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I was asked this week if I see Ukraine as an equal member in the peace process, and I didn't say "yes." However, Ukraine will have a seat at the table. I will never accept any decisions between the United States and Russia about Ukraine without Ukraine present. This is our war, and these are our human losses. We are thankful for all the support and unity from the USA, including bipartisan support. However, no leader in the world can make a deal with Putin about Ukraine without Ukraine being involved.

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The panelists discuss whether recent developments around Ukraine, NATO security guarantees, and Western support can produce a peace agreement acceptable to Russia and Ukraine, and what the war’s trajectory might look like by year-end and beyond. Initial reactions and sticking points - Speaker 1 sees potential in recent moves if true and reliable, arguing Ukraine is signaling goodwill to the United States, but remains skeptical that a peace deal will satisfy both sides given core demands over territory and Donbas control. He emphasizes the Donbas as the central unresolved issue. - Speaker 2 notes Putin’s need to show tangible gains to save face, arguing the war is being fought to achieve declared goals and that Russia will not sign a deal unless it secures substantial results. Security guarantees, no-fly zones, and peacekeeping - The discussion centers on two main proposed points: U.S. security guarantees (including possible no-fly zone enforcement) and a European-led peacekeeping force in Ukraine. There is debate about how binding such guarantees would be and whether Russia would accept them, with concerns about the Budapest Memorandum’s history of non-fulfillment versus what a new, more comprehensive, legally binding framework might look like. - Speaker 1 points out that even a robust security package would require Russian agreement, which he doubts will be forthcoming given Moscow’s current aims. He underscores that Europe’s and the U.S.’s support for Ukraine is contingent on political will, which could waver, but he notes Ukraine’s trust gap with U.S. guarantees given past experiences. - Speaker 2 stresses that Putin’s aims include defeating NATO and achieving a U.S.-level accommodation (a “Yalta 2.0” style deal) while keeping Western control over Europe at arm’s length. He argues Putin would accept U.S. and possibly some European troops but not a formal NATO presence on Ukrainian soil, especially in western Donbas or beyond. Budapest memorandum vs. new guarantees - Both sides discuss the difference between a nonbinding Budapest Memorandum and a more robust, legally binding security guarantee. Speaker 1 highlights Ukraine’s past trust in security assurances despite U.S. and European failures to honor them, suggesting skepticism about the enforceability of any new guarantees. Speaker 2 suggests that a stronger, more binding arrangement could be essential for Russia to accept any settlement, but that Moscow would still resist concessions over full Donbas control. On-the-ground realities and war dynamics - The panelists agree Russia is advancing on multiple fronts, though the pace and strategic significance of gains vary. They discuss Ukraine’s ability to sustain the fight through Western weapons flows and domestic production (including drones and shells). They acknowledge the risk of Western fatigue and the potential for a more protracted war, even as Ukraine builds its own capabilities to prolong the conflict. - The West’s long-term willingness to fund and arm Ukraine is debated: Speaker 1 argues Europe’s economy is strained but notes continued political support for Ukraine, which could outlast Russia’s economic stamina. Speaker 2 emphasizes that Russia’s economy is fragile mainly in the provinces, while Moscow and Saint Petersburg remain relatively insulated; he also points to BRICS support (China and India) as sustaining Moscow politically and economically. Economic and strategic pressures - The role of energy revenues and sanctions is debated. Speaker 1 suggests Russia can be pressured economically to seek a deal, while Speaker 2 counters that Russia’s economy is adapting, with China and India providing strategic support that helps Moscow resist Western coercion. They discuss shadow fleet strikes and global energy markets as tools to erode Russia’s war-finance capability. - There is disagreement about whether, over time, economic pressure alone could force regime change in Russia. Speaker 1 is skeptical that penalties will trigger a voluntary Russian withdrawal, while Speaker 2 argues that sustained economic and political pressure, combined with Western unity, could push toward a settlement. Strategies and potential outcomes - Putin’s internal calculus is described as existential: he seeks a win that he can publicly claim to legitimize his rule and justify the costs of the war to the Russian people and elites. This shapes his openness to concessions and to the kinds of guarantees he would accept. - Alexander posits that a near-term peace could emerge from a deal brokered at high levels (potentially involving Trump and Putin) that reshapes European security with U.S. leadership and BRICS engagement, while Paul emphasizes that any credible end to the conflict would require Ukraine and Russia to agree to a swap-like territorial arrangement and to accept a new security framework that deters renewed aggression. End-of-year and longer-term outlooks - By year-end, the panel agrees it is unlikely that a major peace agreement will be realized under the current conditions; any real breakthrough would depend on significant concessions, including Donbas arrangements, and a credible security guarantee framework. - By the end of next year, both expect a continuation of a contested balance: Ukraine likely to press for stronger Western guarantees and EU integration, Russia seeking to preserve Donbas gains while navigating internal and external pressures. Alexander envisions two “wins” emerging: the United States under Trump coordinating a broader peace framework, and China leveraging its economic influence to shape Europe’s response. Paul anticipates a gradual trajectory with ongoing military and economic pressures and a continued stalemate unless a major concession reshapes incentives on both sides.

