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We are currently in Colombia at the Cabanas Rio Mayo Hotel, which serves as a major transit point for Chinese foreign nationals heading to the United States. The entire hotel is filled with Chinese foreigners, mostly military-aged males. We spoke with the hotel staff who confirmed this. The Chinese have a sophisticated migration system that guides them all the way to the US border, and this hotel is a known meeting place for them. We also discovered that there are Chinese spies in the United States, according to a Chinese national staying at the hotel who plans to travel to either New York or Los Angeles.

We found a hotel in California where every room was the headquarters for a nursing group. They were all PO boxes, not actually providing nursing care. They were just collecting money. As we now know, a lot of the money that was going into the Somali community for autism care went to these phony autism care houses. A lot of it ended up with al Shabaab in Somalia.

The documentary-style segment follows Nick Shirley and David as they investigate widespread fraud in Minnesota, centering on nonemergency medical transportation (NEMT), daycare operations, and the way state funds are billed for services that may not be delivered. They present a pattern where transportation companies appear to underpin multiple fraud schemes across childcare, adult daycare, autism services, and interpreter services, with transportation acting as the “belly of the beast” that ties these lines of fraud together. Key findings and claims include: - The investigation asserts that Minnesota’s NEMT sector is dominated by Somali-owned companies. David notes about 20 NEMT companies in Minnesota, with more than 90% Somali-owned, many hosted in addresses that appear noncommercial or vacant (an apartment, a house, a convenience store, or a vacant building) with little or no signage or staff. - The group argues the average national vehicle count per NEMT company is 20. They estimate Minnesota could have approximately 800 Somali-owned NEMT companies, each with about 20 vehicles, and claim payments from the state are based on electronic submissions of trips and miles, with trips typically paid at about $50 per trip (round trips $100). They contend many trips are never performed, yet payments are made once the electronic form is submitted, with no verification of actual service delivery. - The symposium of fraud is described as consisting of daycares, adult daycares, autism services, and other welfare providers that rely on the transportation brokers to create a paper-trail justifying payments to the providers, even when services aren’t delivered. This paper trail allegedly enables continued state funding for many supposedly operating centers. - Safari Transportation (607 Cedar Avenue South, Minneapolis) and Dreamline Transportation (617 Cedar Avenue South) are presented as examples of fraudulent listings: Safari Transportation is alleged not to exist at the listed address; Dreamline Transportation is said to be housed in a liquor store at 617 Cedar Avenue South, with multiple addresses showing confusing or false registration. On-site checks reveal no functioning transportation company or vans, and staff acknowledge the addresses are misleading. The reporting team notes that the listed addresses often correspond to other, non-transport businesses (e.g., money-wiring shops or liquor stores), with no observable fleet and no evidence of active transportation services. - They visit other addresses tied to transportation, such as Epimonia Transport (at 305/308 area) and Crescent Transportation in Saint Louis Park; Epimonia is described as lacking vehicles and consistency in address listings, while Crescent Transportation is found to be an apartment complex rather than a storefront, casting doubt on the legitimacy of these entities. - The Hopkins Child Care Center is highlighted as an example of large state funding for a facility licensed for 118 children, with reported funding of around $2.25 million for a given year and millions across multiple years, yet the center is observed as shuttered or lacking visible child activity, with many vehicles reportedly idle and windows blacked out. Similar patterns are noted at other daycare centers such as Quality Learning Center and Proud Child Care Center in Eden Prairie, which also show high funding receipts (e.g., $1.9 million for Quality Learning Center in a given year; Proud Child Care Center receiving about $1.25–$1.26 million in recent years), but with no apparent foot traffic or detectable enrollment. - The investigation connects the fraud to political actors and public officials, alleging cover-ups or complicity, and raises questions about accountability for figures like Tim Walz. They assert that investigations and governmental actions have been insufficient or misdirected to address the alleged fraud. - In a broader fraud narrative, they claim millions of dollars were being funneled through TSA at Minneapolis–Saint Paul International Airport, with whistleblowers recounting large sums (often in the millions) moved by Somali-descent individuals, sometimes via routes through Atlanta to Dubai before wiring money to Somalia. A former TSA narcotics investigator describes routine cash movements at checkpoints, suggesting that declarations of large sums did not trigger meaningful enforcement, and implying the funds were linked to the daycare and welfare networks described earlier. Throughout, the speakers attempt to confront individuals at various sites, record responses, and juxtapose the alleged abundance of funding with the lack of visible services or vehicles. They emphasize that even when fraud is spotlighted, participants often respond with hostility or denial, while security is required to manage confrontations. They conclude with a call for accountability and reforms, asserting that the fraud spans the entire state and that transportation companies are central to the ability to sustain fraudulent payments.

We bought $2 million worth of data and remained open-minded about being wrong. We considered the possibility that the people involved were simply influenced by internet blogs. We looked for outliers in the dataset, something that would stand out. We determined that individuals who visited Dropbox in Georgia an average of 23 times and also interacted with NGOs met our criteria. NGOs refer to government organizations or nonprofits, like Stacey Abrams' group.

