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Chapter 1, the MI6 plot: In the early 1990s, MI6 consultants and academics debated lines to split China into three pieces. Gerald Siegel of the Royal Institute of International Affairs in the UK was commissioned to map where the country should be chopped. Western journalists and researchers at the time acknowledged Western manipulation of a small portion of Xinjiang’s Uighur population, with the majority of Uighurs living peaceful agricultural lives. The plan targeted a small radicalized minority, a tactic attributed to the CIA and NED. A 1990s Western academic publication, Strategic Studies, stated that Xinjiang had long been a target of British intelligence and that London hoped to manipulate Uighur refugees into cannon fodder for plans to break up China. The document cited is academic rather than propaganda, noting London’s aim to destabilize China through Uighur separatists. Chapter 2, a secret agent: The MI6 effort included a secret agent, not a conventional Bond figure, who arrived in Xinjiang under multiple identities as Michael Nicholson, though his real name was Abdullah Chatlie (Chattley), a Turkish operative with Central Asian language skills. According to CIA histories on Gladio, Chatlie helped Uighurs mount attacks that killed 162 people. Chinese sources corroborate violent unrest in Xinjiang in the early 1990s, including confirmed incidents such as 22 deaths in 1992 in Buran, though precise totals vary. Chapter 3, recognizing the problem: Xinjiang leadership recognized the overseas meddling. In March 1992, Tomo Mat (Weia name) chaired the Xinjiang Autonomous Region People’s Government and warned that hostile forces had stepped up infiltration, subversion, and sabotage. Chapter 4, the US propaganda push: The United States supported British efforts while also planning its own destabilization, backing Uighur nationalist Isa Youssef Alpdukin, who spoke in 1992 in Turkey about the collapse of the Chinese empire. Alpdukin, aligned with KMT nationalist aims, worked for Radio Liberty (Radio Free Asia) and advanced anti-China propaganda. Western intelligence and Uighur separatists formed a growing collaboration, with BBC involvement later. Chapter 5, the US trains fighters: The CIA and US military intelligence ran a Central Asia program, training Mujahideen and transferring hundreds of Xinjiang separatists to Central Asia for training. This alliance extended to Turkish agent Chatlie’s operations, including organizing protests and a coup in Azerbaijan. Chatlie died in a suspicious car crash in Turkey in 1996. From 1996 to 2002, Western agents continued to train Uighur separatists who conducted terrorist attacks, with Chinese authorities noting Western involvement. Chapter 6, a new country: The US initially portrayed Tibetans as victims of genocide, but UN data showed Tibetan population growth, shifting focus to Xinjiang. In February 2004, the US formally founded East Turkestan as a country, appointing Anwar Yusuf Tarani as prime minister in Washington, DC. Tarani’s government issued calls for economic aid and recognition but received none; Tarani resided in Fairfax, Virginia. Chapter 7, terrorism escalates: From 2007 to 2014, Xinjiang witnessed numerous terrorist attacks attributed to East Turkestan operatives, including a 2009 machete attack at a train station killing 197, a major car bomb in Urumqi, and the Kunming railway station attack. Western reporting rarely connected these events to MI6 or CIA collaboration, instead often blaming China’s policies or crackdowns. Chapter 8, a new narrative: The US and UK sought to suppress acknowledgment of intelligence involvement, aiming to recast terrorists as victims, and to depict Chinese authorities’ countermeasures as the cause of violence, aided by BBC and other outlets. The narrative aimed to deny Western complicity and demonize Xinjiang authorities. Chapter 9, blaming the victims: Western media, including NPR and BBC, reported on attacks by framing Chinese blame on Uighurs, often omitting Western involvement. Quotations from James Millward and others suggested crackdowns exacerbated violence, while sources like Radio Free Asia were presented without noting their propaganda relationships. Exiled Uighur groups cited Uighur oppression as a driver, while mainstream outlets echoed anti-Chinese framing. Chapter 10, the Uighur genocide hoax: By 2014, references stopped mentioning MI6 or CIA roots, with victims blamed as the cause of violence. The creator of this narrative shift prepared to discuss a broader “Uighur genocide hoax” in a future piece. The closing note cites sources and further reading, including Strategic Studies (1996), CIA operation Gladio literature, Sybil Edmunds, and Tony Cartolucci, dedicating the report to Xinjiang’s people.