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It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've been working closely together, and we've reached a very fair deal involving rare earth minerals that will benefit both our countries and the world. We've also had good discussions with Russia, and I spoke with President Putin. We're working to bring the war to a close, focusing on reducing casualties and rebuilding Ukraine. The previous administration didn't engage with Russia, but if I were president, this war would have never happened. Your soldiers have been brave, and we've provided equipment. We want to stop the shooting and finalize a deal, which I believe is close. (Speaker 1): I hope this agreement is the first step toward real security guarantees for Ukraine. We count on America's continued support, including infrastructure and security guarantees, and assistance to help bring our children home.

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I'm aligned with the United States and the world, and I want to end the conflict in Ukraine. It's hard to make a deal with so much hatred, but I'm focused on getting things done for the sake of the world and Europe. I can be tough, but that won't lead to a deal. We tried being tough with Putin, and it didn't work. Diplomacy is the path to peace and prosperity. During past administrations, nobody stopped Putin when he occupied parts of Ukraine and people died. We signed ceasefire and gas contracts, but he broke them. What kind of diplomacy are we talking about?

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It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've had a long and productive relationship, and we've reached a very fair deal that benefits both our countries and the world. This deal involves rare earth minerals, and it represents a significant commitment from the United States. We've also had good discussions with Russia, including a conversation with President Putin, to try and bring the conflict in Ukraine to a close. We need to negotiate a deal to stop the loss of life and redirect resources to rebuilding. The previous administration wasn't even speaking to Russia, but we've initiated talks and see the confines of a deal. If I were president, this war would have never happened. Your soldiers have been incredibly brave, and now we want to bring this to an end. We'll be signing the agreement shortly, and we're hopeful that we're close to a deal.

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In the past two weeks, we've probably had more progress in ending this war than we have in the past three and a half years. And I think the fact that we're around this table today is is very much symbolic in the sense that it's team Europe and team United States helping Ukraine. And the progress that we're looking out of this meeting is about the security guarantees.

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It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've been working closely together for a long time, and we've negotiated a fair deal that will benefit both our countries and the world. I've also had good discussions with President Putin, and we're trying to bring the conflict in Ukraine to a close. Too many soldiers are dying, and we want to see the money used for rebuilding instead. The previous administration didn't engage with Russia, but I believe if I were president, this war would have never happened. We're providing great equipment to Ukraine, and their soldiers have been incredibly brave. We're going to sign an agreement soon, and I think we're close to a deal to stop the shooting. It's an exciting moment, and I appreciate everyone being here.

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There is concern from the Europeans that Zelensky is being bullied into signing something away, which is why European leaders are coming as backup tomorrow. They are coming here tomorrow because we've been working with the Europeans; the president invited them to come. The president told those European leaders last week that he wanted to cease fire, and he said on television he would walk out if Putin didn’t agree, with severe consequences if he didn’t. He spent three hours with Putin and did not get one. Our goal is a peace agreement to end this war. There was enough progress in the talks to move to the next phase. If peace is not possible and the war continues, thousands will die. The president could impose new sanctions, but that would end talks; it will require concessions from both sides.

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Presidents Putin, Zelensky, and Biden should prioritize peace for Ukraine by agreeing to its neutrality. This means Ukraine would not join NATO or form military alliances with Russia, addressing security concerns for both the US and NATO, as well as Russia. By ensuring there are no Russian or NATO troops on each other's borders, the Ukrainian people can live in peace.

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It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've been working closely, and we have a fair deal to access rare earth resources. We've also had good discussions with Russia and President Putin to try and bring an end to the war. They're losing thousands of soldiers, and we want the fighting to stop so we can focus on rebuilding. The previous administration didn't speak to Russia, but I believe if I were president, this war would have never happened. We're going to sign an agreement, and I think we're fairly close to a deal.

