office appears to be a legitimate office building, but the narrator says the workspace looks cramped with only a couple of fold-out tables and one chair, and repeatedly asks where the workers are. The narrator asserts the uncovered information is public and claims H-1B visa fraud patterns can be found via H-1B databases and address lookups. The narrator concludes by asking why USCIS has not acted and calls for a moratorium on H-1B visas. They state they will continue exposing abuse and provide an email address (Sarahtips@blazemedia.com) to report suspected visa fraud.

I found a video where the speaker goes through some server logs and discovers a database issue. They mention finding different forensics related to it. They also mention a person named Christy, who seems to be active in the GMC community.

The investigation follows earlier findings tied to unusual activity in some H-1B LCA applications, including businesses allegedly set up in people’s homes and reports of no workers present at the work site. Investigators expand the check to multiple work locations, repeatedly finding locked doors, dark offices, and rooms with furniture but no visible computers, servers, or working staff. They begin near “Suite 78” at the BlazeTV studios area and describe the pattern of “tech” companies lacking technology or personnel on-site. At several locations, expected suite numbers cannot be found, offices appear inactive, or addresses appear inconsistent with what is listed in LCA paperwork. Examples include: - TechBits (Suite 264 referenced in connection with another company), where doors are locked and no one appears present. - Unique Software Solutions (four H-1B visas referenced for 2025), again with a locked door. - Oak Technologies, described as having an HQ at Suite 264, but investigators cannot find the suite in the building listed, then later claim the company appears in a different suite number. - Suite 175, associated with 21 H-1B visas in 2025, where investigators find another locked door with no lights and no one available. - A recurring observation that some locations appear to include card tables or ping pong tables with no workers actually using them. The investigators cite U.S. Department of Labor Fact Sheet 62 F to explain why they can request H-1B employer public access records. They state that public access records must be maintained and made available under the H-1B program, available within one working day of filing the LCA, and that members of the public may capture information by transcription, scanning, or taking photographs. They describe this as enabling “auditing,” while also emphasizing a “major flaw” if the company does not exist or is not operating at the claimed work site. They describe ANA Infosystems (Suite 275) as having multiple 2025 workers listed on-site and seven H-1Bs approved in 2025, but no one is found at the suite; the area is also described as available for renting. They also report that Oak Technologies’ listed new address differs from what the investigators see, and that another company on their list occupies the space. They introduce the idea of “hives,” where multiple businesses list the same suite/address on paperwork and/or claim workers are present there. They describe finding at least 19 companies sharing Suite 290 at 400 East Royal Lane simultaneously, and then another active cluster nearby, with companies from Suite 290 also appearing associated with 320 Decker Drive, Suite 100. Investigators say inquiries there lead to claims of virtual/absent office presence and that companies do not recognize one another or the listed suites, with no physical presence at those locations. A reference is made to an indictment involving Texas residents and an alleged visa fraud scheme that included nonexistent jobs, payments routed from visa seekers to create legitimacy, and consequences described as possible federal prison time if convicted. They then focus on Innovative Datalytics Group LLC at 8105 Razor Blvd in Plano, stating that at least seven H-1B workers were listed to work on-site. Investigators claim the company had no website and that the visa paperwork lists Suite 78; they say they locate only a mailbox where Suite 78 is expected. Because public access files could not be obtained at the business location, they speak with the owner at home, who states she does not know the exact office address and says her husband handled details. She confirms they co-leased the space with another company and that she does not know where the workers are located, including where their residential addresses might be. They later speak with her husband (Arvind), who states the H-1B workers “never came,” describes the company as dormant after plans fell through due to a deal not happening, and says they kept paying them while no employees arrived. They also discuss discrepancies in the documents, including Suite 78 being described in paperwork as the employment location despite investigators finding it only as a mailbox. Additional discrepancies include a missing public access file: investigators note eight LCAs were filed but only seven public interest files were provided. The investigators emphasize that even if workers supposedly never come, public access files must be maintained, and argue the system allows companies to request/produce documentation without verifiable confirmation of physical presence. They call attention to the “holes” between on-site findings and paperwork claims and urge further independent investigation. They also mention that H-1B registration opened on March 4.

While on the oversight committee in the senate, Dominion was investigated. The president of Dominion and his software maker testified. Questions focused on whether Dominion machines had internet access. The president of Dominion said no, but this was a lie. The investigation was published, recorded, and should be online.

I noticed an Ethernet cable connected to a router, which was linked to the local data center and the voting machines. This suggested an external internet connection. I also found a wireless network called AV_connect, which probably refers to absentee voting.

Dominion can remotely connect to election systems without detection. This has occurred in instances such as the Denver, Colorado server, which was requested to grant access to Belgrade. It is unclear why Belgrade, possibly Belgrade, Montana, would need to connect to a Colorado file transfer server for an election system. There were also background activities concerning the database and its configuration that lack an engineering change order.

I have an iPhone. Does Google track my movement if I move to sit with my democrat friends? Google knows if I move, but it depends on the services I've opted into. Can you answer if Google knows I moved without more details?