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In this conversation, Brian Berletic discusses the current collision between the United States’ global strategy and a rising multipolar world, arguing that U.S. policy is driven by corporate-financier interests and a desire to preserve unipolar primacy, regardless of the costs to others. - Structural dynamics and multipolar resistance - The host notes a shift from optimism about Trump’s “America First” rhetoric toward an assessment that U.S. strategy aims to restore hegemony and broad, repeated wars, even as a multipolar world emerges. - Berletic agrees that the crisis is structural: the U.S. system is driven by large corporate-financier interests prioritizing expansion of profit and power. He cites Brookings Institution’s 2009 policy papers, particularly The Path to Persia, as documenting a long-running plan to manage Iran via a sequence of options designed to be used in synergy to topple Iran, with Syria serving as a staging ground for broader conflict. - He argues the policy framework has guided decisions across administrations, turning policy papers into bills and war plans, with corporate media selling these as American interests. This, he says, leaves little room for genuine opposition because political power is financed by corporate interests. - Iran, Syria, and the Middle East as a springboard to a global confrontation - Berletic traces the current Iran crisis to the 2009 Brookings paper’s emphasis on air corridors and using Israel to provoke a war, placing blame on Israel as a proxy mechanism while the U.S. cleanses the region of access points for striking Iran directly. - He asserts the Arab Spring (2011) was designed to encircle Iran and move toward Moscow and Beijing, with Iran as the final target. The U.S. and its allies allegedly used policy papers to push tactical steps—weakening Russia via Ukraine, exploiting Syria, and leveraging Iran as a fulcrum for broader restraint against Eurasian powers. - The aim, he argues, is to prevent a rising China by destabilizing Iran and, simultaneously, strangling energy exports that feed China’s growth. He claims the United States has imposed a global maritime oil blockade on China through coordinated strikes and pressure on oil-rich states, while China pursues energy independence via Belt and Road, coal-to-liquids, and growing imports from Russia. - The role of diplomacy, escalation, and Netanyahu’s proxy - On diplomacy, Berletic says the U.S. has no genuine interest in peace; diplomacy is used to pretext war, creating appearances of reasonable engagement while advancing the continuity of a warlike agenda. He references the Witch Path to Persia as describing diplomacy as a pretext for regime change. - He emphasizes that Russia and China are not credibly negotiating with the U.S., viewing Western diplomacy as theater designed to degrade multipolar powers. Iran, he adds, may be buying time but also reacting to U.S. pressure, while Arab states and Israel are portrayed as proxies with limited autonomy. - The discussion also covers how Israel serves as a disposable proxy to advance U.S. goals, including potential use of nuclear weapons, with Trump allegedly signaling a post-facto defense of Israel in any such scenario. - The Iran conflict, its dynamics, and potential trajectory - The war in Iran is described as a phased aggression, beginning with the consulate attack and escalating into economic and missile-strike campaigns. Berletic notes Iran’s resilient command-and-control and ongoing missile launches, suggesting the U.S. and its allies are attempting to bankrupt Iran while degrading its military capabilities. - He highlights the strain on U.S. munitions inventories, particularly anti-missile interceptors and long-range weapons, due to simultaneous operations in Ukraine, the Middle East, and potential confrontations with China. He warns that the war’s logistics are being stretched to the breaking point, risking a broader blowback. - The discussion points to potential escalation vectors: shutting Hormuz, targeting civilian infrastructure, and possibly using proxies (including within the Gulf states and Yemen) to choke off energy flows. Berletic cautions that the U.S. could resort to more drastic steps, including leveraging Israel for off-world actions, while maintaining that multipolar actors (Russia, China, Iran) would resist. - Capabilities, resources, and the potential duration - The host notes China’s energy-mobility strategies and the Western dependency on rare earth minerals (e.g., gallium) mostly produced in China, emphasizing how U.S. war aims rely on leveraging allies and global supply chains that are not easily sustained. - Berletic argues the U.S. does not plan for permanent victory but for control, and that multipolar powers are growing faster than the United States can destroy them. He suggests an inflection point will come when multipolarism outruns U.S. capacity, though the outcome remains precarious due to nuclear risk and global economic shocks. - Outlook and final reflections - The interlocutors reiterate that the war is part of a broader structural battle between unipolar U.S. dominance and a rising multipolar order anchored by Eurasian powers. They stress the need to awaken broader publics to the reality of multipolarism and to pursue a more balanced world order, warning that the current trajectory risks global economic harm and dangerous escalation.