Elizabeth describes a pattern she’s seeing in Portland, Maine that mirrors what’s been found in Minnesota: the use of zombie offices and large clusters of home health care businesses operating from a single location to defraud Medicaid. She notes that among the businesses registered in the Portland area, of the 20-something identified, about 10 are home health care providers. She cites specific examples, including Prestige Home Care, Bright Star Home Care, Atlanta Community Support, Five Stars Home Health Care, and Prime Home Care LLC, as part of this trend. Elizabeth emphasizes that this clustering is a tactic previously observed in Minnesota, where the Minnesota House Oversight Committee on Fraud described it as a giant red flag, pointing to large groups of health care providers located in one building as problematic. She points to a particular building in Portland as evidence: inside this building, 22 different home and community-based health care companies are registered, illustrating the concentration of providers within a single address. Ron Nevins, the building owner, agrees to speak with Elizabeth about what’s inside. He is asked about how many health care companies occupy the space. He responds, “I think I got 10 health care companies, which is probably about half, maybe a little less than half of this building.” He repeatedly references “health care, health care, health care, home health care,” underscoring the focus of the tenants. Elizabeth probes the legitimacy of these businesses, asking whether they are all legitimate. Ron Nevins replies partially: “Some, yes, but some I highly question.” His comment reflects uncertainty about the fidelity or legality of the operations housed in the building, aligning with the concerns raised by the Minnesota case. In summary, the reporting highlights a pattern of many home health care providers co-located in a single Portland building, mirroring Minnesota’s findings of clustered health care entities as a potential red flag for Medicaid fraud. The account cites specific companies and notes substantial occupancy by home health care firms, while also acknowledging doubts about the legitimacy of some of these businesses according to the building’s owner.

The speaker describes finding a pattern of voter registrations from a single location. Specifically, they note that more than a thousand people were registered from 201 Washington Street Southwest, which they identify as a church. Upon further investigation, they claim this was part of a well-organized plan by Democrat donors, including George Soros, who allegedly poured millions into an Atlanta organization that went around this area and signed up all the homeless people. The speaker asserts this occurred during the day, when the area is typically filled with homeless individuals, and states that the organization receives money from people like George Soros to register homeless people to be able to vote from one single place. The speaker also points to another location across the Georgia state capital, stating that 48 Martin Luther King Jr Drive Southwest has registered over 2,000 people to vote from one single location. They identify the sign-ups as being conducted by the progressive organization, which they claim is signing up homeless people who are located right across the street. The speaker emphasizes the cold weather, noting it is 35 degrees at 1 PM, and reiterates that the area is normally filled with homeless people. In summary, the speaker asserts that megachurches and surrounding locations have seen extensive, single-location voter registrations, alleging deliberate campaigns funded by Soros-adjacent groups to register homeless individuals to vote from these sites. The locations highlighted include 201 Washington Street Southwest and 48 Martin Luther King Junior Drive Southwest, both described as heavily involved in large-scale registrations from single sites, with the latter attributed to a progressive organization and the former to a group described as aiding Democrats through homeless-voter registration.

The speakers tour sites in Atlanta that they say show problems with voter registration and housing. They point to 477 P Street Northeast, where they state that, according to Georgia registration rolls updated less than two weeks ago, over 70 people are actively registered to vote from that location, even though the Peachtree Pine homeless shelter behind them was closed in 2017. They question why those former residents remain on the rolls and propose that there should be automatic purges when a shelter closes. They note the property is private, boarded up, with danger and no trespassing signs, and they attempt to enter entrances but are blocked. They compare the 70-some registrations at that site to the expectation that USPS would drop off mail or voter information for residents, and they express skepticism about how such registrations could occur. They also highlight a UPS store at 2625 Piedmont Road Northeast, where they say 96 people are still registered to vote from that address, again asserting this is a violation of Georgia law because a UPS store, PO box, or virtual mailbox cannot be a place of residence. They say the law specifies that where you vote from is where you live and rest, and they emphasize that this is a clear violation. The discussion shifts to the idea that, in addition to homelessness and voting, welfare fraud could be connected to these registrations. They claim that some churches act with advocacy groups to sign up homeless people for benefits and that this could involve checks sent to addresses used for registration. They allege that an outreach program at services and mail lines at a neighboring center, the central outreach and advocacy center, handles housing needs and mail for thousands of people. They report that the organization took in almost $700,000, with a government grant of $25,000 for homeless activities and a private contractor paid $50,000 to write grant proposals to the government, implying that the county maintains a surplus in election budgets and disperses funds to such groups. The speakers assert that the county is not cleaning voter rolls, thereby inflating the number of registered voters. They speculate that if there were many such sites—perhaps hundreds—with around 100 voters each, it would be easy to influence elections, noting that Georgia uses voter ID while contrasting with states like California. They also reference the 2020 election, suggesting that in Georgia, the state was won by a narrow margin and that widespread irregularities in Fulton County could have impacted the result. They discuss potential political leanings, claiming that donations and grants to these groups likely go to Democrats, and that the same organizations could be targeting homeless people to register them to vote and to receive government assistance. The presenters visit another church area at 201 Washington Street Southwest, identifying two lines: one for services and one for mail, implying that the church’s outreach program is involved in registering people for voting and distributing mail to many individuals. They reiterate their belief that the operation is funded by state and federal grants and private donations, and they reiterate that the aggregate registrations at two churches total over a thousand. They propose a broader pattern of “targeting” vulnerable populations for political and financial gain, suggesting potential corruption and kickbacks linked to government funds and political support. They conclude with a strong assertion that the described situation constitutes corruption.