Independent developers and consultants are monitoring network traffic, observing unusual activities related to a DDoS incident. There’s uncertainty about the status of the BC election site and whether it can be refreshed.

Introducing Cozone.com, the website for computer help and purchasing.

Chaya from Lives at TikTok explains she investigated an unmarked building in Burnsville, Minnesota, where nine health care companies are operating out of a single location, all with Somali names. She notes there are likely more than the nine discovered. One of the entities is Grace Care Center, run by Saeed Ahmad, which the site claims has a facility for kids with autism. She reports numerous red flags on that site, including slogans like “We cure your chill,” and suggests it is aimed at offering care for children. When contacting the listed numbers for these businesses, many do not work: some ring endlessly, others are disconnected. Most of the companies do not have websites, reviews, or additional information available. One company at the location does have a website, but it contains many spelling errors. The site’s gallery uses stock images that do not lead anywhere. Other links on the site do not function, redirecting back to the homepage. The “About Us” section states it was founded by Omar, accompanied by a stock image of a white woman, even though Saeed Ahmad is the founder. The contact information is described as fake, including a fake address, phone number, and email address. Chaya emphasizes that the situation appears highly suspicious.

The original post of the crazy plane lady video was made by Juan Frank We, also known as Knuckles Lawn Care. Juan Frank We is a US Federal Government employee in Fort Hood, Texas, and claims to be a logistics manager for the US Army and a computer operator at Fort Campbell, Kentucky. I traced the route to her business site, which led to an army recruitment place in Ohio on DOD servers. The connections between all these dots are undeniable.

Colonel Daniel Davis joins the discussion to address the idea of a forthcoming false flag attack aimed at provoking Iran into a broader war. The conversation threads through claims that key US and Israeli military hardware is in place, Russia has countermeasures ready, and that Israel and a US “deep state” war faction coordinated by the CIA are driving the move. There’s also the assertion that a US carrier strike group is in place for the operation, and that the New York Times reports Trump has received intelligence suggesting Iran’s position is weakening. The host questions the reliability of this intelligence flow, asking who is really transmitting such assessments and whether the CIA or others are shaping Trump’s view. Davis pushes back on the weakening Iran narrative, stating he has followed Iran for years and sees no evidence that Iran is weakening; to the contrary, he notes Iran used a forceful response to suppress a rebellion—an action that, in his view, suggests strength. He references outside voices, including Mossad and Pompeo’s New Year’s Eve tweets, to illustrate how Western narratives have portrayed the protests. He challenges the idea that the protests reveal Iran’s weakness, arguing that the regime’s security apparatus remained in control and that no IRGC defections or regime desertions appeared visible. He warns that if Trump is led to believe Iran is at its weakest point, a more aggressive push could backfire, potentially producing a strong repudiation. The discussion turns to what a “deal” with Iran might entail. The co-panelists note claims that Trump says they can make a deal, while Davis explains that reports indicate any deal would require Iran to remove enriched uranium, cap long-range missiles, change its regional proxy policies, and ban independent uranium enrichment—red lines Iran has repeatedly rejected. The implication is that such terms would, in practice, preclude a peaceful settlement and push toward a military strike. The debate then moves to the military buildup and international reactions. The host asks about possible actions in the next few days, given reports of an Israeli target date around January 30. Davis rejects the notion of a simple, quick conflict, arguing that some Trump administration insiders want a regime-change outcome, whereas he sees limited attainable objectives beyond bombing or destroying infrastructure. He emphasizes the risk of a miscalculation leading to American or Israeli casualties and the potential for a prolonged conflict. He warns there is zero upside to a strike on Iran and a high downside if Iran responds forcefully. Turning to regional dynamics, the panel discusses how Russia, China, and a new Saudi axis might respond. Davis suggests China and Russia would offer logistical support or dual-use equipment rather than direct military aid, preferring to watch the confrontation and preserve their own interests. He also speculates that Beijing and Moscow hope to avoid provoking a broader conflict that could erode their own alliances, while watching Western infighting. A brief, cautioned aside notes Pakistan’s stated red line response to any Israeli nuclear escalation, indicating a potential chain reaction in the region. The panelists acknowledge the risk of escalation but maintain that Israel, if pressured, might pursue a broader conflict with Iran, while noting the uncertainty of Iran’s exact response should a strike occur. The exchange ends with a consensus that the scenario described contains significant risk and complexity, with the overall sentiment that pursuing such a conflict could have catastrophic consequences. Note: Promotional content for ExpressVPN was removed from the summary.

We created a website called Hamilton 68 to track Russian accounts. Our website shows that there are currently Russian bots spreading information.

During my time in the Senate's oversight committee, we examined Dominion. The proceedings were recorded and are available online. The president of Dominion and his software engineer testified, primarily addressing whether their machines had Internet access. The president claimed there was no Internet access, which I believe was false.

