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The speaker claims that measles was not deadly in the US after the early 1900s, citing improved nutrition and later, Vitamin A treatment. They believe contracting measles can be beneficial, leading to increased resistance to certain diseases. Regarding an outbreak in Samoa, the speaker alleges that a measles vaccine caused deaths, not measles itself, and that they did not influence policy there. They maintain that vaccines cause autism, referencing a CDC study on the hepatitis B vaccine that showed an elevated risk. They accuse the CDC of fraud, claiming a scientist named Paul Thornson produced a study to create the illusion that vaccines don't cause autism, stole money, and is now a fugitive. The speaker states there are hundreds of studies linking vaccines to autism and neurological injuries. They accuse the CDC of being controlled by the pharmaceutical industry.

Polio is still here but is called different things today. The criteria for diagnosing polio in the 1940s and 50s were different after the vaccine was introduced. More paralytic polio occurred after the vaccine, but definitions changed, and testing began for viruses like Guillain Barre syndrome, Coxsackie, or echo virus, as well as lead or mercury poisoning. DDT production mirrored polio diagnoses, and countries still using DDT see paralytic polio. Early cases appeared in rural areas due to arsenic-based sheep and cow dipping. Arsenic exposure mimics polio symptoms. 95-99% of polio is asymptomatic; it's a commensal like staph or strep. Studies of South American tribes showed immunity to polio without related health issues. Viruses generally become less problematic as they spread. In 1916, a Rockefeller lab tried to create a neuropathological polio strain, leading to a severe epidemic with 25% mortality. Polio was made more lethal by human actions. Vaccine-derived polio is transmissible.

The speaker discusses their personal experience with patients developing kidney failure after vaccination and how they started noticing a pattern of vaccines being given to very ill patients. They question the belief that polio disappeared solely because of the vaccine and present data showing that the majority of people infected with poliovirus have no symptoms or only minor symptoms. They suggest that vaccinating every child is unnecessary and question the official history of polio vaccines. They also discuss the use of DDT and arsenic during the time of polio outbreaks and how changes in diagnostic criteria and vaccine formulations contributed to the decline in reported polio cases. They highlight the increase in cases of acute flaccid paralysis and question the effectiveness and safety of polio vaccines.

95 to 99% of polio cases are asymptomatic. The majority of polio cases today are vaccine-derived. The speaker expresses distrust due to perceived lies during the pandemic, citing Fauci's statements to Rand Paul about gain-of-function research and the White House's warnings of severe illness and death for the unvaccinated. The speaker believes these actions were motivated by profit, leading to the creation of billionaires during the pandemic. They suggest a historical pattern in the U.S. of prioritizing profit over people's well-being, implying that individuals will exploit situations for financial gain if they can get away with it, especially with protection and the promise of large profits.

The discussion focuses on a “myth” that vaccines eradicated polio, arguing instead that polio is usually caused by toxicity and linking its rise to pesticide use. Poliomyelitis is described as inflammation of the gray matter of the spinal cord by a whole variety of causes. The account claims that “wild polio” was little more than flu until arsenic-based pesticides were introduced from the late 1860s onwards, with the first documented cases in Australia in 1887. The transcript then asserts that polio increased in the 1940s with the introduction of DDT. It describes widespread DDT use: spraying it around orchards, crops, and animals; applying it to swimming pools; using it on beaches, homes, and wallpaper; placing it inside food cupboards; spraying it under clothes in the jungle; and using it on American soldiers, who are said to have gotten polio. It also claims that indigenous people in Malaysia were fine. Farm animals are said to have been dipped in solutions of DDT, including dairy cows. The overall claim is that the rise of polio “checks closely with the rise in use of pesticides and DDT.” The transcript contrasts this with “simple cures” that it says were largely ignored by the medical industry. It names Sister Kenny, an Aussie outback nurse, who is said to have used heat packs and massage methods successfully on paralyzed limbs. It also mentions Dr. Fred Klenner, who is described as curing 100% of dozens of polio cases within a few days using intravenous high-dose vitamin C. The speaker adds that there is a film about Sister Kenny titled “Sister Kenny.” It then turns to vaccine production challenges, citing vaccine scientist Maurice Hilleman. According to the transcript, vaccines were proving difficult because they were grown on ground-up kidneys of specially imported African green monkeys. It claims that neither the Salk nor Sabin labs could successfully kill off all resulting contamination. The transcript then links this period to the “notorious SV40,” described as coming from “the 40th simian or monkey virus they found” and said to still be seen in cancers today.

