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The discussion centers on CNN’s report that the CIA is establishing a foothold in Venezuela, with the claim that the CIA has, for decades, enabled the Venezuelan drug trade. The speakers argue that the attack on Venezuela cannot be about drugs if the CIA itself facilitated drug trafficking. They cite CIA whistleblower Kevin Shipp, who said the CIA has been involved in Venezuela since at least the Cartel of the Sun, run by a general who was a CIA proxy and helped reconstitute Venezuela’s intelligence to penetrate the government; the general named Ramon Gulen allegedly ran narcotics and created the cartel of the sun. They claim the cartel is used by the Trump administration as a pretext to stage attacks on boats and in Venezuela and that the CIA, with its long history, was behind the Secret Service and the general in creating the drug trade and the cartel, with the Trump administration leveraging it to circumvent Congress. There is reference to a 60 Minutes piece from the 1990s reporting that the CIA collaborated with Venezuelan National Guard generals who moved tons of cocaine into the United States. The conversation then moves to John Kerry, who in the mid-1980s led the Contra Cocaine Investigation hearings into U.S. government complicity in the contra drug trade. The Reagan administration resisted the inquiry, attempted to discredit witnesses, and assigned the CIA to monitor the probe. Ten years later, the HITS report (the CIA Inspector General report authorized under Inspector General Frederick HITS) concluded that while the CIA did not officially participate in cocaine trafficking during the Contra War, it knowingly maintained relationships with and protected numerous contra-linked individuals and organizations involved in the drug trade when deemed operationally important, to keep the Contra War alive and to maintain U.S. objectives in Central America, even if it meant enabling and protecting drug lords; the CIA hid this from Congress, contributing to drug flow into the United States. The Iran-Contra framework is referenced as arms to Iran funding the Contras, with connections to cocaine trafficking, forming a single pipeline, allegedly placing the CIA at the center of these operations. The panel critiques CNN’s headline as suggesting the CIA’s new foothold is about establishing a presence, arguing the real aim is to block Russia and China’s influence, not democracy or drugs. Venezuela’s oil trade outside the petrodollar with BRICS nations is noted, with claims that the move away from the petrodollar spurred interference and invasion, and that Venezuela later returned to endorsing the petrodollar after a period of yuan transactions with China. The discourse asserts that the CIA’s purpose is to prevent free trade outside U.S. influence and to suppress alternative financial arrangements like BRICS or yuan-based oil transactions. The participants discuss the idea that the CIA has shifted from operating covertly to openly engaging in such activities, suggesting a normalization of “strategy of tension” and the notion that a third of the population would support the government’s actions, a third oppose, and a third are indifferent, thereby reducing public resistance. They connect these elements to broader media complicity, including Operation Mockingbird and the integration of former intelligence heads into media roles, implying entrenched deep-state influence.

The speaker recounts a sequence starting from a Catholic Mass for the Immaculate Conception, describing how a purposeful prayer led him to receive a piece of evidence he believes will help complete the story of a controversial assassination. An email arrives in his tips box from a young woman urging him to contact her friend, whom he calls Harry, who then shares a story the speaker says he has since fact-checked in parts and that is "legit" in its core elements. The speaker asserts Harry is honest about where he was and what he did, while descriptions of people come from Harry’s memory. Harry Myers, 35 years earlier, was a 20-year-old at the bottom of the military ladder attached to a brand-new command, Joint Task Force Six (JTF-6), created along the U.S.–Mexico border under President George H. W. Bush and promoted as a war on drugs. The context includes the Iran-Contra era scandals (1981–1986) and the presidency of Reagan, with George H. W. Bush as VP and later as president who emphasized drug enforcement at the border. Harry describes himself as a lowly “military sensor guy” assigned to Operation Catacomb, which covered half of Arizona and Mexico. He claims that within six days he planted sensors, translated data, and “skipped the chain of command” to provide proof of the first discovered Sinaloa Cartel underground rail tunnel, enabling a raid by a border patrol agent who could obtain a warrant without tipping off compromised commanders. Harry asserts that US and Mexican authorities discovered a tunnel 30 feet underground with equipment like an air compressor, a sump pump, a trolley, and a hydraulic jack; the tunnel connected a house in Agua Prieta to the U.S. side. He alleges that upper-level commanders were pictured with El Chapo and Felipe in the Mexican house, suggesting corruption. He says his information led to the tunnel bust, but afterward his superiors took credit, and he received only a small army medal. He claims that, after the bust, his information was fed to the cartels, and he and a Border Patrol agent were targeted. He alleges his ID was compromised, and he was placed in witness protection, under an NDA, but the protection was never followed up—“the ball got dropped.” Fast forward to May 2025, Harry, now using a new name, leaves his home in Washington to confront his past at Fort Huachuca, Arizona. He stays at a Candlewood Suites on the base on September 8. On September 9, he travels off-base for coffee in Sierra Vista and encounters soldiers from his old unit; they tell him the Joint Task Force Six has continued as JTF Southern Border. He enters the new JTF headquarters around 7:37 a.m. and notices many high-ranking officers (lieutenant colonels). Three men exit a meeting; one is identified by the speaker as Brian Harpole. The speaker claims the other two in the room accuse him of spying and conduct a seven-hour interrogation, attempting to gaslight him into admitting national-security wrongdoing. He recounts being accused of threats and being told to consider a bomb-threat scenario, then being escorted off post after base command involvement. Harry provides an incident report number (8612025-Dash-MPC446) and says Captain Neff led the interrogation; he suspects Neff may have military ties to another media figure’s connection. Afterward, Harry returns home via flight, stopping in Salt Lake City where Charlie Kirk’s name comes up, as the speaker was coincidentally hearing about Kirk during the trip. Harry insists he did the right thing by uncovering possible government involvement with cartels and claims extensive documentation—military records, police records, NDAs, judges—that support his testimony. The presenter links Harry’s story to a broader discussion of global trafficking and cartel-government collusion at high levels, while noting that Harry is now speaking publicly after 35 years of silence and believes there are more people who know something that could be FOIA-requested. The speaker suggests a personal, spiritual sense of movement and fate surrounding these revelations and expresses a desire for further investigation and potential meetings with others in the field.