A data broker, Near Intelligence, with ties to US Defense Contractors, tracked cell phones of visitors to Jeffrey Epstein's island over a three-year period. We found that Near Intelligence left this data exposed online. The maps generated show visitors' movements, potentially leading back to their homes and workplaces. The data reveals visitors came from over 166 locations in the US and abroad. Near Intelligence sources data from advertising exchanges. Before a targeted ad appears, your phone sends data, including location, to ad exchanges. Near Intelligence siphons this data, repackages, analyzes, and sells it. Despite its intended use for advertising, Near Intelligence has provided this data to the US military. Anyone with a phone can be tracked. To protect your privacy, use trusted apps, turn off location services, use ad blockers, and use VPNs that filter out advertising technology.

Speaker 0 breaks a little bit of news on your program, Jesse. He reports that 'our partners that do sort of geotagging with devices, they told us that they tracked over 277,000 devices in the vicinity of State Farm Stadium in Glendale, Arizona.' He adds, 'Wow. 277,000. That's unbelievable.' He concludes, 'Gives you an idea of the scale of humanity out there.' These statements illustrate the large number of devices detected near a major venue, highlighting the scale of activity in the area during events. The segment emphasizes the reach of geotagging data and public disclosure in reporting near real-time device counts. It conveys a perspective on how many devices can be tracked in a single location.

Voting in America is conducted by private companies contracted by the county. However, there are no national security standards for these companies, making it easy to change votes without leaving a trace. Additionally, the votes from Texas and 28 other states are sent to a server in Frankfurt, Germany, owned by a multinational company based in Barcelona, Spain, which controls and reports the votes.

This is a deep-dive into TPUSA’s financials focusing on one of the largest vendors that appeared in the forms: Resource One, a printing company. The speaker, who previously worked for the CIA/NSA and now runs a corporate intelligence firm, frames the analysis as public and for entertainment purposes only, aiming to uncover why an audit was requested and to connect the dots in the nine-nine forms. Key findings and questions raised: - In the 2022 filing, Resource One appears as a new vendor with a charge of 2,900,000. - In the 2023 filing, Resource One becomes TPUSA’s top vendor, with expenses of just over 6,000,000 for printing services. - There is a discrepancy: TPUSA reports 6.1 million in printing expenses, yet a separate line item shows only 1.3 million spent on printing, leaving about 4.8 million unaccounted in printing expenses. The speaker asks, “Where’s the other 4,800,000?” - The Tulsa, Oklahoma address associated with Resource One appears to be a front; OpenCorporates lists the actual company as Worldwide Printing and Distribution, with Resource One doing business as Resource One. The LLCs connected to Resource One trace to Delaware, but the filing address points to Tulsa. - Worldwide Printing and Distribution is connected to James Moore, who is the CEO and the chairman of Moore DM Group. Moore DM Group is described as a $700,000,000 direct mail political conglomerate that brings in over $16,000,000 from PACs per FEC filings and has 33 subsidiary companies. Their website highlights political fundraising as one of their four major service lines. - The speaker notes that a 501(c)(3) cannot spend money on political activities, and TPUSA’s revenue reportedly comes largely from donations, making the financial links to a political fundraising conglomerate appear problematic. - The unaccounted $4.8 million is suggested to have gone to a politically affiliated entity; the speaker points to TPUSA’s 501(c)(4) or related arms and questions the clarity of the relationship. - Additional payments are noted: 1,100,000 paid to Conrad, another subsidiary of Moore, via TPUSA’s 501(c)(4) filings; 1,300,000 reported as printing expenses; 4,800,000 unaccounted for in relation to the Resource One/Worldwide Printing and Distribution connections. - The speaker mentions CREW has filed complaints about these issues and states that they have not been able to connect all the dots conclusively, but believes something noteworthy has been found. - The speaker reiterates that all claims are presented as alleged for entertainment purposes, and notes the White House’s stance on audits as a broader, related context. - Teases Part Three with more to come. Throughout, the speaker emphasizes tracing the money, the murky relationship between Resource One/Worldwide Printing and Distribution, Moore DM Group, and TPUSA’s fundraising-related expenditures, while highlighting discrepancies in reported printing expenses and the potential political nature of the funding. The segment concludes with a promise of further discoveries in Part Three.

Dominion machines are certified and sealed, but vulnerabilities allow for manipulation. Just before elections, a supposed "glitch" prompts an emergency patch that opens a backdoor for remote access from a Serbian office, which is the true operational center of Dominion. This office, staffed by Chinese nationals, allows them to log into U.S. election machines and alter results. They use virtual machines to manipulate data without leaving traces. After the manipulation, they collapse the virtual server, making detection difficult unless a thorough forensic audit is conducted. This entire operation relies on Huawei equipment, linking back to China. For more information, visit Stolen Elections Facts.

According to the testimony, Dominion equipment is generally not connected to the internet, but there is evidence of a connection in Gwinnett County, Georgia, during the 2020 election. Non-election personnel have remotely accessed a Dominion system. Dominion emails discuss remotely accessing Gwinnett County, Georgia. There is evidence of Dominion remotely accessing Georgia election equipment in one county, along with involvement in Colorado and Michigan. Dominion can remotely connect to election systems without detection, and this has occurred. The Denver, Colorado server granted access to Belgrade, with questions raised about why Belgrade, Montana, would need to connect to a Colorado file transfer server. Changes to the database server lack an engineering change order, which is important for change management and system integrity.