reSee.it - Related Video Feed

Israel will remain in the Missouri corridor and eventually expand to all of Gaza, turning it into a resort with golf courses and beachside communities. The speaker believes people will prefer this over Tel Aviv.

We are taking over houses in this area to make it a Jewish neighborhood. Our goal is to make all of East Jerusalem like West Jerusalem, the Jewish capital of Israel. We will continue to the next neighborhood to fulfill our dream.

Petzales Mothritch a une vision maximaliste de la terre promise. Elle inclut les territoires palestiniens, mais aussi des territoires en Jordanie, en Syrie, au Liban, en Irak, en Égypte ou encore en Arabie saoudite. **English Translation:** Petzales Mothritch has a maximalist vision of the promised land. It includes the Palestinian territories, but also territories in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Egypt, and even Saudi Arabia.

Ayman Ramel from Beirut sent in a super chat saying today was very tough as Southern Lebanon faced ongoing devastation, with the scene described as Israel’s continued bombing of Southern Lebanon in real time. The IRGC (Iran) characterized the attacks as an Israeli savage massacre, claiming hundreds killed in one of the biggest strikes on its capital, and pledged revenge. Tehran called the action a breach of the ceasefire with the United States and claimed it represented a historic and crushing defeat for the US, promising retaliation against Israel. Israel’s IDF spokesperson said they would continue operations against Hezbollah as long as Hezbollah threatened Israeli civilians, accusing Hezbollah of targeting civilian infrastructure and displaying video of attacks in a populated city center. An initial casualty figure cited before the broadcast was around 256, but the number was believed to be higher. Ben Swan, an independent journalist, joined to provide on-the-ground context from Beirut. He reported that numbers of dead ranged from about 280 to 350, with injuries around 1,500. He noted more than 100 locations bombed that morning, highlighting the dynamic and fluid casualty count. He observed that Israel did not issue the usual warnings—no leaflets or cell-phone alerts indicating where strikes would occur—leading to civilians, including women and children, being killed with little or no forewarning. He emphasized that the affected areas in Southern Lebanon are historically Christian and home to long-standing communities, noting connections to biblical sites in the region (e.g., Cana’s wedding and Peter’s burial site) to illustrate the demographic being affected. He claimed Israel’s stated objective is to take Southern Lebanon up to the Litani River and to integrate it into a broader “Greater Israel” project, with Netanyahu’s office reportedly warning Lebanon’s army to move away from a bridge crossing the Litani River as a strategic target. This would geographically separate Northern and Southern Lebanon, according to the narrative aired. The discussion touched on broader political themes including debates about whether Israel’s actions reflect a broader tactic to project power or to distract from other regional pressures. The conversation linked the conflict to perceptions of American influence and strategy, including whether the United States has leverage to influence Israel’s actions. Some participants argued that US influence exists and that global opinion has grown more critical of Israel, citing condemnation from European leaders and shifts in international sentiment. They argued that Israel’s messaging has been effective in focusing attention on Iran, potentially allowing actions in Lebanon to proceed with less scrutiny. The speakers explored the idea that the conflict is part of a broader geopolitical strategy, including claims that the war serves to advance the so-called “Greater Israel” project, and discussed how Western powers, notably the United States, are perceived as entangled in regional dynamics. They contrasted perceived Israeli tactics with Russia’s more deliberate approach in Ukraine, suggesting Israel’s strategy aims to destroy civilian infrastructure to prevent return to the territory, whereas Russia has pursued more selective destruction. The program suggested that if China and other nations condemn the actions, international pressure could intensify, potentially escalating beyond a regional conflict. The speakers referenced a report from Breaking the Silence about Israel’s past Gaza operations, describing it as a “construction project” of destruction, to illustrate a pattern of strategic demolition of civilian infrastructure. In summary, the segment described an intensified conflict in Southern Lebanon with high casualties and widespread bombings, alleged lack of civilian warnings, and discussions about strategic objectives, US influence, and broader geopolitical implications, including potential global ramifications if international responses intensify.