Speaker 0 raises the question of CIA involvement in drug trafficking, referencing a past discussion with former Tel Aviv CIA chief of station Susan Miller and noting a reminder about Iran-Contra. They ask why the CIA would be intimately involved with drug trafficking, and mention Candace Owens discussing it in relation to the Charlie Kirk assassination. Speaker 1 answers that trafficking in drugs allows the CIA to get closer to the targets they want to reach. They point to a popular Netflix series, Narcos, which follows the hunt for Pablo Escobar, the Cali cartel, and other major cartels. They claim that, in the show, and in real life, every time the Drug Enforcement Administration gets close to its primary target, the CIA station chief steps in and ruins the investigation. They state that this happens because the CIA doesn’t care about drugs. Speaker 1 continues that the CIA cares about terrorism and communism, implying there are always some other bigger ideological concerns. Therefore, the CIA is “perfectly happy” to allow cocaine to flood into the United States in the 1980s during the Iran-Contra period, just as it was “perfectly happy” to allow Afghanistan to provide 93% of the world’s heroin once the United States began its occupation of Afghanistan.

The speaker discusses their involvement with drug trafficking and connections to the Clintons and the CIA. They mention landing in Arkansas and the movie "America Made" (originally titled "Mena") being changed due to Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign. They also mention Bill Clinton's brother, Roger, being caught with cocaine and pardoned. The speaker talks about their connections with Escobar and the Colombian drug trade, as well as their use of Panther conversions for transporting drugs. They mention the competition between their airlines and the high volume of drugs being transported.

The discussion centers on claims that the CIA has long been involved in Venezuela, has enabled drug trafficking, and now seeks a visible foothold in the country to counter Russia and China. Speaker 0 argues CNN’s report that the CIA will establish a foothold in Venezuela is emblematic of a duplicative pattern: the CIA has supposedly enabled the drug trade for decades, so the attack on Venezuela cannot be about drugs if the CIA is involved. They cite Kevin Shipp, a CIA whistleblower, who said the CIA has been involved in Venezuela since at least the Cartel of the Sun, run by a general who was a CIA proxy and helped reconstruct Venezuela’s intelligence service to penetrate the government. The general cited is General Ramon Gulen, described as running narcotics and creating and running the Cartel of the Sun. The Cartel is portrayed as a pretext used by the Trump administration to stage attacks and operate around Congress, with the CIA behind past secret dealings tied to it. Speaker 0 then references a 60 Minutes piece from the 1990s reported on by mainstream media that allegedly showed the CIA collaborating with Venezuelan National Guard generals who moved tons of cocaine into the United States. The discussion moves to John Kerry, who led the Contra Cocaine Investigation in the mid-1980s, seeking to determine US government involvement in the contra drug trade. The Reagan administration resisted, stonewalled the Senate, and monitored the probe. The HITS report (the CIA inspector general report authorized under inspector general Frederick HITS) is described as concluding in the late 1990s that while the CIA did not officially participate in cocaine trafficking during the Contra War, it knowingly maintained relationships with and protected numerous contra-linked individuals and organizations involved in the drug trade when operationally useful, to keep the contra war alive and to maintain US objectives in Central America, even if it meant enabling and protecting drug lords. It also states the CIA hid this from Congress, contributing to drugs entering the United States. The Iran-Contra connection is summarized as arms to Iran generating cash to fund the Contras, with the same network tied to cocaine trafficking, implying a single pipeline of influence and criminal activity. The speakers discuss media coverage and relationships with locals in Venezuela, questioning the claimed “relationship-building” as a cover for coercive activities, given sanctions that harm locals. They criticize the notion that the CIA is simply building positive ties, suggesting instead a pattern of disruption and control. The dialogue then shifts to geopolitics: Venezuela reportedly traded oil with BRICS outside the petrodollar since at least 2017, which is framed as undermining US global oil hegemony. A recent move to settle oil transactions in yuan is mentioned, with a snide remark that the CIA’s presence in Venezuela aims to prevent any free-trade diversification away from the petrodollar. The claim is made that the CIA’s objective is to prevent alternative global trade arrangements and maintain US influence by blocking competition from Russia, China, and BRICS members. Speaker 3 adds that the CIA’s actions align with a long-standing pattern of intervention, suggesting that the agency’s open, unapologetic approach reflects a broader strategy of tension, where a third of the population would support such actions, a third would oppose, and a third remain indifferent. They reference Operation Mockingbird and the presence of CIA-linked figures in media, including Mike Pompeo as a Fox News contributor, arguing that mainstream outlets act as channels for the deep state’s messaging, with information often flowing from the CIA to outlets like the New York Times. In sum, the discussion argues that US intervention in Venezuela is less about drugs or democracy and more about strategic counteraction to Russian, Chinese, and BRICS influence, with a long history of CIA involvement in drug trafficking and media manipulation. The speakers invite audience reactions on these points.

Parents and citizens of Arkansas are shocked by the actions of their officials, as revealed by the death of Kevin. They believed in doing what was right, but now realize the truth. A congressional investigation is seen as the last hope for justice, as it could expose the illegal activities and improprieties of President Clinton's administration. However, the investigation into the operation at MENA seems to be going nowhere. Evidence of wrongdoing by associates of Berry Seal was ignored, leading to suspicions of a cover-up. The corruption and drug trafficking in Arkansas, involving figures like Don Tyson and Bill Clinton, have raised questions about why these investigations have been halted. The media's response to these disclosures has been disappointing, focusing on attacking the messenger rather than addressing the allegations.