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It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy here. We've been working closely together, even navigating a few disagreements to reach a fair deal that benefits both our countries and the world. We're looking forward to working together on rare earth resources. I've also had good discussions with President Putin, aiming to end the war. We're losing too many soldiers and want to redirect resources to rebuilding. The previous administration didn't engage with Russia, but I believe I can negotiate a deal, showcasing the bravery of Ukrainian soldiers. I hope this agreement will be a crucial step toward security guarantees for Ukraine. We count on continued American support, and I want to discuss details further, including drone production, air defense, and the return of stolen Ukrainian children. We must stop Putin, a killer and terrorist, to save our country, values, freedom, and democracy.

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It’s an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've been working closely together for a long time and have negotiated a fair deal to obtain rare earth minerals that we need for AI, weapons, and our military. I've also had good discussions with President Putin to try and bring the war to a close. If I were president, this war would have never happened. We've given Ukraine great equipment and credit to their brave soldiers. We're going to sign the agreement shortly, and I think we're fairly close to a deal to stop the shooting. I hope this document will be the first step to real security guarantees for Ukraine. We count on America's continued support, including licenses for air defense and your strong position to stop Putin.

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It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy here; we've worked closely together for a long time. We've reached a fair deal, giving the U.S. access to rare earth elements and we've had good discussions with Russia to bring the war to a close. President Putin and I are working towards a deal to stop the soldier deaths and rebuild Ukraine. The Biden administration didn't engage with Russia, but if I were president, this war never would have happened. Ukraine's soldiers have been brave, and it's time to end this. We'll sign an agreement soon, aiming for a deal to stop the shooting. I hope that it is a first step to real security guarantees for Ukraine and our people, our children. I hope that America continues to support our freedom, our values, and democracy. I want to stop Putin; he's a killer and terrorist. We spoke about drones and air defense because after the war, we need to know that our nation is secure and we have an air shield.

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It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy. We've been working closely together for a long time and have a very fair deal. We're committed to working with Ukraine, and we've had good discussions with Russia. We want to stop the killing and rebuild. The Biden administration didn't speak to Russia, but if I were president, this war would have never happened. Your soldiers have been unbelievably brave, and we've given them great equipment. I give tremendous credit to your generals, soldiers, and yourself. We want to get this over with. We're going to sign the agreement soon and discuss other things. The exciting moment is when the shooting stops and we have a deal, and I think we're fairly close.

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We've been meeting for a while and we're gonna discuss some of the issues. And I don't think there's any issue that's overly complex. It's at a point now where people wanna do things. I I do I really do believe. I've known him for a long time. I've always had a great relationship with him. I think that president Putin wants to find an answer to, and we'll see. In a period not very far from now, a week or two weeks, we're gonna know whether or not we're gonna solve this, or is this horrible fighting gonna continue? We'll do the best to get it ended. And, I believe you have two willing parties, and usually that's good news, but two willing parties that wanna make a deal. We'll journey together, and we'll go over, and we'll, see if it could be done. And it might it's possible it might not be able to be done. On the other hand, it's possible it will. It will save thousands and thousands of lives a week.

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We are strengthening our political relationship with the NATO Ukraine Council, working together to make decisions. Ukraine will become a member of NATO, it's just a matter of time. NATO will support Ukraine for security reasons as we prepare for that day.

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**Speaker 0:** It's an honor to have President Zelenskyy of Ukraine here. We've had a long and productive relationship, including navigating a negotiation that benefited both our countries and the world. We're committed to working together, especially in rare earth initiatives. I've also had positive discussions with President Putin and we're striving to end the war in Ukraine. The loss of life on both sides is tragic, and we want to redirect resources to rebuilding. My administration is actively engaging with Russia, unlike the previous one. If I were president earlier, this war wouldn't have happened. We've provided significant equipment to Ukraine, and their soldiers have shown incredible bravery. We aim to finalize a deal soon and look forward to signing an agreement. **Speaker 1:** Thank you for the invitation. I hope this document is a step towards real security guarantees for Ukraine. Continued American support is crucial. I want to discuss security guarantees, drone production, and air defense. We're ready to share our drone licenses and need air defense licenses in return to protect our nation. The support from Europe is welcome, but the United States' strength is vital. We also need help bringing back the 20,000 Ukrainian children stolen and relocated to Russia. I also wanted to show some images of Ukrainian prisoners and how they have been tortured.