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China uses other countries like Russia, Iran, and Hamas for its own benefit, without any real loyalty or friendship. Similarly, these countries rely on China for economic aid and military defense when they face isolation and sanctions from the US and its allies. This transactional relationship presents an opportunity for the US to intervene and disrupt these alliances. There is no honor among thieves, and when China, Iran, Russia, North Korea, Hamas, and Hezbollah are all considered, they can be described as thieves or even violent extremists.

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Glenn and Professor Zhang discuss the trajectory of global conflict and the transformation of the world order. Zhang presents several lines of evidence and reasoning for a destabilizing, multi-polar era that could culminate in a broader conflict akin to World War III, with 2026 identified as a period of potential flare-ups. Evidence and triggers pointing toward greater conflict: - The American National Security Strategy recently published argues that “the order has dissipated. It’s gone,” and that America must protect its own national self-interest, primarily in the Western Hemisphere, through a “mineral doctrine” and a Trump corollary to enforce it. China’s and Russia’s encroachment in South America, notably via China’s investments, is cited as a trigger for U.S. assertiveness, including the Caribbean concentration of naval assets and actions affecting Venezuela’s oil. - The Russia-Ukraine war is described as effectively over, with morale in Ukraine collapsed and large-scale desertions; Europe contemplates using seized Russian assets to fund Ukraine and avoid a peace that could allow Russia to consolidate gains. Europe’s intended loans to Ukraine and the fear that Russia could challenge European supremacy are highlighted. - In the Middle East, the Israel–Iran dynamic is seen as increasingly unstable, with predictions of Israel attacking Hezbollah and Lebanon within weeks, and ongoing friction around the Hamas peace deal. Iran is portrayed as a pivot in a broader Eurasian alliance that could threaten Western interests if Iran’s lines of trade and energy routes are integrated with Russia and China. - The overall global contest is framed as a struggle over the new world order: the shift from a liberal, rules-based order to multipolar competition where the U.S. seeks to maintain dominance through deterrence, sanctions, and allied proxies. Historical patterns and structural analysis: - Zhang invokes historical analogies, noting the rise and fall pattern of empires, the McKinder Heartland Thesis, and the dynamics of Britain’s naval supremacy that aimed to keep Eurasia fragmented to prevent a continental power from unifying the region. He argues that today China’s rise, paired with U.S. efforts to sustain dominance, pushes toward a similar pendulum where a Eurasian continental system could emerge if Russia, China, Iran, and possibly India align economically and politically. - The BRICS alliance and Iran as a pivot are emphasized: America’s debt-dominated reserve currency system pushes BRICS and Iran closer together, forming a potential continental trade network that could bypass Western-dominated channels. America’s strategy, in this view, is to “economically strangle China,” deny China access to South American minerals, and use allies to counter Beijing while promoting divide-and-rule tactics in Asia. - The discussion suggests that a war could be expanded by a domino effect: a Venezuela operation could draw Cuba, Nicaragua, Brazil, and other regional players into conflict; a wider confrontation could involve the Hormuz Strait, Odessa, and European troop commitments, creating a global escalation. Domestic dimension and leadership implications: - Zhang cites Arthur Spengler’s decline indicators for Western societies: over-urbanization, declining birthrates, extreme inequality, proxy warfare, and cultural decadence, coupled with immigration and fear-based policies that suppress open discourse (examples include social-media surveillance and visa requirements tied to political speech). - He asserts that Western leadership has become addicted to projection and proxy wars, shedding the liberal pretenses that once underpinned its strategy, and that a collapse of confidence and cohesion could accompany, or even drive, a broader conflict. Conclusion and prognosis: - The conversation converges on a bleak frame: the end of U.S. hegemony and a transition to a multipolar order with rising powers, where the possibility of a large-scale war remains real and not easily contained. Zhang argues that the current trajectory does not easily revert to a peaceful status quo and that the 2020s could be a period of sustained tensions and escalations, potentially lasting a decade or more. He acknowledges that he hopes to be proven wrong and would personally prefer a peaceful resolution, but maintains that the next period may be defined by a significant, multipolar contest in which proxies and great-power competition are central.