Mitch Snow, Fort Huachuca whistleblower, joined a Diligent Spaces edition hosted on X with his cohosts and guests, describing a two-day sequence centered on his attempt to obtain prosecutorial records and the extraordinary presence he observed at Fort Huachuca. Context and purpose for Fort Huachuca visit - Mitch explained that for years he has been trying to obtain records related to his military service, alleged targeting, and a custody fight involving his son. He has been collecting records across the country (Florida, East Coast, Washington DC) to reinforce a prosecutorial case and defend his reputation. - The last records he needed, he said, were at Fort Huachuca, where there had been prosecutions connected to a tunnel associated with a drug trafficking operation involving the Sinaloa cartel. Mitch described laying sensors (seismic and acoustic) as part of a Joint Task Force Six mission in May 1990, discovering an underground tunnel near Douglas, Arizona, with evidence implicating U.S. members. He testified in an army CID deposition related to that case, and described being flown back to Fort Drum after the deposition. - He stated that the tunnel raid led to the tunnel’s partial shutdown, but that it also caused the cartel to redesign distribution methods (submarines, various ports) and that evidence included photographs showing U.S. members with cartel figures. He asserted that he was targeted and harassed for reporting these findings over the years, including attempts to access his clearance information and threats linked to debt-tracking techniques used by cartels. First day at Fort Huachuca (evening of September 8) - Mitch traveled to Fort Huachuca for the records he needed, planning to stay at Candlewood Suites on base. He arrived around 5:00–6:00 PM Mountain Time, checked in with his girlfriend (Amy) via video call, and went to the lobby to speak with staff about access and the building layout. - In the lobby, he noticed a man who seemed like a professional, possibly a special forces contractor, wearing a distinctive watch; he did not approach or engage with the man. - A woman joined the man on a corner couch; Mitch described the woman as having a “sheen” of being well put together, blonde with a ponytail, and noted the eyes as particularly striking. He observed them leave in a green GMC SUV with the woman entering the passenger seat and the man driving, while he headed off to find a place to eat. - Mitch and Amy had dinner off base at a place described as a Mexican sushi restaurant (Takimaki-like name) and returned to the Candlewood Suites. He reported that the base was navigable but had a lot of speed traps; he did not report being stopped or harassed by MPs on arrival, and he described the gate staff as helpful. - A key moment from this first day was Mitch’s observation in the lobby: the woman sitting with the contractor appeared to be a high-profile figure; he was unsure of her identity but described her as distinct from the military guests, not in uniform. - Later, a panel of listeners asked about the exact appearance and actions of the people Mitch observed, including whether the two individuals were romantic or simply meeting, and whether the female wore rings. Mitch answered with limited detail, saying he did not want to discuss some specifics at that time. Observations at the base and the private meeting later that night - On the first night, Mitch described witnessing the duo in the Candlewood lobby, then later seeing the woman with the contractor in the same lobby as he returned. - He described a potential private discussion between the woman and the contractor, with the two leaving together in the vehicle; the following morning, Mitch provided a rough timeline (5:30–6:00 PM for the lobby sighting, with departure around 7:00–7:30 PM MT). - The Host participants, including Sam, Noxie, Destiny, and Lemair, pressed for precise details and identifiers (make of the vehicle, exact times, and the identity of the people), while Mitch occasionally deferred to not reveal certain details yet, citing comfort and safety concerns. - The host and guests discussed Mitch’s prior experiences, his memory, and the fact that a militarized environment often accompanies high-profile investigations. Several speakers affirmed Mitch’s credibility, noting that his level of detail resembled trained observation (salute reports: size, activity, location, unit, time, and equipment). Second day and the escalation - On the morning of September 9, Mitch woke early (around 05:30) to try to catch the sunrise and continued documenting with Amy via video calls; he described continuing to record selfies, videos, and notes to share with Amy. - Mitch retraced his attempts to locate the CID (Criminal Investigation Division) building to retrieve the records, describing a lack of clear visitor information and multiple detours across post as he sought the proper location. - He encountered a series of baselined rooms, offices, and signs; at one point, an officer suggested a different building and a different path to obtain the records. Mitch found a room with a podium and two soldiers at a desk; he identified it as a near-time, transitional office with a sign-in log. - Mitch reported the appearance of an entourage of high-ranking officers (captains, majors, lieutenant colonels) and a congressman as the group passed by him while he waited. Detainment, questioning, and consequences - Mitch described being escorted outside the building with his belongings, including his bag of documents and passports, while a security/escort team questioned him about his purpose there. He provided his documents and explained his purpose: to obtain the records and file a report. - The officers suggested bringing in a sergeant major, but he did not return; instead, a group of officers and soldiers surrounded him, including a captain, and a bomb-threat-like scenario unfolded: a vehicle investigation was initiated, and a bomb threat was insinuated as part of the unrelated escalation. - Mitch recounted being driven off post to CID for interrogation; he described the interrogation room with one-way glass and the presence of Captain Neff. He provided his detailed life history and his case history, including the NDA he believed had expired and his request to produce a report number for the encounter. - The post commander reportedly trespassed him from the installation for 24 hours, a decision made after the interrogation; Mitch insisted he would not return if trespassed further and stated he would proceed with his records via other channels. He described a variety of law enforcement vehicles at the scene (marked and unmarked police vehicles, federal agents, and a Park Ranger-type officer) and an elaborate, sometimes surreal, sequence of questioning. He documented his own records, including the OIG number (277 episode) and other documentation, and later traveled back to Tucson to regroup with Amy. - Mitch described that he believed the bomb-threat and the post lockdown were part of an overreaction to his attempt to obtain records, noting that such reactions had occurred in the past when his records were sought. He claimed not to have been charged with any crime, but was escorted off the base and told not to return for 24 hours. Aftermath and ongoing implications - Mitch and Amy returned to Tucson and then continued the process, continuing to seek congressional inquiry and prosecutorial review; they also contemplated FOIA requests. They discussed the reality that Candlewood Suites’ ownership was privately operated, complicating direct FOIA access to hotel footage. They mentioned a separate FOIA attempt by a lawyer (Slickdog) to obtain records about sightings of named individuals on Fort Huachuca, with a focus on gate logs and signage. - The pair connected their experiences to broader political events, including the Charlie Kirk incident, Candace Owens’ involvement, and the allegations around Erica Kirk, Brian Harpole, and Mark Amaday, noting the difficulty in obtaining corroborating evidence. Mitch spoke about Candace Owens’ role in amplifying the story, and his own preference to keep certain details private until appropriate. - Throughout the conversation, Mitch’s credibility was repeatedly supported by the other participants who emphasized his memory and attention to detail as evidence of his lived experience. Several speakers stressed the importance of cross-checking facts against the timeline and urged caution against disinformation and attempts to discredit credible testimony. Closing notes - The space concluded with expressions of support for Mitch and Amy, praise for their courage, and a plan to publish and share Mitch’s full story beyond the space. The host highlighted ongoing efforts to verify details, to preserve the record, and to bring attention to Mitch’s experience as part of a broader pursuit of truth. The event was described as a significant, if contested, documentation of a whistleblower’s eyewitness account at a sensitive military installation, with calls to action for audience members to share the narrative and support Mitch and Amy as they continue their efforts.

