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Jacqueline Greger testifies to a preliminary finding report on activities impacting Arizona’s election integrity, focusing on the 2020 and 2022 general elections. She outlines a multi-year pattern beginning in 2017, alleging that “accents points” were used to change vote totals and election results, with illegal transfers moving money to candidates through phantom entities and for-profit and non-profit PACs created by Brittany Ray Chavez. She claims that during the 2022 election, ballot scanners and printers at 70 precincts had their printer settings changed through computer infiltration after being tested the night before the election, leading to uncontrollable ballots being placed in Box 3 and allegedly driven to Runbeck’s office. Witness information from October 2020 is cited, including more than 100,000 filed-in ballots and more than 13,000,000 identified in two unmarked rental cars used to move ballots and cash to Runbeck’s office. Runbeck is described as operated by Robert Runbeck, with deeds for Runbeck provided in the materials.
Greger asserts a planned strategy involving Hobbs and Fontes: Hobbs would receive the Democratic nomination for governor, Fontes would run for secretary of state to replace Hobbs, and both would be bribe recipients evidenced by “Britney deeds.” She argues the fix for 2020 and 2022 started in 2017 with appointments to election positions of individuals bribed through a mortgage scheme and money laundering via phantom appointments. She emphasizes “the problems with these documents are many” and connects money laundering to drug cartel activity and human trafficking, arguing cartel investment aims to place reliable figures in key positions to advance their objectives.
The report titled Preliminary Findings of Activities Impacting Arizona’s Election Integrity with specific focus on the 2020 and 2022 general elections is introduced by Greger, who provides her background: she has a master’s in marketing and honors degrees in finance, accounting, statistics, economics, and business strategy; resident of Scottsdale since 1997; owner of Finebreder Insurance Agency; principal investigator with Harris Thaler Law Firm since 2019. The team, led by John Harris Thaler (a 32-year attorney), investigates racketeering and corruption across multiple states. Thaler’s past work includes uncovering laundering of cartel money through real estate in Illinois, Idaho, and Iowa; real estate agents, escrow companies, and title insurers indicted for racketeering; investigations into money laundering through Arizona real estate; and a broader operation intertwining narcotics trafficking, tax evasion, payroll theft, bankruptcy fraud, insurance fraud, and election fraud.
Greger states that more than 120,000 documents have been reviewed and that 47 filings exist in the report. She outlines a pattern of money laundering through single-family residences, inflated construction invoices, fake charitable donations, fictitious students in private schools, and fake bankruptcies. Wells Fargo and other banks are alleged to have opened accounts for phantom people; municipal and state systems in Mesa, including a private police force, are said to be compromised to support racketeering. She claims numerous forged or altered documents, including falsified deeds of trust and notary acts, with signatures forged or copied, often associated with Brittany Chavez and Donna Chavez.
Key individuals and entities are named as bribe recipients and conspirators: Kathleen M. Hobbs and Patrick T. Goodman appear in a series of deeds with signatures and notarizations that Greger says are fraudulent; Brittany and Donna Chavez are identified as principal preparers of documents; the Maricopa County Recorder’s Office and relevant courts are alleged to have been infiltrated to upload falsified documents and remove legitimate ones. Greger discusses targeted election service providers, including Runbeck, and asserts that “the county database” has “no integrity whatsoever,” with backdoor access enabling document upload or deletion. She describes bribes to judges, prosecutors, and public officials across the state, including 25% of active judges in certain jurisdictions, and claims that elections including the governor, attorney general, and other offices were affected.
Greger notes investigations are not limited to Arizona; FBI, IRS, US attorneys’ offices, and attorney generals in California and New Mexico have engaged with the findings. She emphasizes that the final report will be a 300-page book with about 3,000 attachments, to be published as Report to the Governor, and that excerpts and documentation will be available at reporttothegovernor.com. She clarifies that she and Thaler do not represent political candidates or parties, and that Thaler had not voted or donated in 2022. She closes by describing the data’s potential utility for enforcement agencies and asks for questions; a constituent video is requested to be played.