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China and Russia have a non-confrontational relationship that promotes world peace. The US, on the other hand, is seen as a warmonger, having been involved in numerous armed conflicts and interfering in other countries' affairs. It has supported over 50 foreign governments, meddled in elections, and attempted assassinations. The US-led NATO has caused wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, resulting in a high death toll and millions of refugees. The US's focus on Asia Pacific security is also a cause for concern. As long as US aggression persists, global peace will be hard to achieve.

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The speaker argues that the Turkestan Islamic Party (TIP) has been a strategic asset far beyond Syria, with its usefulness tied to China rather than local Syrian aims. Uyghur militants are described as a disciplined, ideologically committed, battle-hardened force whose real target is Qingyang (Western China) and the Silk Road, making them the perfect lever against Beijing rather than a force to liberate Syria. Syria served as their training ground, where they were disciplined, hardened, and politically sanitized for a future phase. Turkey is said to have settled thousands of TIP families in Zambach, often in emptied Alawite and Christian villages, portraying them not as mere foreign fighters but as part of a demographic project. Ankara is depicted as viewing TIP as loyal, controllable, and ideologically aligned with its regional ambitions, with NATO members tolerating this due to long-term potential for a battle-tested, state-sponsored jihadist group to disrupt China’s western flank. When Bashar al-Assad’s government regained power, it is claimed one of the first moves was to integrate these fighters into the official Syrian army—giving them uniforms, ranks, legitimacy, passports, and protection. Washington’s response is described as approval, with Reuters cited as reporting that the US green-lighted integration of foreign jihadists into Jolani’s army as long as it appeared transparent. The central question raised is why these fighters are being normalized and why HTS’s terror designation was lifted, along with why Turkey is lobbying for their political inclusion and why Jolani is protecting them. The argument is that the next chapter is Central Asia, with TIP fighters reportedly moving into Afghanistan and warnings from regional think tanks about Uyghur militant cells near Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, edging toward China’s border. These fighters are said to threaten Chinese consulates, engineers, pipelines, and railways—targets along the Silk Road. The speaker asserts that Washington has historically weaponized radical networks when strategic interests demand, citing past use in the Mujahideen, Libya, and Syria, asserting that belt-and-road projects are a major threat to American primacy. TIP is described as tailor-made to disrupt Chinese economic corridors and create security headaches along the route. Beijing is criticized for normalizing relations with Jolani and appearing to recognize a stable Syrian government, while in reality engaging a political facade built on networks still influenced by Washington and Ankara. By legitimizing Jolani, Beijing is said to indirectly legitimize the infrastructure sheltering Uyghur militants and give political cover to networks that could be redirected toward China’s borders. The speaker concludes that China’s diplomacy in this regard is not smart geopolitics; whenever Washington backs a “reformed” jihadist, it reflects the jihadist’s usefulness entering a new phase. The TIP is claimed to be here to stay, being prepared, with China sleepwalking into the next phase of this strategy.