The video discusses allegations of gun running, drug smuggling, and CIA involvement in supporting the Contras in Nicaragua. The focus is on John Hall, an American living in Costa Rica, who is accused of supplying weapons and food to the Contras. There are also claims that the CIA used known drug traffickers, including Ocean Hunter, to fund the Contras by smuggling drugs into the United States. The State Department is implicated in providing humanitarian aid money to Ocean Hunter, while the FBI investigates the company for drug smuggling. The CIA and the White House deny knowledge or involvement in these activities.

Foster's fingerprints were not found on the gun found in his hand, but a different fingerprint was found on the gun's grip. Gunpowder on Foster's clothing did not match the gun. The fatal bullet was never found. No nearby residents were contacted to see if they heard a gunshot. Foster's office was sealed and important documents were removed by high-ranking members of the Clinton staff. The Arkansas Development Finance Authority laundered drug money through BCCI, which collapsed. Clark Clifford, former defense secretary, headed BCCI and charges against him were dismissed by Clinton. Robert Fisk, attorney for Clifford and BCCI, was involved in the investigation but was not selected by the justice department. Witnesses willing to testify about Clinton's involvement in drug smuggling were barred from giving testimony. The media launched a smear campaign against the Clinton Chronicles video. Larry Nichols was arrested on false charges. Federal agent Bill Duncan was arrested and forced to lie to a grand jury. Investigator Russell Welsh was poisoned and forced to resign. Detective John Brown was removed from a murder case after linking Clinton to drug trafficking. Journalist LJ Davis was beaten and his notes were taken. Wayne Dumond was falsely accused and imprisoned, and Clinton blocked his release. All cases linking Clinton to criminal activities have been shut down by governmental agencies.

A ton of cocaine, worth hundreds of millions, was smuggled into the United States not in the usual way, but through a CIA-backed operation with Venezuela’s National Guard, according to former DEA head Judge Robert Bonner. He says this drug trafficking was approved or condoned by the CIA, and that it was illegal unless approved by the DEA or a US law enforcement authority. Bonner conducted a two-year secret investigation with the DEA’s Office of Professional Responsibility in cooperation with the CIA’s inspector general, and concluded that the CIA broke the law by facilitating drug shipments into the United States. The CIA’s stated rationale for promoting the drug smuggling was that it would yield valuable drug intelligence about the Colombian cartels. The plan, described as an undercover operation in Venezuela, involved the CIA and Venezuela’s Guardia Nacional to handle the transshipment of the cartel’s cocaine en route to the United States and Europe. The operation reportedly produced more than a ton of cocaine, stored at a CIA-financed Counter Narcotics Intelligence Center in Caracas. The center’s commander and the CIA’s man in Venezuela was National Guard General Ramon Guillen Davila. Annabelle Grimm, a DEA agent with eighteen years’ experience, testified that CIA station chief James Campbell and CIA officer Mark McFarlane told her that to keep the undercover smuggling operation credible, they had to keep the cartel happy by delivering their dope untouched by US law enforcement to the cartel’s distributors in the United States. Grimm said the CIA and the Guardia Nacional wanted “to let cocaine go on into the traffic without doing anything,” with no surveillance, no interference. Grimm and others argued that the operation would not stop drugs in Miami, Houston, or elsewhere; the plan was to allow shipments to reach the United States and then enter the traffic. Campbell and McFarlane sought Washington approval, but the CIA leadership in Washington allegedly went over Grimm’s head to DEA headquarters. The joint DEA-CIA investigation confirmed that more than a ton of cocaine moved from the Caracas counter-narcotics center to US streets, and that at one point Guillen’s National Guard tried to ship 1,500 kilos at once—an effort that failed because the box would not fit through the airplane door of a Boeing 707. General Guillen admitted bungling the operation, but he denied involvement in an unauthorized shipment. He insisted the operation was approved by US authorities. The CIA maintains it found no evidence of criminal wrongdoing, though it acknowledged instances of poor judgment and management leading to disciplinary actions for several CIA officers; Mark McFarlane resigned, and James Campbell was brought back to the US, promoted, and later retired. Campbell claimed he devoted his life to his country and felt like a victim in this thing, insisting the issue occurred without CIA knowledge. Senator Dennis DeConcini was briefed by the CIA, and some officials argued no one in the CIA has been prosecuted, while others argued that the drugs did reach the streets. The intelligence gained from the operation was disputed; some questioned whether any valuable intelligence was produced. Three to four truck drivers were arrested, but the larger goal—US intelligence or seizures—was contested. General Guillen later traveled to Miami and was subpoenaed to testify before a grand jury investigating the CIA’s cocaine, but Venezuela reportedly would not permit testimony. The investigation continues to raise questions about the CIA’s involvement in drug trafficking, with ongoing inquiries by House and Senate intelligence oversight committees.

I was denied entry into the US Embassy in Belize by the head of security, who claimed it was on orders from Hillary Clinton. Despite being an American citizen with no criminal record, I felt betrayed. I went into hiding for a month and a half because the government wanted to apprehend me for donating laptops loaded with spyware to government officials. I discovered that the minister of national defense was involved in drug trafficking and the minister of immigration was involved in human trafficking. It was a dangerous situation.