Speaker 0 argues that the test cannot distinguish live from dead matter, only analyzes fragments and is set up to guarantee false positives, which the speaker claims was used to create case numbers for declaring a public health emergency of international concern and to enable untested drugs or vaccines to be used on people. Speaker 1 adds that the biggest lie may be that true viral isolates are unavailable, noting that the claimed genome of SARS-CoV-2 exists only in silico as a computer-programmed genome. The speaker says fear is created to control people, describing “fake mythical flying unicorns” that make us sick and asserting that disease is constructed rather than evidenced by visible agents. They claim that there is no evidence of transmission or isolations supporting the idea of a pathogen causing disease in the usual sense. The speaker references Andrew Kaufman, Doctor Cowan, Stephen Lunk, and others to support the claim that, after a year of pandemic conditions, there is no virus proven through traditional means, including in the 1918 influenza pandemic. They state that volunteers were exposed to sputum from infected individuals, or to the sputum directly, without becoming ill; some experiments involved injecting processed material, which also did not cause illness. They note that horses did not consistently transmit illness when exposed to similar materials, and conclude that influenza does not originate from a Latin term for a virus but means “influence,” suggesting historical transmission evidence is weak. The speakers discuss that we do not have approved evidence of transmission, a virus, a test, or autopsies; what exists is a syndrome of symptoms—flu-like symptoms without pathognomonic signs. They propose several alternative causes for COVID-19–like illness, including transmissibility that appears real but isn’t, radiation effects, and other non-disease explanations. Speaker 1 references Dr. Cowan’s book Contagion to illustrate how radiation exposure in mines could mimic disease transmission, where illness is not truly infectious. They argue that non-ionizing electromagnetic fields (EMF) and exposure to graphene oxide toxicity (claimed to be present in vaccines and referred to as viral-based genetic therapies by the FDA) could produce COVID-like symptoms. They also acknowledge an artificially created spike protein in a lab as a known factor. However, they reiterate that there is no evidence for the mythical SARS-CoV-2 virus as a causative agent. In summary, the dialogue challenges the existence of proven SARS-CoV-2 isolates, questions the validity of tests and transmission evidence, and proposes alternative explanations for the illness, including EMF toxicity, graphene oxide toxicity, and lab-made spike proteins, while highlighting a lack of definitive proof for traditional viral causation.

The polio virus is the only virus I know that was man-made, not in Wuhan, but in the US. A live virus was modified, supposedly making it harmless. Some were vaccinated with the killed, inactive vaccine, while others received a live vaccine orally. In the gut, this virus combined with others, similar to what we saw with COVID, creating a new, dangerous virus that causes polio. The polio virus we see today isn't natural; it's man-made. There are now thirty times more cases of polio caused by the vaccine virus than by the original virus.

The speaker discusses polio and vaccines by tracing how the disease is perceived versus the data. Polio is described as “the worst disease in world history, not actually, but that's the spin,” and similarly framed as “completely eliminated by mass vaccination, not actually, but that's the spin.” Looking at polio globally, with eight billion people on Earth, the speaker asks how many people died last year from polio, answering “Zero.” The number who had paralysis from polio is stated as “Five hundred and sixty, and ninety seven percent of them was vaccine strain or vaccine induced poliomyelitis.” The speaker notes that opponents claim this is due to vaccination, but then raises the question of how that accounts for more than a billion people on Earth who never had the polio vaccine, asserting they have the exact same death rate. The argument is extended to measles, with the claim that the death rate is the same whether or not one is vaccinated, and similarly for other diseases. The speaker emphasizes a specific approach used in a book: “the only way to do it, I think, compare the product, are they all the same? The diseases, are they all the same?” This leads to the central question of how to handle risk for one’s children. A quick final point compares vaccine decisions to everyday risk decisions. Parents weigh disease risk and vaccine risk when deciding whether their kids should engage in activities such as football, which could involve a head injury; riding a bicycle at night, which could lead to injury; or sleeping over at someone’s house. The speaker argues that all of these are risk decisions quite similar to the vaccine and disease decision because you have to weigh the disease and weigh the vaccine. Yet, the speaker notes, there has never been a mandate for football, and there has never been a mandate that children not ride bikes at night in their neighborhood, or that they not sleep over at someone’s house if they don’t feel good about it in their particular neighborhood.