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The ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine is not just a battle between two countries, but a larger struggle between democracy and dictatorship, specifically involving the Chinese Communist Party and the United States. The CCP's strategy includes creating chaos in multiple regions to overwhelm the US, with conflicts in the Middle East, Russia's aggression towards Ukraine, and CCP's intimidation of Taiwan. These actions highlight the global impact of the Chinese Communist Party's influence.

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China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea are working together to disrupt the world. China funds Russia's war against Ukraine, while Russia obtains weapons from China, North Korea, and Iran. Iran sponsors terrorism globally, including Hamas and Hezbollah. The speaker supports helping Ukraine for two reasons. Firstly, the US promised to defend Ukraine when they returned Soviet nuclear weapons to Russia. Keeping this promise is crucial for maintaining credibility. Secondly, the speaker believes that Russia's aggression will not stop at Ukraine. By providing Ukraine with a small portion of the Pentagon budget, they have significantly degraded Russian military hardware, making it a worthwhile investment.

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China's ultimate goal is not to trade with the United States, but to replace American businesses. The belief that investing in China would lead to a more open market is being replaced by the understanding that China wants to win twice. Despite hopes that trade would bring political change, China remains an authoritarian one-party state with no democracy or independent judiciary. The Chinese Communist Party surveils its people, censors information, tortures dissidents, and persecutes religious and ethnic minorities. China is using its economic power to influence and change America, as recognized by the current administration's China strategy. The CCP's campaign for ideological conformity extends beyond China's borders and aims to exert influence worldwide, including in the United States.

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ISIS fighters were airlifted by Western Coalition helicopters from Syria to Afghanistan, not reported by Western media. The US allegedly left behind ISIS fighters in Afghanistan to create chaos and hinder development in the region, potentially to benefit China, Russia, Iran, and Pakistan. The speaker suggests that ISIS is a US construct, specifically orchestrated by the CIA.

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Speaker: The way ISIS got there, as I remember from covering the Syrian war, includes reporting from the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOAR), which is based in the UK. SOAR reported that anti-ISIS Western coalition helicopters were airlifting foreign ISIS fighters—not the Syrian ISIS fighters—but out of Deir al-Zor in Syria. And, of course, Western media didn’t report this at all. It was a shock because at the time, nobody could understand where they were taking them or whether they were shuttle them back into the Iraqi theater. Two different sources told me that the US coalition was airlifting foreign ISIS fighters into Afghanistan, which at the time I didn’t understand at all. But in light of what’s happened, the US needed to leave behind a dirty fighting force that would blow up mosques, blow up schools, infrastructure to continue chaos once US forces left to impede the development of pipelines and roadways that would allow China, Russia, Iran, and Pakistan to connect with Afghanistan, to keep the country chaos. Basically, the story of ISIS itself—when we talk about it being potentially a US construct—ISIS K is really absolutely a US CIA specific construct.

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The United States believes China will attack Taiwan because America is always looking to start new wars to justify defense spending. America needs to find new enemies, and it believes that the greatest threat to American empire right now is China, even though there's no evidence of this. Currently, China sends America cheap goods, and the U.S. gives China U.S. dollars. The Communist Party is storing the wealth of the Chinese people in American banks, which benefits America, Wall Street, and the Chinese Communist Party. If China takes over Taiwan, America doesn't lose much. The semiconductor industry in Taiwan could be moved elsewhere. However, America has hubris and must save face.

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China, Russia, and Iran are seen as the new axis of evil and pose a significant threat. China, in particular, aims to rebuild its empire and challenge the US as a global superpower. They are establishing outposts, buying farmland and land near military installations in the US. Meanwhile, the US is the only nation with the ability to project power globally. The concern is that China is encroaching on this power. Additionally, there have been questionable decisions made by the Biden administration, such as allowing a Chinese spy balloon to float across the country for 8 days.