In 1982, Barry Seale established a major drug smuggling operation in MENA, Arkansas, with the approval of Governor Bill Clinton. Seale had initially tried to set it up in Louisiana but was unsuccessful. Around $100 million worth of cocaine was being trafficked in and out of Mena each month, posing a challenge for money laundering. Money and cocaine were also dropped off at various locations across the state. Clinton had placed corrupt individuals in key positions to ensure the success of these operations. The corruption encountered during the investigation was unprecedented. Clinton controlled the legal system, judges, attorneys, and banks in Arkansas. The longer someone remained governor in a small state like Arkansas, the more likely abuses of power would occur.

Journalist Gary Webb broke the story "Dark Alliance," exposing the CIA's role in the crack cocaine epidemic in Black communities. Initially celebrated, Webb faced backlash when the CIA allegedly undermined him by influencing major newspapers like the New York Times and Washington Post to discredit his work. Webb later died by suicide, reportedly shooting himself twice in the head. Before his death, Webb wrote that his success felt misplaced, realizing he had "never written anything important enough to suppress." The speakers suggest Webb's story reveals the CIA's counter-information operations, using media allies to target individuals. They argue that failing to hold the CIA accountable perpetuates this cycle, discouraging journalists from pursuing truth. One speaker asserts that if your price is not your life, then you are for sale.

The speaker claims that the CIA's army, the contras, brought cocaine to Los Angeles, sparking the crack epidemic. Some accuse the CIA of deliberately targeting young African Americans. However, the speaker does not believe there was a conscious decision to poison black America. The controversy surrounding the story continues, with some journalists finding it reckless and wrong. Freeway Ricky Ross, a drug dealer, played a significant role in the crack epidemic. He received a steady supply of cheap cocaine and introduced crack to other cities. While Ross's drug supplier had connections to the contras, there is no evidence of CIA involvement. A Senate investigation found complicity in drug trafficking by individuals supporting the contras, with some using the US government's airlift operation for smuggling.

In 1987, the deaths of two teenage boys in Arkansas uncovered a web of corruption involving drug smuggling, the Medellin Cartel, and the CIA. Pilot Barry Seal's involvement in drug operations, alongside the CIA and the cartel, further fueled the rise of crack cocaine in the 1980s. The deaths of the boys remained unsolved, with allegations of corruption and obstruction of justice in the investigation. The Iran-Contra scandal and the revelation of the CIA's involvement in drug trafficking added to the unfolding story. Many individuals involved received pardons or faced minimal consequences. The publication of the "Dark Alliance" series in 1996 exposed the CIA's connection to drug trafficking and its impact on inner-city communities. However, mainstream media downplayed the CIA's involvement, leading to journalist Gary Webb's resignation. Webb's book received little attention, and his tragic death sparked conspiracy theories, overshadowing the truth of government corruption and media manipulation. The CIA's role in the crack epidemic remains a dark chapter in American history.

El libro FordBrack, 'el cartel de FordBrack', se hizo viral. Revela una violenta red de narcotráfico integrada en las fuerzas especiales de Estados Unidos y el cuerpo aerotransportado, con base en Fort Bruck, Carolina del Norte. El artículo del 28 de julio de 2025, de Zeta Hart, contribuyente de Rolling Stone, presenta detalles sobre esa red de tráfico de drogas y armas. El texto, extracto exclusivo del libro Fort Bruck Appell, que se publicará en agosto de 2025, expone como soldados de élite, en colaboración con el cartel mexicano Los Zetas, participaron en crímenes violentos, narcotráfico y asesinatos sin resolver. Las víctimas son Billy Lavine y Timothy Dumas; Lavine, Master Sergeant, operador de Delta Force, activo en cocaína y metanfetamina; Dumas, exmilitar vinculado al mando de operaciones especiales conjuntas, desvío de armas y droga. Ambos fueron encontrados asesinados el 2 de diciembre de 2020 en Foreback con múltiples impactos de bala. ¿Se cree que fueron víctimas, algún ajuste de cuenta? Posiblemente relacionados con sus planes de escribir libros, revelando crímenes dentro de las fuerzas especiales. The book FordBrack, 'the FordBrack cartel', went viral. It reveals a violent drug trafficking network integrated into the U.S. Special Forces and the airborne corps, based in Fort Bruck, North Carolina. The July 28, 2025 article by Zeta Hart, Rolling Stone contributor, presents details about that network of drug and arms trafficking. The text, exclusive excerpt from the Fort Bruck Appell book, to be published in August 2025, exposes how elite soldiers, in collaboration with the Mexican cartel Los Zetas, participated in violent crimes, narcotics trafficking, and unsolved murders. The victims are Billy Lavine and Timothy Dumas; Lavine, Master Sergeant, Delta Force operator, active in cocaine and methamphetamine; Dumas, ex-military linked to the Joint Special Operations Command, involved in arms and drug diversion. Both were found murdered on December 2, 2020 in Foreback with multiple gunshot wounds. Are they believed to be victims, perhaps of score-settling? Possibly related to their plans to write books revealing crimes inside the special forces.