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Speaker 0: "You know there is concern from the Europeans that president Zelensky is going to be bullied into signing something away." "That’s why you have these European leaders coming as backup tomorrow." Speaker 1: "It isn't. ... They're not coming here tomorrow to keep Zelenskyy from being bullied." He adds: "We've had one meeting with Putin and, like, a dozen meetings with Zelensky." "We've been working with these people for weeks." "They're coming here tomorrow because they chose to come here tomorrow." He notes "there was enough progress" to "move to the next phase" and "enough movement to justify a follow-up meeting with Zelensky and the Europeans." On sanctions, he says: "If peace is not gonna be possible here... the president has that option to then come in and impose new sanctions. But if he did this now, ... that's the end of the talks." "We wanna wind up with a peace deal that ends this war" and "It will require both sides to make concessions."

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The speaker believes a deal is emerging after a nearly five-hour meeting, the third one held. Two of Putin's key advisors, Ushakov and Kirill Dmitriev, were present. The meeting was compelling, and they finally arrived at Putin's request: to have a permanent peace. They got an answer beyond just a ceasefire.

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Speaker 0 discusses the potential for a meeting with the current head of administration, noting that it is possible if well prepared and leads to a positive outcome. 'And, if we, meet with the current head of administration, let's let's put it this way, it is possible.' 'I never rule this out.' 'If the meeting is well prepared and if it leads to a positive potential outcome, it is possible.' 'And by the way, Donald asked me if it's possible to have such a meeting and I said that it is.' 'After all, if Zelensky is ready, he can come to Moscow.'

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The Alaska summit reinforced my belief that “president Putin agreed that Russia would accept security guarantees for Ukraine,” a key point to consider. “I'm optimistic that, collectively, we can reach an agreement that would deter any future aggression against Ukraine,” though I also note, “I actually think there won't be. I think that's even over overrated, largely overrated.” European nations are gonna take a lot of the burden; “we're gonna help them, and we're gonna make it very secure.” We also need to discuss “the possible exchanges of territory taken into consideration the current line of contact.” That means “the war zone, the war lines that are pretty obvious, very sad, actually, to look at them.” The next step: “a trilateral meeting, and that will be worked out.” “I have a feeling you and president Putin are gonna work something out.” Ultimately, Zelensky and the Ukrainian people, with Putin, must decide. “I'll set up a meeting with President Putin.” “All of us would obviously prefer an immediate ceasefire … maybe something like that could happen.” “As of this moment, it's not happening.” “I believe a peace agreement … is very attainable,” and “The next step would be for a trilateral meeting, and that will be worked out.”

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I'm thankful to the American people, President Trump, and Congress for the support you've given us these last three years. We are strategic partners, and we need to be honest with each other to stop Putin. I respect President Trump's desire to end this war, but no one wants it more than we do. We need him and our European partners to pressure Putin. I respect President Trump and the American people, and I don't believe we've done anything wrong. We need to openly discuss Ukraine's position. We are ready to sign the minerals deal as a first step towards security guarantees, but it’s not enough. I wanted to share my thoughts with the President because this is sensitive for our people, who want to know America is on our side. I want a just and lasting peace with security guarantees.

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To solve the ongoing conflict, everyone needs to come together and quickly make a deal. It shouldn't be a difficult agreement to reach, and it can be done fast. If someone is unwilling to make a deal, they won't last long or be taken seriously. I believe Russia wants to make a deal. The people of Ukraine, who have suffered the most, certainly want a deal.