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The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOAR) reported that Western coalition helicopters were airlifting foreign ISIS fighters out of Deir Zor in Syria. Two sources told the speaker that the US coalition was airlifting foreign ISIS fighters into Afghanistan. The speaker didn't understand this at the time. The speaker believes the US needed to leave behind a dirty fighting force to blow up mosques, schools, and infrastructure to continue chaos after US forces left. This would impede the development of pipelines and roadways, preventing China, Russia, Iran, and Pakistan from connecting with Afghanistan. The speaker believes ISIS is potentially a US construct, and ISIS K is a US CIA construct.

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Speaker: The CCP builds influence in democratic societies through overseas United Front work, a system the party uses to expand control and influence without force. The United Front is the party’s weapon to shape political, social, and economic environments to serve its goal of becoming the dominant global power and advancing claims such as the annexation of Taiwan. Through ongoing, long-term relationship building, the Party has created a global network of individuals and organizations inside open societies. In Canada, organizations connected to the United Front are substantial: Canada has at least 575 United Front–linked organizations, making it the second largest network among the four countries studied and with the highest per-capita presence. Much of the United Front work operates through informal ties—personal relationships, invitations to China, honorary titles, and privileged access. The 575 United Front–linked organizations identified in Canada represent only a visible layer of a much larger system operating quietly underneath. Canada is important to the CCP because it has strong institutions, vibrant civil society, and large diaspora communities. To the Party, shaping thinking, networks, and decisions in countries like Canada yields accommodation rather than confrontation. Alongside the United States, Canada has become one of the key environments where overseas United Front work is actively developed. From the research, three things stand out. First, the Chinese Communist Party politicizes everything: activities that appear social, cultural, or economic are treated by the CCP as political resources. Second, most United Front activities are not illegal; they operate through relationships. Influence is built through access, invitations, titles, and personal ties, not necessarily through breaking rules. For example, individuals with strong United Front ties have accompanied multiple Canadian prime ministers from both political parties to visit the PRC and have also participated in policy consultations ahead of those trips. Third, once this network is embedded, it can be mobilized. With the network in place, the Party gains the ability to make requests for political influence, narrative shaping, talent recruitment, and even voter mobilization on Beijing’s behalf.

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America would want China's help to avoid fighting too many wars, ensuring China continues buying US dollars to sustain American debt. Also, historically, Russia has been more of a threat to China, so US friendship with China would force Putin to focus on defense. China is now transferring its US dollars into gold, encouraging others to do the same because America's debt is a huge problem. It makes sense for China and the US to be friends because the US is a huge market for Chinese exports and provides technology. China wants to be friends with Russia because it feels threatened by the US, which has military bases surrounding China. China needs oil and food imports to sustain its economy, and if the US launches an embargo, China collapses. China needs new trade routes, and Russia is the best partner for energy and oil access. Chinese policymakers know China's economy and demographics have collapsed, making it vulnerable and dependent on the world.

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The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is allegedly planning to engage the United States in four separate wars, including one involving a terrorist organization. Recent attacks by Hamas on Israel seem to align with this plan. There are reports that Taliban weapons left by the US have reached terrorists in Gaza, and Iran may have played a role in coordinating these attacks. However, what is receiving less attention is the meeting between CCP leader Xi Jinping and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas in June. They announced the establishment of a China Palestine strategic partnership, which Xi Jinping described as a significant milestone in their bilateral relations.

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Chinese President Xi Jinping plans to visit the United States to meet with President Biden. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has a long-standing strategy of using this approach. Their internal propaganda convinces the Chinese people that when they meet Americans, they will persuade them that the US has no other option. Once in the US, they urge Americans to remain calm and optimistic, emphasizing the desire for China and the US to be friends again. This tactic has previously allowed the CCP to gain entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO), which some argue has had detrimental effects on the US economy.