This morning, heroes in Gaza broke through enemy lines, defeating the Yahud. They reject a 2-state solution, advocating for Muslim armies to liberate under Islam. They envision a radical change, eliminating secularism and Western influence in the Muslim world.

Petzales Mothritch a une vision maximaliste de la terre promise. Elle inclut les territoires palestiniens, mais aussi des territoires en Jordanie, en Syrie, au Liban, en Irak, en Égypte ou encore en Arabie saoudite. **English Translation:** Petzales Mothritch has a maximalist vision of the promised land. It includes the Palestinian territories, but also territories in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Egypt, and even Saudi Arabia.

The speaker claims that Israel's borders will eventually extend from Lebanon to the Great Desert (Saudi Arabia) and from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates. The Kurds are described as being on the other side of the Euphrates and as friends. Lebanon is said to need Israel's protection. The speaker believes Israel will take Mecca, Medina, and Mount Sinai and purify those places.

Professor Jeffrey Sachs discusses how the “Greater Israel Project” is defined as the desire to keep all territory Israel captured in the 1967 Six-Day War and to resist any Palestinian state, with control including Gaza, the West Bank (Palestinian territory west of the Jordan River), and East Jerusalem. He traces the ideology to early Zionism and the Balfour Declaration, arguing it has long sought to maintain sovereignty over what became British Mandatory Palestine. Sachs contrasts Israel’s original internationally recognized statehood with the post-1967 expansion of control, noting that the Sinai Peninsula was returned to Egypt after an Israel-Egypt agreement, while Israel retained control over three areas with large Palestinian Arab populations. He characterizes the practical and legal moral problems of the ideology in terms of demographic rule, stating that there are “8 million Palestinian Arabs” and “approximately 8 million Israeli Jews,” and describing the doctrine as requiring ruling over, expelling, ethnically cleansing, or killing Palestinian Arabs. He links the current government’s approach to this broader doctrine, describing Benjamin Netanyahu’s government as particularly radical and closely aligned with Greater Israel. He explains two strands of Greater Israel thought: (1) a security argument that Israel can only be safe with control extending beyond its pre-1967 borders, including places like the Golan Heights and parts of Lebanon; and (2) a religious argument that God promised land beyond the British Mandate—from “the great river in Egypt” to the Euphrates. Sachs references US ambassador Mike Huckabee, saying Huckabee espoused the idea that Israel can take land from Egypt to the Euphrates based on Genesis, and notes theologians were scandalized by Huckabee’s remarks. Sachs states that Netanyahu came to power in 1996 and has promoted Greater Israel for about 30 years, initially tied to Likud’s security framing while Likud’s founding charter in 1977 asserted sovereignty from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. He argues that a religious impulse grew especially after 1967 as hundreds of thousands of settlers moved into Palestinian occupied lands, contributing to what he describes as a Jewish supremacist ideology in government. He further describes Netanyahu and US neoconservative advisors as adopting a strategy for handling Palestinian resistance: not defeating militant groups directly, but “overturning the governments of those who support the militants.” He references the UN General Assembly’s recognition of Palestinians’ self-determination and their right to armed struggle, as well as the idea that the terminology differs depending on perspective. Sachs connects this approach to multiple regional conflicts, including claims that US and Israeli actions—such as the 2003 Iraq war and Operation Timber Sycamore targeting Bashar al-Assad—were shaped by the goal of removing governments seen as supporting Palestinian rights. He describes Iran as a central target of Greater Israel proponents and recounts that, on February 28, 2026, Israel and the United States attacked Iran and that Netanyahu framed it as a dream lasting 40 years. Turning to consequences, Sachs says he hopes Greater Israel is finished. He argues solutions must not involve apartheid rule, continued “reckless murder,” or ethnic cleansing, and says for many people a one-state democratic/binational solution or a two-state solution could exist. He asserts that opposition may be growing because Israel cannot impose its solution on the region and because the US can no longer be the full backstop it once was, especially given shifting American public opinion after the war in Gaza and widespread negative views of the war in Iran. Sachs describes political changes in the United States as “anti-Greater Israel” sentiment increasing, including examples from New York City where he says Jewish voters chose candidates he describes as opposing Israel’s extremism. He concludes that Israel’s extremism is losing its only support in the US, and states that politicians “are going to have to rethink what Israel is.” In response to a question about Naftali Bennett’s claim that Turkey is next, Sachs argues that Greater Israel advocates create opposition because their underlying project is unjust, and says they will lose support—particularly the US backstop—if they turn against it. He ends by calling for an end to “this delusion” in order to reach peace.