"the live virus vaccine for polio does cause the disease itself." "Not not not quite that many. A hundred and forty or so have been reported, but the likelihood is that the number is, as you say, two hundred or more because of reporting problems." "the data showing from the very outset that the live virus vaccine was causing polio." "I found that it was possible to make the kill virus vaccine work, but it was also possible to make it not work." "It worked if you did what nature told you to do, namely to use enough virus in the vaccine, to give the requisite number of doses depending upon potency." "absolutely positive assertion that the live virus vaccine could be given without risk of paralysis." "You don't need booster injections with one anymore than you do with the other."

The speakers discuss the effectiveness of live vaccines and question the necessity of mass vaccination for diseases like polio. They mention the disappearance of polio in Europe without mass vaccination and raise concerns about potential links between vaccines and conditions like multiple sclerosis. One speaker shares their personal experience with Guillain Barre syndrome following a swine flu vaccination and suggests that immunizations may trigger autoimmune reactions. They advise individuals with neurological conditions to review their vaccine histories carefully.

The speakers discuss polio, noting the Sabin vaccine is live and the Salk vaccine is inactive. One speaker questions why polio disappeared in Europe in the 1940s and 50s without mass vaccination and why it's rare in the third world despite low immunization rates. A question is raised about a possible link between vaccines and multiple sclerosis (MS). One speaker mentions a new publication linking MS in later life to early live virus vaccines like measles. They recommend that individuals with MS, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, or similar conditions review their vaccine histories. Another speaker, a Guillain-Barré syndrome victim following a swine flu shot, claims research suggests immunizations frequently cause autoimmune issues.

Polio is still here but is called different things today. The criteria for diagnosing polio in the 1940s and 50s were different after the vaccine was introduced. There was more paralytic polio after the vaccine, but definitions changed, and they started testing for the virus. People were found to have Guillain Barre syndrome, Coxsackie virus, echo virus, or lead/mercury poisoning. The tonnage of DDT production mirrored polio diagnoses. Countries still making DDT have paralytic polio. Early cases broke out in rural communities due to sheep and cow dipping, involving arsenic. Arsenic causes the same spinal pathology, fevers, etc., as polio. 95-99% of polio is asymptomatic; it's a commensal. Studies of South American tribes showed immunity to all three strains of polio with no crippled children. Most viruses become less problematic as they go through the human system. A Rockefeller lab in 1916 tried to create a pathological strain of polio, which was released and caused the worst polio epidemic on record. Vaccine-derived polio is transmissible.

The discussion highlights the debate surrounding the effectiveness of polio vaccines, questioning why polio disappeared in Europe in the 1940s and 1950s without mass vaccination. There’s a suggestion that we might be addressing a problem that no longer exists. A question arises about the potential link between vaccines and conditions like multiple sclerosis (MS), referencing a new publication that connects early live virus vaccinations to later MS development. It’s advised that individuals with MS or similar neurological conditions review their vaccination histories. Additionally, a participant shares her experience as a Guillain-Barré syndrome victim following a swine flu vaccination and notes her research indicating that immunizations may often trigger autoimmune responses.

The speaker claims the medical landscape is dominated by COVID vaccine injuries, disabilities, and deaths, and that they submit multiple entries daily to VAERS, facing scrutiny and potential penalties for falsification. They state they diagnosed an executive in her late thirties with Guillain Barre syndrome from COVID-19 vaccination. The speaker estimates that only 1% of manuscripts on COVID vaccine injuries are being published, suggesting a tremendous bias, and that there are about 4,000 papers on the vaccine debacle, which is about 1% of reality. They claim to have never seen myocarditis, heart failure, or blood clots from eating frosted flakes, but are seeing people devastated by the shots. The speaker advocates for removing COVID-19 vaccines from the market, a critical reevaluation of the vaccine schedule, dropping all vaccine mandates, and rescinding the 1986 Vaccine Injury Compensation Act.

The transcript argues that discussions of vaccines should be approached as part of eugenics, claiming that this is where the concept originates. It then cites medical claims attributed to “doctor Henry,” stating that “numerous vaccinations” and the “medical monopoly” have caused “more disease and suffering than I could name.” The speaker claims that diseases such as cancer, syphilis, and cold sores are “direct result[s] of vaccination.” Next, it references “doctor Herbert Snow,” asserting that doctors are “always fire[d]” and claiming that in recent years “many women and men in the prime of life have dropped dead suddenly.” The speaker says this resembles 2020 and claims that after attending a feast or banquet, “eighty percent of the deaths are caused by inoculation or vaccination.” Finally, it cites “doctor Clark,” claiming that cancer was “practically unknown” until vaccinations with cowpox vaccine were introduced. The speaker adds personal testimony: the speaker “had to deal with at least two hundred cases of cancer” and “never saw a case of cancer in an unvaccinated person.”