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The US may want the Strait of Hormuz blocked because it would hurt China and Europe. Europe relies on the Strait for 18% of its oil and 15% of its LNG after shifting away from Russia due to sanctions. A blockade would leave the US as Europe's only option. China relies on the Strait for nearly 50% of its oil and 12% of its LNG, but has alternatives like Russia, pipelines, land routes, and long-term deals. Therefore, Europe would suffer more than China from a blockade. The US purportedly wants this because Europe would lose its independence and become fully dependent on the US.

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China is positioning itself to replace the US as the world hegemon by hosting a summit attended by 130 countries, including Vladimir Putin. The summit celebrated the 10th anniversary of China's belt and road initiative, which has invested $1 trillion in infrastructure in 70 countries. This serves to make China's exports cheaper and buy countries out of the US orbit. China offers a menu of infrastructure projects, such as ports, trains, power plants, and telecom networks, in exchange for influence. Chinese companies also gain control over the infrastructure they build. China is selling US treasuries and cracking down on US firms in China, suggesting it sees conflict with the US as likely and potentially beneficial.

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China's support for Iran and Iran's support for Hamas are concerning in the broader geopolitical context. China and Iran have a 25-year weapons deal, making them firm partners. Recently, China and Russia blocked any response to a terror attack in Israel, which undermines relationships between the US and Gulf Arab States. The administration's dealings with China have negatively impacted the American economy. The Chinese Communist Party sees the attacks in Israel as advantageous for their geostrategic goals and their plans regarding Taiwan.

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The Chinese Communist Party is not only a challenge for Taiwan and the South Pacific, but also for cities like Los Angeles, Denver, Washington DC, Chicago, and Kansas. They are actively working to undermine our values and bring about American decline. Their efforts are not passive, but rather intentional and strategic.

Unlimited Hangout

The Illusion of a US Withdrawal in Afghanistan with Robbie Martin
Guests: Robbie Martin
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Whitney Webb and Robbie Martin discuss three hot-button themes in US politics and foreign policy: Afghanistan, the US-Mexico border crisis, and the January 6 Capitol events, weaving in the larger networks of influence behind each. They begin by tracing who has shaped US Afghanistan policy over two decades and why it has persisted across administrations. They identify Zalmi (Zalmi) Khalilzad as a central figure linking the Bush neocons to later neoliberal-adjacent actors across Obama, Trump, and Biden eras. Khalilzad, described as Egyptian-born and linked to the Project for the New American Century, embodies a continuity argument: despite changes in presidents, core Afghanistan policy remains, with the speaker noting a belief that “The United States is never leaving Afghanistan,” even if troop numbers appear to fall, because a persistent presence would be filled by private contractors or a fortified, permanent base. The neocon circle is positioned as the animating force behind long-running plans for Afghanistan, with a broader view that occupies strategic space to counter China and secure geostrategic advantages tied to Central Asia, borders, and regional power dynamics. The conversation links this long engagement to broader strategic objectives, citing the Rebuilding America’s Defenses document and its framing of China as a principal future adversary. They discuss how Afghanistan’s location creates border connections with China and Iran, the centrality of mineral wealth and minerals mining, and the historical role of oil pipelines and the opium trade in shaping foreign policy. Khalilzad’s long history with Afghanistan, including ties to the Friends of Afghanistan and the National Endowment for Democracy, is presented as evidence that the CIA’s network has remained deeply engaged. The Trump peace deal, they argue, was designed with secret annexes and favored a continued US role, including a CIA presence and unspecified agreements on Afghan governance and opium interests, while Biden’s timetable shift toward nine/eleven is seen as a strategic move to justify continued pressure and influence in the region, with Taliban threats tied to these timelines. On China, the discussion presents a picture of a “three-front” potential conflict—Iran, Ukraine/Russia, and China—while noting Afghanistan’s border with China amplifies the strategic stakes. They argue that humanitarian framing around China’s domestic policies serves to justify Western action and keep the focus away from intensified Western exploitation of Afghan resources and geopolitical leverage, including disputed mining and energy interests, and the possibility that Western oligarchs fund or influence research and military activity that China would contest. They turn to the US-Mexico border crisis, highlighting the controversial shift of migrant children into US military bases, led by Health and Human Services (HHS) rather than DHS, and raising alarms about oversight, record-keeping, and safety. They cite Fort Bliss and Joint Base San Antonio as sites with troubling safety records, including sexual assault concerns, and point to broader questions about the handling of unaccompanied minors, tracking systems, and the potential for abuse or trafficking, all within a context of long-running migration drivers from Central America and US-backed destabilization. They contrast this with the Trump-era rhetoric about “kids in cages,” emphasizing hypocrisy and the evolving containment approach under Biden. Finally, they address January 6, where an inspector general report confirms a stand-down order, prompting questions about accountability, the roles of Capitol Police leadership, and potential connections to broader security networks and simulations that intersect with other political narratives. They discuss the media’s role in shaping focus, allegations of staged or manipulated events, and the ongoing debate over how to interpret and respond to domestic security concerns, including the influence of figures tied to intelligence and foreign interests.