We are acquiring houses to establish a Jewish neighborhood in this area. Our mission isn't complete; we plan to expand into the next neighborhood and beyond. Our vision is for all of East Jerusalem to resemble West Jerusalem, as the Jewish capital of Israel.

Greater Israel refers to Israel's control over territories including the West Bank, Golan Heights, and East Jerusalem, all captured in 1967. Netanyahu has stated that these areas will not be returned, citing safety concerns and a reluctance to negotiate peace or a Palestinian state. Additionally, some religious zealots believe that biblical texts justify claiming land from the Nile to the Euphrates, which could extend Israel's territory to parts of Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Egypt. These beliefs drive a faction within the government that seeks to expand Israel's borders based on religious convictions.

We are deeply ashamed of the actions being carried out in Palestine in our name as Jews, in the name of the Torah, and in the name of God. We stand in solidarity with the people of Palestine. Despite our weakness, we believe that God is on our side. Ultimately, we envision the Palestinian flag flying across all of Palestine, from the river to the sea.

We are determined to make history and change the entire landscape. We believe that the Jordan River to the Middle East belongs to us, as it was promised. We do not acknowledge the existence of a Palestinian nation. We consider ourselves superior and have recently abandoned our moral compass. We support and advocate for more bombings, particularly in Baghdad. We view this as a battle between good and evil. The only innocent people in Gaza are the hostages, and once they return to Israel, we plan to take control of hospitals and tunnels. We firmly believe that we are the center of the world, and this is widely recognized.

We must remember the plan from Egypt and the Arab nations. We've been invited by Mohammed bin Salman for discussions in Riyadh. We need to figure out how to make this beneficial for everyone, especially considering the best interests of the United States and the people of my country, Jordan. We can immediately take 2,000 sick children to Jordan and await the Egyptian plan to tackle larger issues. That gesture of taking 2,000 children with cancer or other illnesses is truly appreciated. We will work with Egypt and Jordan, with high-level assistance from others, to achieve great progress. With the United States in control of a significant piece of land, there will be stability in the Middle East for the first time. The people of Gaza will live safely in another location, free from the constant violence. They will have great homes and families, safe from Hamas. I am confident we can work something out with Egypt, almost certainly.

We will stop the financial support to Iran and ensure the release of hostages held by Hamas and Hezbollah. It's crucial for America to prioritize Israel, bring home Israeli citizens, and reaffirm our commitment to our key ally, Israel.

Hamas aims to eradicate Israel and kill Jews, having already murdered 1,300 civilians. We must defeat them to prevent future attacks. This battle is not just ours, but a battle for civilization against barbarism. If we don't stop this savagery, it will soon affect the entire world.

Bill said that in addition to prior actions, they established deep security strips around the State of Israel. He said this was done in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria, adding that they “eliminated all the weapons” of Assad’s army, described as a central link in the “axis of evil.” He stated they will remain in the security strips for as long as required to protect Israel, and that after the return on October (as referenced), he set a simple principle: Israel will not allow terror organizations to prepare on its borders or to use “terror tunnels” to infiltrate its territory.

God helped us defend our state after centuries of struggle. Many cities were taken, and Jaffa is nearly empty. Western media supports Israel, but we condemn attacks. Peace is impossible until terrorists are gone. We support Israel in solidarity.