Speaker 0 asks about how common it is for the CIA to use drugs as a weapon or to create cartels for various purposes, and whether it sometimes works as a strategy. Speaker 1 responds that it continues to this day, with key US allies implicated in the drug trade. The Organization for Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, funded by the State Department, is described as an investigative journalist outlet that has a new report about the Noboa family’s ties to the Balkan mafia. The Noboa family controls Ecuador; Daniel Noboa, born in Miami, is the president, and his family owns a Noboa shipping company. The shipping company is alleged to have been involved in sending bananas through the Noboa Bonita Fruit Company packed with cocaine to Europe via routes overseen by the Balkan Mafia. Ecuador is described as the largest drug export center to the United States, per the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, while Venezuela is claimed to be responsible for about 5% of drug transit. Kristi Noem, identified as the DHS secretary, is said to have visited Ecuador to meet with Daniel Noboa and campaign for a referendum to bring US military bases back to Ecuador, a referendum that was rejected by Ecuadorians. Noboa is portrayed as strategically valuable to the US, described as friendly with Marco Rubio, who has touted him as a partner in the war on drugs, yet the claim is made that the issue is about geostrategic interests. Noboa is said to have ended the legacy of social democrat Rafael Correa and is purportedly supporting US military bases on Ecuadorian soil, aligning with US interests even as Ecuador becomes a center of narco-trafficking and cartels destabilize parts of the country. In Mexico, the narrative references Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón, noting Calderón as author of Plan Mérida, a US military-directed program to combat drugs in Mexico. Gennaro García Luna, head of Mexico’s equivalent of the FBI, is described as now in a US federal prison for life for involvement in a conspiracy with the Sinaloa cartel to ship drugs to the United States. The State Department is said to have acknowledged knowing about Luna’s activities while valuing him as a political partner. The Fast and Furious program is mentioned, alleging that the US armed Mexican cartels to track guns, and a 2011 federal court testimony by a Chapo Guzmán lieutenant claimed the US armed the Sinaloa cartel to defeat rivals like the Guadalajara cartel. A recent raid in Oakton, Northern Virginia, on Paul Campo, former director of the DEA’s financial division, is described. Campo was in charge of money laundering investigations and was associated with a CIA asset named Robert Sensi to launder $12,000,000 for the Jalisco New Generation Cartel. The speaker notes ongoing exploration of these connections. Historically, the CIA is said to have worked with narco cartels to fund black operations, funding proxy wars in Central America with off-the-books money. The Guadalajara cartel allegedly funded the Nicaraguan Contras through cartel profits. Enrique “Kiki” Camarena, a DEA agent, reportedly discovered the Guadalajara cartel’s involvement in black operations and was captured and tortured, with alleged monitoring by CIA operatives including Felix Rodríguez, who supervised the capture of Che Guevara. This is tied to a documentary on Amazon called The Last NARC.

Speaker 0: Take this in and understand what we’re actually dealing with. Many views exist—from Trump being a pedophile protecting pedophile buddies, to Israel infiltration and cover-ups, to it being a Democrat hoax. The reality, as described here, is that there is a supranational global cabal that has operated for nearly a hundred years, using money laundering, blackmail, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and other nefarious operations to fund and overthrow countries, serving as the shadow power of the world. We can see who these people are, their intentions, and the outcomes of their policies, and they are still being shoehorned into the most important positions in the world specifically because they’re part of this cabal. Main players mentioned include Larry Summers, who, per Epstein documents, was named executor of Jeffrey Epstein’s estate after his death. The money Epstein received from Les Wexner and others to create a starting fund and build a reputation as a financier is said to be returning to the coffers of Larry Summers, seen as part of this operation. The analogy is that this operation is like a corporation with Epstein as a brand under an umbrella, where if one asset (like Irish Spring) fails, its resources are absorbed back into the wider corporate structure. Summers, formerly Treasury Secretary, who helped destroy Glass-Steagall and contributed to the 2008 market crash dynamics, is said to have his bailout-money influence guided by Larry Fink at BlackRock. Summers, who was head of Harvard and later appointed to OpenAI’s board, is linked to the governance of the AI company behind ChatGPT. Larry Ellison is described as corresponding with Epstein and Ehud Barak (former Israeli prime minister) about which politicians serve their interests, including arranging a meeting between Marco Rubio and Tony Blair due to shared interests in this cabal. Epstein is depicted as a central, manipulative figure involved in selling weapons from Israel, meddling in elections, and influencing universities in Russia, raising questions about his influence and reach. The speaker emphasizes Epstein’s reach across political and corporate spheres and the question of his power, asking how such influence is possible. Speaker 1: The question is, how do you go about that? Speaker 0: He didn’t even go to school for trading; it’s all fabricated. He is a spymaster and a kingpin in a mafia. This group, including Les Wexner, Jeffrey Epstein, Larry Summers, Larry Ellison, Donald Trump (at this point), is part or perhaps the managing structure of the same organization discussed in the Eagle two documents from the 1960s, where the CIA sought autonomy from Congress by creating its own income streams, including drug trafficking in Vietnam. The opioid and drug-running links are tied to Iran-Contra, with George H. W. Bush involved in opium trade and the drug-running networks. Bill Gates and other figures are alleged to have involved in cover-ups during CIA-driven operations in South America, with Gary Webb’s Dark Alliance cited as exposing such networks. Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton, when Bill was governor of Arkansas, allegedly helped run headquarters in Mina for flights to and from Colombia, spreading drugs across the United States. The assertion is that the same group runs drugs, rigs elections, and is involved in various crises, including alleged connections to COVID-19, Russiagate, 9/11, and the assassination of Charlie Kirk, forming a pattern of the last decades of upheaval in America. The discussion moves toward Epstein’s network and the sources of his money, with emails revealing connections, against a backdrop of broad search for Trump and the prevalence of unconfirmed, baseless anonymous claims. The core claim is that the true representation is the “new world order” and a banking-based intelligence network where intelligence agencies originated from banks. The CIA’s founding from the OSS is tied to MI6, which allegedly drew on the Rothschild banking intelligence, tying the CIA, MI6, and banking elites together. The speaker concludes that the same names—running drugs, stealing elections, burning down skyscrapers, and flying airplanes—appear repeatedly, linking DEI, ESG, white discrimination claims, and Epstein to the same global web.

There is a story about a load of cocaine found at Miami International Airport by the DEA that allegedly traced back to Venezuela and led to Brigadier General Ramon Guillen Davila, who was described as the CIA’s man in Venezuela at that time. He was the person who was handling indictments and working with the CIA, acknowledged as the most trusted CIA asset in Venezuela back then. The narrative notes that there is a sixty-minute program focusing on this episode of the war against drugs, portraying drugs winning by a huge score, and alleging that the CIA was working in a different direction than the DEA. The CIA is said to have met with the DEA in Caracas and NASA, and to have allowed Guillen Davila to bring shipments of drugs through the United States in order to make him reliable for their purposes. The story is linked to earlier episodes such as the contract cocaine scandal and the cocaine coup in Bolivia in the eighties, described as another instance of interagency infighting in which the CIA was effectively funding its own operation with drug money. The emblem of these generals is said to be a son, and the operation was referred to as “El Cartel del Sol” in singular, a name that went offline until 2005. In 2005, after all these years, the commander decided to suspend all collaboration with the DA. The name reappears in a Miami Herald report from 2005, cited by a high-level diplomat based in Venezuela who did not want to disclose his name. The diplomat reportedly referred to the resurgence of the name as “El Cartel de los Soles.”