Uncommon Knowledge

The World According to China with Elizabeth Economy | Uncommon Knowledge
Guests: Elizabeth Economy, Gina Raimondo, Xi Jinping
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The Trump and Biden administrations both identify China as a significant threat to U.S. interests. Elizabeth Economy outlines Xi Jinping's ambitions to reshape the global order, emphasizing China's territorial claims over Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea, and its desire to dissolve U.S.-led alliances. Xi's vision includes establishing Chinese political values globally through initiatives like the Belt and Road. The implications for the U.S. include a potential decline in economic power and increased global chaos if China dominates. Xi's approach is characterized by a blend of imperialism and authoritarianism, with a focus on centralizing power. Despite China's economic successes, Xi seeks to reclaim historical Chinese centrality. The U.S. must navigate its commitments in Taiwan, Ukraine, and Israel while fostering alliances. The Biden administration's strategy emphasizes domestic investment and multilateral cooperation, reflecting a shift in perceptions about China's stability and the resilience of the U.S. and its allies.

Shawn Ryan Show

Andrew Bustamante - CIA Spy / U.S. vs China - The New Cold War | SRS #52 (Part 2)
Guests: Andrew Bustamante
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In this episode of the Sean Ryan Show, host Shawn Ryan and guest Andrew Bustamante discuss the growing threat posed by China, following a previous episode on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. They explore China's ambitions for global dominance and its influence over the United States and other nations. Bustamante emphasizes that the U.S. involvement in Ukraine serves to deplete Russian resources, preventing a united front between Russia and China. The conversation shifts to the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic, with Bustamante addressing the recent claims from the Department of Energy suggesting a lab leak in China. He points out that various government agencies have not reached a consensus on the virus's origins, highlighting the complexities of intelligence communication and media reporting. Bustamante argues that the Chinese cultural mindset, which values family honor and historical continuity, differs significantly from American perspectives, making it unlikely that the pandemic was an intentional act of war. They discuss China's extensive influence, including its control over supply chains, involvement in the fentanyl crisis, and acquisition of farmland in the U.S. Bustamante notes that China operates quietly and strategically, often avoiding direct confrontation while expanding its global reach through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative. This initiative aims to establish China as a central hub for global trade and resources, particularly in developing countries. The hosts express concern over China's growing technological advancements, particularly in artificial intelligence and military capabilities. Bustamante mentions that China is ahead in many critical technologies, which poses a significant threat to U.S. interests. They also touch on the influence of Chinese investments in American real estate and agriculture, raising questions about national security and economic independence. The discussion includes the potential for chaos and division within the U.S., exacerbated by external influences, including those from China. Bustamante suggests that while the U.S. government recognizes the threat posed by China, political polarization hampers effective action. They conclude by emphasizing the need for greater awareness and understanding of China's global strategies and their implications for the future. Overall, the episode highlights the multifaceted challenges posed by China, from economic influence to technological competition, and the importance of addressing these issues to safeguard U.S. interests and global stability.
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