According to the speaker, 95-99% of polio cases are asymptomatic because poliovirus is a commensal organism. Studies by the Indian Health Service of the Javonte Indians in South America found that 98-99% of those tested had immunity to all three strains of polio, yet the tribe had no instances of crippled children, short legs, or deaths from respiratory failure. The speaker claims that most viruses become less problematic as they spread through the human system. They cite COVID-19 as an example, where the initial strain was highly virulent but less contagious, while later variants like Omicron were more contagious but less pathological. The speaker suggests that significant problems with microbes typically arise when they are reverse attenuated, made more lethal in a lab, and then introduced into the population.

The discussion questions whether SIDS is “vaccine death,” asserting that 75% of all SIDS deaths occurred within seven days of a vaccination. It references a “Polio, forty eight hour safety review trial,” described as “forty eight hours, two days,” and connects this to President Roosevelt, described as famous for having polio in a wheelchair. The speaker claims Roosevelt “had transverse myelitis” and then answers a challenge: “No way. Didn’t have polio,” adding “How can you sit here and say doctors don’t know anything about vaccines?” The response continues by arguing that doctors do not have adequate education about vaccines, stating that “a doctor is lucky if they have a half a day education on vaccines.” The speaker further says, “I have yet to find a pediatrician that can list the ingredients of any vaccines.” The argument then escalates into the claim that “They don’t know anything at all,” emphasizing certainty about doctors’ knowledge of vaccines. The speaker claims “99.5 of our children are getting a product that was tested for five days,” and states that this product is tested “for a disease they will not come in contact with until they’re an adult.” The speaker adds that, “hopefully never,” children will face situations the speaker associates with infection risk, describing those situations as “sharing heroin needles or sleeping with prostitutes.” The overall message frames the topic as revealing wrongdoing, saying, “I do believe when people see the truth on this, it will reveal everything that’s corrupt about the world that you live in.”

The speaker discusses “Santa virus,” swine flu virus, and COVID virus, claiming “viruses are fake.” The speaker then frames the 1976 swine flu campaign as an example, saying the CDC “control plan for the national vaccination campaign against the swine flu in 1976” came out of Atlanta and that “there was not a single known case of this flu in The United States” yet “it did not stop the medical monopoly from their scheme.” The speaker says swine breeders began to inject pigs and animals, after which “all of their animals began to perish,” and claims that if swine breeders would not inject toxins into animals, “Our only market is to inject it into the people.” The speaker then claims “Doctor Morris then went public with his statement” that “at no point was there a swine flu vaccine which was effective,” and says he was fired. The speaker adds that “anybody who goes against the vaccine narrative” is “removed.” Next, the speaker says that because the pigs were passing and the vaccine needed to be delivered to people, “president Ford appears on a news program to urge the American people to submit to the vaccination for the swine flu vaccine, 1976.” The speaker says it “didn’t work with the pigs” because it was killing the pigs, and claims doctors began saying “don’t do that,” leading to the president being involved. The speaker then states that insurance agencies “went public with their warning” that they would not issue insurance to the drug firm because it “can cause a lot of damages.” The speaker ties this to 2020 by saying it “Sounds a lot like 2020.” The speaker claims “it was a foil” that insurance companies warned, while Gerald Ford appealed to “the 215,000,000 Americans” to get “the booster,” “Get the injections,” and “Get your vaccines,” and that the government would provide “donuts” and “Krispy Kreme.” The speaker calls it “Murder by injection,” and says that “within a few months” claims totaling “$1,300,000,000 filed by the victims” included “paralysis from the swine flu vaccine.” The speaker then claims the “medical monopoly” changed the name to “GBS,” and that in 1986 “Reagan signed a bill to protect all vaccines from lawsuits.” The speaker concludes by saying this “sums up vaccines in a nutshell,” asserting that presidents, animals, doctors, and TV were used and that the message is “repeating it to you until you don’t.” The speaker ends with a directive, saying anyone who tells others to put vaccines “into your body” should be “beat them up or put them in a cage and beat them up,” mentioning “UFC” as an example.