We will take Gaza. There’s no need to buy it; it's a war-torn area that needs development. It will become a tremendous asset for the Middle East, creating many jobs and bringing peace. It fronts the sea, offering great economic potential. This is something that should have been done long ago, but the October 7th catastrophe made it a necessary action. While development will take time, it will ultimately bring stability and jobs to the region. This will benefit people across the Middle East. We will be discussing our plans with Arab representatives from the United States. My real estate background has prepared me for this endeavor, but my focus is on doing good for people as president.

We believe in keeping Gaza Strip part of Israel. We plan to build towns there with 500 families ready to move in. It's too valuable to leave to terrorists.

Israel's main objective was to expand in line with the Greater Israel Project, targeting Iraq and Syria. ISIS, understood by many Muslims as forbidden, was created by the United States, Israel, and England. They execute people who don't convert to their religion. Hillary Clinton and Obama are said to have created ISIS. The secret to their power is America.

Speaker 0 explains that Netanyahu evokes Jewish history in his religious text and sentiment to rally support for attacks, and that Nurode explains this increases right-wing sentiment in Israel. Speaker 1 notes that when Netanyahu announced the offensive against Iran, he did not just discuss threats but invoked Jewish history, drawing parallels with Jews rising up against Persian enslavement more than two thousand years ago. Speaker 2 adds: “My brothers and sisters, in two days, we celebrate the holiday of Purim. Two thousand five hundred years ago in ancient Persia, an enemy rose against us with the exact same goal of destroying our people.” Speaker 1 continues: “A day later, Netanyahu invoked scripture describing the government in Tehran as Amalek, the ultimate enemy in the Old Testament, the enemy whose memory and existence must be erased.” Speaker 2: “We read in this week's Torah portions. Remember what Amalek did to you. We remember and we act.” Speaker 1 remarks that this is not the first time Netanyahu has used the Amalek reference to justify violence against an adversary. In fact, his reference to Palestinians as Amalek was cited during hearings in the genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice. Speaker 0 states that inciting religious fervor is not unique to Netanyahu; it’s a popular tactic among right-wing and populist leaders to rally support, and it often pays off. She cites opinion polls to illustrate how widespread these sentiments are: a Hebrew University poll on Israel’s war on Gaza found 75% of Jewish Israelis believe there are no innocence in Gaza; a survey by the Institute for National Security released last month shows 78% of Israelis consider Iran a serious threat. Speaker 1 adds that mixing scripture with mainstream politics is playing with fire and has led to talk of a greater Israel spanning from the Euphrates to the Nile River and erasing existing Arab countries in the process, an ambition referenced not only by Netanyahu but also by the head of the opposition in Israel. Speaker 0 concludes with the attribution: Jahan Bin.

We are passionate about Gaza and believe Jews should live there. We are planning to build towns in the north, central, and south with 500 families ready to move. It's our sovereign state and too important to become a Hamas stronghold. Gaza must have a Jewish presence.

The speaker discusses the Zionist plan for the Middle East, known as Greater Israel. They aim to expand their territory into Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, and Egypt, including historic Palestine. The speaker expresses concern about this plan and suggests that Zionists will try to claim land in these countries by dividing them into smaller, weaker states, similar to what they did to the Palestinians. The speaker believes that this is why Israel's neighboring countries do not like them, as it is seen as a threat to their sovereignty. The speaker concludes by emphasizing that Zionists are determined to achieve their promised land by any means necessary.

Our borders will extend from Lebanon to Saudi Arabia's Great Desert, and from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates. On the other side of the Euphrates are the Kurds, who are our friends. Lebanon needs Israel's protection. Additionally, we aim to take control of Mecca, Medina, and Mount Sinai to purify those places.

Israel must assert its strength and declare to the United States, the international community, the European Union, and France that Jerusalem will never be divided. They do not want a Palestinian state because the borders are indefensible. The Judea and Samaria regions are the birthplace of Judaism and an integral part of Israel. It is up to us to respond with more firmness than before.