I believe the CIA was definitely involved in the murder of my uncle and the subsequent cover-up for six years. They have not released the necessary papers, despite legal obligations. There is an overwhelming amount of evidence, confessions, and books like Jim Douglas' The Unspeakable that support this claim. These revelations are often released gradually, so they don't receive much attention.

Speaker 0 asks, “How did you kill Jeffrey Epstein? … you’re not in power, but you have all the power.” Speaker 1 responds that “The things they say are so ridiculous. Honestly, I don’t know what I ever did to get them so upset.” Speaker 2 says, “My father is no different than any other powerful man. Any man who’s responsible for other people, like a senator or a president.” Speaker 1 counters that he sounds naive; Speaker 2 asks, “Why?” Speaker 1 asserts, “Senators and presidents don’t have men killed.” Speaker 2 retorts, “Oh, who’s being naive, Kaye?” Speaker 3 mentions a fellow discussing becoming their next congressman, Bill Clinton, calling him a new man. Speaker 4 delivers a hopeful closing address about trusting each other to forge a future that will enrich their lives, strengthen traditions and faith, and make them proud they gave their best; God bless you all. Speaker 5 discusses the term “Clinton body count,” saying it’s become common in pop culture. It’s based on the claim that numerous people connected to Bill Clinton—critics, opponents, associates, and witnesses—died in mysterious ways, far too many to dismiss as coincidence. The term first appeared when Bill Clinton was governor of Arkansas, with at least 20 people connected to him murdered or dying mysteriously, mostly around the CIA’s illegal activities at Mina Intermountain Municipal Airport, part of the Iran-Contra affair, involving smuggling drugs and guns through Mina, Arkansas to fund a revolution in Nicaragua. Speaker 6 explains that the Contras were former Sandinista military officers who had been kicked out of Nicaragua in 1979 and were trying to retake the country with CIA aid. He notes the Contras were a creation of the CIA and were dealing drugs in Los Angeles and elsewhere; drug traffickers met with CIA agents, and the influx of cheap cocaine into South Central Los Angeles coincided with the rise of crack, describing a historical collision. Speaker 5 recalls it was bombshell news in the 1990s when Clinton’s involvement with Mina and the growing number of dead witnesses were covered in documentaries, and even mainstream news covered CIA drug smuggling; however, the narrative moved on to Monica Lewinsky, cigars, and oral sex, and Mina “never happened” in the mainstream. Speaker 7 recounts an encounter with a supervisor in the Saline County Criminal Investigation Division who urged him to drop the case, suggesting it could cause grief if pursued. Speaker 5 notes that the first two names on the list are women: Suzanne Coleman (or Susan Coleman) and Judy Gibbs, with Coleman allegedly pregnant with Clinton’s child and dying of a gunshot to the back of the head; Gibbs dying in a house fire amid rumors of compromising photos with Clinton. Speaker 8 asks about a lobby display. Speaker 9 asks if it’s taken care of. Speaker 5 elaborates: Judy Gibbs, a former model, left modeling to marry Bill Puterbaugh; his son Randy claims Puterbaugh’s father posed Judy for sex with Clinton to gain political favor; Judy’s death followed a fire at their home after a brother-in-law, Dale Bliss, was caught molesting a boy, with a hidden window found of Clinton having sex with Judy; Gibbs and Puterbaugh died in the fire. Judy’s sister Martha and Randy believe Clinton was responsible for Gibbs’s death. Speaker 0 reports Sundinista troops moving from Nicaragua against contras in Honduras. Speaker 8 notes a killer blow to crush freedom fighters while Congress withholds aid and they can’t be resupplied. Speaker 10: Nicaragua’s Sandinistas invade Honduran territory after taking a house vote, with about 1,500 troops; Ortega warns US intervention will lead to war. Speaker 5: On 10/05/1986, a CIA airplane was shot down over Nicaragua; pilot Eugene Hasenfuss captured; he testifies at a press conference that he was part of Operation Enterprise to supply Contras with weapons supervised by the US government. Speaker 0: Hasenfuss described being brought to Miami by former Air America pilot William Cooper and assigned to fly weapons to the Contras. Speaker 12: Hasenfuss testified that flights aimed to resupply the FDN and UNO teams of the Contras. Speaker 0: Under questioning, Hasenfuss did not repeat a charge that two Cuban Americans working with him were CIA operatives. Speaker 5: This linked to the Reagan White House, known as the Iran-Contra affair; the operation involved supplying the Nicaraguan Contras with untraceable weapons, funded by illegal weapons sales to Iran and cocaine distribution through Mina, Arkansas; profits laundered through organizations such as the Arkansas Development Finance Authority created by Webster Hubbel and signed into law by governor Bill Clinton. Oliver North took the blame during hearings; Clinton’s involvement appeared evident as the operation ran through Arkansas. Speaker 13: Barry Seal, a drug smuggler in the Mina operation, set up in Louisiana but moved to Arkansas due to a “sleazy governor,” noted as Bill Clinton being hooked on cocaine. Speaker 14: Clinton was hospitalized for cocaine abuse on at least one or two occasions. Speaker 5: The Mina case involved corrupt cops, judges, and politicians in high positions to support drug smuggling and money laundering. Things progressed until 1987’s events around Don Henry and Kevin Ives. Speaker 15: In 1982, Barry Seal set up a major drug-smuggling operation in Mina under Clinton’s oversight; Seal became an informant for the DEA after a sentencing deal. Speaker 11: Seal was killed in 1986; Milam, a witness, was decapitated in 1987; Malik, Arkansas’s medical examiner, ruled Milam’s death an ulcer and later had the head found elsewhere; questions were raised about Malik’s competence and independence. Speaker 18: The head’s disappearance and later discovery drew scrutiny toward Clinton’s influence over Malik. Speaker 19: The question remains whether stages of the investigation revealed that these deaths were connected to Mina. Speaker 20: Witnesses including Jean Duffy and Keith McCaskill faced threats and murder as investigations pursued the Mina drug operation; several witnesses and officials were murdered or died under suspicious circumstances. Speaker 3, Speaker 1, Speaker 5 discuss the breadth of cases and the idea of a Clinton body count, involving many names and alleged connections to Mina, the Iran-Contra operation, and drug smuggling and its coverups. Speaker 21: Kevin Ives and Don Henry were claimed by some to have been on a drop site; initial autopsy ruled death by train after drugging with marijuana; later autopsies contested this, showing stabbing and skull crushing before being placed on the tracks. Medical examiner Malik’s rulings were criticized; Don Henry and Kevin Ives’s deaths remained a focal point of alleged coverups; the grand jury investigation faced obstruction; witnesses died, and some investigators faced danger or were removed. Speaker 22: The narrative includes multiple other individuals—Gregory Collins, Jeff Rhodes, Richard Winters, Jordan Kettleson, Colonel James Sabo, Arkansas investigator Russell Welch—killed or attacked amid ongoing investigations into Mina’s drug operation and associated corruption; the pattern of deaths persisted through 1992. Speaker 24: A 1983 awareness of a smuggling operation at Mina Airport; 1991 anthrax infection of a government figure; journalist Danny Casalaro found dead in a hotel bathtub in 1991; 1992 security figure Gary Johnson survives a home invasion; 1992 Jennifer Flowers era and related deaths; Plane crash of Victor Razor and his son in 1992; Paul Tully’s death in a hotel room in Little Rock; Paula Grober’s death in a car accident; 1992 ski accident death of Jim Wilhite; the phrase Clinton body count remains associated with these mysteries prior to Clinton’s presidency. Speaker 9 notes Republicans blaming the existence of a small base at Mina on George Bush and Oliver North; the question of national security is raised. Speaker 12 concludes that the airport and events were primarily matters for federal jurisdiction; state had little to do with it.