Polio is still here but is called different things today. The criteria for diagnosing polio in the 1940s and 50s were different after the vaccine was introduced. There was more paralytic polio after the vaccine, but the definitions changed. They started testing for the virus and found Guillain Barre syndrome, Coxsackie virus, echo virus, or lead/mercury poisoning. DDT production mirrored polio diagnoses. Paralytic polio occurred in countries still making DDT. Early cases broke out in rural communities due to sheep and cow dipping using arsenic, mercurials, calcium arsenate, and lead arsenate sprays. Arsenic causes the same spinal pathology, fevers, and symptoms as polio. 95-99% of polio is asymptomatic and is a commensal. Studies of the Javonte Indians showed 98-99% had immunity to all three strains of polio without crippled children or respiratory failure. Most viruses become less problematic as they go through the human system. In 1916, a Rockefeller lab tried to create a pathological strain of polio, which was accidentally released, causing the worst polio epidemic on record with 25% mortality. Vaccine-derived polio is transmissible.

The presentation offers a counter view to the mainstream narrative that polio has been eradicated in India. It begins by outlining the official timeline: in 1988, India joined a global commitment to eradicate polio by 2000; India conducted pulse polio immunization drives starting in 1995; officially in 2011 India recorded zero polio cases, and in 2014 the World Health Organization confirmed polio eradication in India. An alternate view is then presented by examining definitions and data. Definition and data issues: the definition of polio changed after 1996. Before 1996, polio cases were diagnosed clinically by physicians; after 1996, India adopted WHO guidelines relying on diagnostics and tests, including detecting polio viruses in stool specimens. In 1997, the definition changed. If a consistent definition is applied (the “old definition” line in a graph), polio was not eradicated but renamed; clinically compatible cases not meeting the WHO criteria were counted as nonpolio acute flaccid paralysis (AFP). Using the WHO definition, polio would appear eradicated, but with a consistent definition, AFP cases rose after 2003–2004, despite intensive pulse polio campaigns. Doctor Yashpal, a former member of India’s polio eradication committee, is cited: up to 1996, all reported AFP cases were labeled as polio; CDC is said to have confirmed that pre-1997 polio cases were reported by attending physicians with no standard case definition. The result is described as deception if one uses a consistent definition. Age and incidence: post-1997, AFP tracking focused on children 15 years and under; cases in older individuals may not be counted, implying higher numbers could exist across all ages. Causes and triggers of polio before 1997: literature notes two major factors. First, intramuscular injections were implicated in triggering a large share of paralytic polio cases (about 67% of paralytic polio). Second, there is a strong correlation between DDT/insecticide use and polio incidence: DDT consumption declined from 12.5 tons in 1980 to 4.4 tons in 1996, and agricultural DDT use peaked in 1978 and was banned in 1989; polio cases declined 1980–1996, aligning with reduced DDT use. This is presented as evidence that injections and environmental poisonings contributed to clinically compatible polio cases, complicating the eradication narrative. Vaccination campaigns and side effects: the narrative asserts that a large majority of polio cases were vaccinated, with many children receiving multiple doses. Data cited include 60–73% of the eligible population vaccinated; in 2007–2009, 96% of polio cases had four or more doses, and in 2007, 85% had seven or more doses. It is argued that the vaccine itself can cause polio (labeled as non-polio CNS conditions) and that vaccine-associated paralytic poliomyelitis and other adverse events occurred but were hidden from the public to boost vaccination uptake. There are references to nine AFP cases with immunization data, including one child with 15 doses and another with 25 doses; associations between oral polio vaccine and conditions like GBS, transverse myelitis, and facial paralysis are acknowledged. Safety and policy critiques: the OPV dosing schedule reportedly increased from the original three doses to seven, ten, and even up to 25 doses in India by 2006; the safety of such extensive dosing is questioned, with the Indian Medical Association cited as expressing concerns. Poliol’s 2017 study reportedly found a strong association between AFP incidence and cumulative vaccine doses. Gagandeep Kang (2017) is cited criticizing the adverse events following immunization (AEFI) system as inadequate, reviewing only about 100 cases per meeting across four meetings annually. Policy recommendations and conclusions: arguments against continuing polio vaccination include a lack of evidence of benefit and evidence of harm; calls for a road map for justice for vaccine victims and families for informed-consent violations and coercion; a call to review all vaccinations beyond polio; and a proposal to exit WHO and international pandemic treaties, asserting that sovereign nations should not follow the dictates of unelected global organizations. Additional context includes media reports of adverse events and compensation for vaccine victims.