PBD Podcast

Trump CONFIRMS Putin Alaska Meeting, Cuomo EXPOSES Mamdani & Vance's Epstein STUNNER | PBD Podcast
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Patrick Bet-David opens by announcing a new Monday, Wednesday, Friday schedule and delivering a father focused message. He quotes about fatherhood: One of the toughest things about being a father is when you realize you're raising the ones you can't live without to live without you. He adds that a father’s mission is to be respected, trusted, and loved by his children, and he urges listeners, especially fathers, to keep leading even when the world seems challenging. Turning to current events, the discussion covers Russia, Ukraine, and the Trump administration. Trump confirms Putin will fly to the United States for a meeting in Alaska next Friday, with talk of a possible trilateral summit including Zelensky. A White House back channel is described as productive. The panel debates whether Zelensky will attend; if he does, Ukraine’s territorial stance will be tested. Zelensky says that Ukraine’s territorial issue is already in the constitution and that no one will deviate from it. Putin is described as seeking withdrawal of troops from several Ukrainian regions and security guarantees, while the participants discuss how a deal could be reached and who should be in the room. The group contemplates Trump’s preference for a two‑leader encounter and the role of back channel diplomacy. The discussion moves to Armenia and Azerbaijan. Trump is credited with a peace breakthrough, and a joint declaration is signed at a summit described as a path to peace, stability, and prosperity. The hosts highlight that multiple countries have nominated Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize and debate whether the prize will be awarded to him while he is alive. Back in the United States, attention shifts to domestic politics. New York City reportedly spends 65 million dollars on a homeless shelter for transgender people, raising questions about budget priorities in a housing crisis. Princeton reportedly eliminates tuition for families earning about two hundred fifty thousand dollars a year, a measure seen by some as a response to elite pricing pressures. In the New York mayoral race, candidate Zoran Mandani, who supports a tough stance on policing, hires private security after calling to defund the police. Cuomo counters by highlighting rent stabilization and a call to move out, while Delasio defends past rent freezes and argues their benefits. Mandani proposes a law to reserve rent stabilized units for those who need affordable housing, labeling it Zoran’s Law. The show also covers surrogacy regulation. Florida Attorney General James announces legislation to stop sexual predators from pursuing surrogacy, adoption, and foster care, arguing for stronger safeguards after recent cases. A related story from California describes a case involving 21 children in a surrogacy arrangement, underscoring the lack of federal regulation and the patchwork state rules. Epstein continues to loom over national politics. JD Vance calls for full transparency and says the administration is compiling thousands of documents. Michael Cohen discusses Epstein and Trump, suggesting that Trump’s statements are made for a purpose, while others question credibility and timing around the released material. Capping the program, Jimmy Kimmel’s admission that liberal behavior can be off putting is discussed, along with criticisms that late night hosts have become political propagandists rather than entertainers. The death of Al Jazeera journalist Anas al Sharif in Gaza is reported, with debate about responsibility and propaganda. The show ends with a lighthearted prank clip and a poll about whether to keep a Monday, Wednesday, Friday schedule or switch to Tuesday, Thursday, and a plan to revisit the schedule in coming weeks. A final plug invites listeners to VT merch and invites them to tune in for the next episode.

All In Podcast

AI Bubble Pops, Zuck Freezes Hiring, Newsom’s 2028 Surge, Russia/Ukraine Endgame
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Moose the bulldog lands on the ranch, a lighthearted opener that quickly yields to a week of bold tech talk, travel plans, and summit prep. The crew joke about founder-fit and a three‑month adoption cycle, then pivot to life on the road: August vacations in Mexico City and Rome, a preview of the AI summit September 7th through 9th, and a sponsor lineup. Solana returns as a sponsor, Google Cloud offers 350,000 cloud credits, and Diplo headlines the after‑hours parties. Activations include matcha bars, craft beer, and sushi experiences for attendees and fans. On AI, the discussion centers on a Fortune MIT study finding 95% of GenAI pilots fail to reach production, with 70% of budgets chasing sales and marketing while back‑office automation yields the strongest ROI. The group compares this to field experience at 8090 and other SaaS bets, saying pilots are in a cleansing phase rather than a rapid leap to AGI. Three shifts emerge: humans collaborating with AI; pairing AI with deterministic tools to scale; and a move toward smaller, specialized models and networked architectures to reduce cost per token. The sentiment correction is noted; progress is framed as incremental, focused on last‑mile integration. Geopolitically, the episode pivots to diplomacy. Trump’s Alaska summit with Putin is framed as a restart of dialogue aimed at a comprehensive peace deal, with negotiators recognizing that NATO expansion should not be on the table and that some territorial concessions are likely. The panel notes that Ukrainians increasingly favor peace over protracted fighting, citing Gallup polling that shows support for lasting settlement rising from earlier levels. Zelensky’s leadership and European responses are debated; some advocate pragmatic concessions, others warn against ceding ground without domestic consensus. The consensus is that a settlement requires mutual agreement, not unilateral moves. Back in the United States, the conversation shifts to 2028. Gavin Newsom is discussed as a Democratic favorite in some polls, but the group questions authenticity and the risk of peaking too soon. They compare Newsom, Gretchen Whitmer, and Wes Moore as nominees, weighing state performance on wages, housing, and crime. A recurring thread is policy playbooks versus record: proposals to raise the federal minimum wage annually, expand immigration, and tackle education and housing are debated as winning, practical approaches, even as others warn slogans without substance can backfire. The exchange highlights how voters may judge candidates by track records as much as rhetoric.
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