Barry, tied to the Clintons and CIA, landed freely in Arkansas. He flew to Nicaragua with Benjamin, met generals, and made connections. Barry and Jerry flew overloaded Panther planes from Colombia to Arkansas in competition. The CIA converted Piper planes were quiet and undetectable. Buying planes with cash was easy back then. They flew at least 8 carloads a week to Clemens Air in Miami. Many died in the business, but the speaker feels blessed to be alive. Translation: Barry and Jerry flew planes from Colombia to Arkansas in competition. The CIA converted Piper planes were quiet and undetectable. Buying planes with cash was easy back then. They flew at least 8 carloads a week to Clemens Air in Miami. Many died in the business, but the speaker feels blessed to be alive.

The transcript portrays Mena, Arkansas as a central hub for large-scale drug trafficking in the 1980s, organized under the approval of governor Bill Clinton. It states that Barry Seal set up one of the United States’ largest smuggling operations in Mena, with Medellin, Cali, Bogota, Colombia as the drug cartels’ international network. U.S. customs estimated that at least 75% of all drug-smuggling aircraft passed through Mena for various reasons, making it a sanctuary for prominent importers of illegal drugs during the early to mid-1980s. A former operator claims Barry Seal attempted to establish drug operations in Louisiana but faced political obstacles, turning to Arkansas due to what is described as a “sleazy governor hooked on cocaine.” The narrative asserts that Seal carried out a first trial run by delivering an enormous quantity of cocaine to a remote airport in Ouachita National Forest, identified as Mena Airport, and that he delivered a personal stash of cocaine and a packet of information from J. Bennett Johnston to Bill Clinton, who allegedly cut two lines of cocaine and inhaled. The speaker further claims sexual experiences with Bill Clinton, describing Clinton as bisexual leaning toward the homosexual end, and asserts Hillary Clinton was involved in “sex programming” and accessed it to fulfill perversions. The speaker also alleges more extensive interactions with Hillary Clinton. The accounts claim that there was $100,000,000 in cocaine moving through Arkansas monthly, creating challenges in laundering such sums in a small state. The testimony describes money accounts accumulating and then showing zero balance at month’s end, implying money laundering connected to the drug trade. In addition to Mena, other parts of Arkansas allegedly served as drop points for money and cocaine. A separate account claims special cargo doors were installed inside planes without FAA permission to drop cocaine in flight through open doors in midair. Clinton is described as having integrated corrupt cops, judges, and politicians into high-level positions to sustain the smuggling and money laundering operations. A former participant says that in fifteen years, he did not encounter corruption comparable to what he found after the Mena investigation. The narrative states that the trafficking, money laundering, and murders involved an unholy alliance among organized crime, high-ranking U.S. political figures, and Colombian drug kingpins, with rumors of CIA conspiracy and links to Nicaraguan contras masked by broader political narratives. The rise of Clinton to the presidency allegedly provided national attention to activities in Arkansas, yet nine state and federal investigations into Mena had been shut down, and a tenth investigation was anticipated but claimed unlikely to reach significant conclusions. When asked in 1994 whether he had knowledge of Mena’s operations, Clinton reportedly answered, “No. They didn’t tell me anything about it,” asserting the issue was federal, not state, jurisdiction. The transcript ends by questioning why, if drug-smuggling persists at Mena, Clinton would have allowed it after becoming president.

The transcript presents a conspiracy theory about a "Clinton body count," alleging the Clintons are connected to numerous suspicious deaths. It begins with Gary Webb's story about CIA involvement in cocaine smuggling and his subsequent downfall, followed by the mysterious death of journalist Danny Casalero. The documentary focuses on Victor Thorne, who documented alleged Clinton crimes, and Jeffrey Epstein, whose death sparked the "Epstein didn't kill himself" meme, linking Bill Clinton to Epstein's island. Michael Baden suggests Epstein's death was a homicide. The Benghazi incident is mentioned, blaming Hillary Clinton for the deaths of four Americans. Muammar Gaddafi's death is also attributed to Hillary Clinton's actions. The transcript lists numerous individuals, including Vince Foster, Seth Rich, Shawn Lucas, and Michael Hastings, whose deaths are portrayed as suspicious and potentially linked to the Clintons. It mentions the Mena Arkansas drug operation and the Whitewater scandal. The transcript continues by listing over 100 additional names, citing various causes of death and alleged connections to the Clintons.