The discussion centers on the claim that SIDS is a “vaccine death.” It states that seventy five percent of all deaths from SIDS happened within seven days of a vaccination. The conversation then shifts to polio. It references “Polio, forty eight hour safety review trial” and says the safety review lasted “forty eight hours, two days.” It also brings up President Roosevelt, described as “famous for having polio in the wheelchair,” and adds that he “had transverse myelitis.” A response rejects the polio framing: “No way. Didn’t have polio.” The speaker disputes trust in doctors’ knowledge of vaccines, saying, “How can you sit here and say doctors don’t know anything about vaccines?” Another claim follows that “a doctor is lucky if they have a half a day education on vaccines,” and that “I have yet to find a pediatrician that can list the ingredients of any vaccines.” The speaker further asserts, “They don’t know anything at all.” A broader argument is made about vaccine testing and timing for children. The speaker claims that “99.5 of our children are getting a product that was tested for five days” and says this product was tested “for a disease they will not come in contact with until they’re an adult.” The speaker adds “and hopefully never,” linking this to a belief about later behavior: “if they were raised correctly, will find themselves sharing heroin needles or sleeping with prostitutes.” The conclusion of the argument is presented as a belief that uncovering these “truth” points will expose broader wrongdoing: “I do believe when people see the truth on this, it will reveal everything that’s corrupt about the world that you live in.”

The speaker discusses the controversy surrounding vaccines and the history of polio. They mention that some people believe vaccines are not good and argue that polio was caused by factors other than a virus. They talk about the use of DDT as an insecticide and its potential connection to polio cases. The speaker also mentions the use of lead arsenate as a pesticide and its possible role in causing paralysis. They question the mainstream explanation of polio and suggest alternative theories. The speaker presents maps showing the distribution of polio cases and raises questions about the geographic patterns.

The speaker argues that the vaccine program should stop and that injecting foreign matter into babies cannot be considered an improvement to their health. They reference Peter McCullough as someone who said the program needs to halt. They criticize the expansion of vaccine policy since the 1986 Act, which granted liability protection for the trio of vaccines (MMR, DPT, and polio) at the time, and suggest there was no foresight about expanding to multiple doses of many vaccines for little babies. Now that this has happened, they insist it must end. They point to polio as an example, noting that children still receive four polio vaccines even though polio has not appeared in the Western Hemisphere since 1991, and that the World Health Organization declared the region polio-free in 1994. They question why four doses of polio vaccines, which contain monkey kidney cells and formaldehyde, are given for a disease the region is no longer exposed to. They ask, “Why? To protect against what? That’s not even here.” They extend the argument to “the same thing” with other vaccines. The speaker asserts that measles has not been deadly since 1963 and explains that the measles virus has a life cycle in which an outbreak occurs roughly every four years regardless of vaccination rates. They make a similar claim about pertussis. They argue that injecting foreign matter into children does not improve their health and is not preventing deadly diseases that are now treated with antibiotics, steroids, inhalers, and other therapies. They point out that it is not a big deal to have multiple tetanus shots and still contract tetanus, using this as evidence about the effectiveness of tetanus vaccination. Overall, the speaker contends that the concept of deadly diseases being eradicated by vaccines is a multi-generational myth and that vaccines are not reliably protective. They argue that the practice has run its course and that it is overdue for the entire vaccine program to end, suggesting that it did its job and should now be discontinued. The concluding stance is that the multi-generational myth of deadly diseases and the safety and protection of vaccines should stop, and that the program should be ended.

The speaker claims the polio vaccine is "very, very problematic," stating that the WHO acknowledges 70% of this year's polio cases were caused by the vaccine itself, not wild polio. The speaker argues that there was no polio in the Congo or the Philippines, and the only polio in Africa is "Gates' polio," a vaccine strain. The speaker suggests it is wrong to give someone polio via vaccination when the disease was previously absent in their country. The speaker asserts that a better, safer polio vaccine exists, one that does not cause polio, but Gates doesn't want to pay for it for Africans or Indians, instead providing a vaccine that spreads the disease.

DDT was in widespread use as a pesticide when polio cases were prevalent. DDT is no longer used in America, but it is still used in other countries where polio-like symptoms are common. One of the effects of DDT poisoning is polio-like symptoms, called encephalopathy. Polio was something that was going on in the early part of the twentieth century, and it's widely credited that the polio vaccine is what stopped that. The speaker questions the general narrative that vaccines are an amazing cure. They believe there are other factors, such as hygiene. The book "Dissolving Illusions" is about the origins of vaccines, what vaccines have done to stop disease spread, and the negative side effects. There are side effects to vaccines, and they don't want to advertise those problems. One person was addicted to the COVID vaccine and did seven inoculations. A doctor told a lady in the neighborhood to stop getting boosted, but she wanted to go to LA to get boosted.