Two individuals came up with the idea to validate the data by looking at two cold case murders. One of the cases involved the shooting of an 8-year-old girl in Atlanta. They visually identified a few unique devices that could have been used in the shooting. Each color on the map represents a different person, and the shooting occurred in a specific parking lot. The information was given to the FBI, who have since arrested two suspects, believed to be gang members. The tracking of these devices parallels the work being done with the mules.

The speaker describes a pattern involving Somali couriers at the Minneapolis airport who arrive almost daily with a large amount of cash—“a million 600,000 in cash and a luggage.” This activity is presented as suspicious, with daily occurrences and shipments moving about $350,000,000 a year in cash in their luggage out of Minneapolis Airport and then predominantly overseas. The speaker notes one observed route: when TSA saw the money move, it went from Minneapolis to Europe, Europe to Dubai, often passing through Amsterdam. This money flow was flagged for years by TSA. According to the speaker, the payments were repeatedly flagged over an extended period. The scale of the activity is described as increasing. The money moves were said to have grown from $2,030,000,000 dollars a year to $350,000,000 a year in the last two years, 2024 and 2025. The speaker characterizes the operation as “literally a foreign ATM taking cash out of The United States to foreign destinations,” and states that the reason for this is unknown. The activity is stated to be under investigation by the FBI and Homeland Security Investigations (HSI). The speaker ends by noting that people question whether this is normal, given the ongoing investigation and the unusual disposition of cash moving internationally in this manner.

DHS officials shared new details with Saturday in America about a large-scale flow of cash tied to Somali couriers, with the organization noting about $700 million in cash flown out of Minneapolis over the past two years. That amounts to roughly $350 million per year for 2024 and 2025. The figure is markedly higher—about 10 to 1—than cash movements reported at larger airports like JFK and DFW, which were about $3 to $4 million per year. The footprint isn’t limited to Minnesota. Columbus, Ohio, is also involved, where officials say that since 2023, about $136 million in bulk cash has been flown from Columbus to Somalia. The investigation into how this money travels from Columbus to Somalia outlines a path: bulk cash and luggage depart from John Glenn Columbus International Airport, then luggage lands in either Minneapolis or Atlanta before being sent overseas. Seattle is also seeing bulk cash transfers, though the volume is significantly smaller than in Minnesota and Ohio. Collectively, these locations align with the states that have the largest Somali populations in the United States—Minnesota, Ohio, and Washington. On Capitol Hill, the acting administrator of the Transportation Security Administration explained how these cash movements were uncovered. She noted that TSA officers can identify cash when it appears as a mass on X-ray images at checkpoints. When officers encounter items they cannot identify on the X-ray, they resolve the issue and report it to law enforcement partners in accordance with their standard operating procedures. She confirmed that there is an ongoing investigation with law enforcement partners. In summary, the investigation highlights substantial bulk-cash movements linked to Somali couriers centered in specific American hubs with large Somali populations, notably Minneapolis, Columbus, and to a lesser extent Seattle. The cash travels through a sequence of airports—Columbus to Minneapolis or Atlanta, then overseas—before reaching Somalia. TSA officers play a key role by flagging unidentified masses on X-ray and coordinating with law enforcement as part of the ongoing inquiry.

The speaker describes a pattern of fraud concentrated in clusters rather than in isolated, large-scale operations. The fraud appears to occur within family groups or tightly connected networks, spreading across multiple small sites rather than a single, massive operation. These clusters involve using single apartments, single condos, or potentially a single-family home outside of Boston, effectively creating numerous small daycare facilities. The speaker notes that the capacity of these clusters is not as high as it might be in other regions (e.g., Minnesota). As a result, fraud operates at a large number of smaller sites rather than a few large ones. The implication is that there may be more individual perpetrators overall, but each site commits fraud on a smaller scale. This distributed approach contrasts with a hypothetical scenario in which one building or site would generate a multi-million-dollar fraud; instead, the speaker expects many buildings each contributing smaller amounts, culminating in a broader spread of fraudulent activity. A key factor driving this pattern is the very low barrier to entry for opening a daycare, which facilitates a large number of potential operators and, consequently, a higher overall opportunity for fraud. The speaker emphasizes that this low barrier makes it easier for fraudulent actors to multiply across numerous small locations, contributing to a wide but shallow trafficking of schemes. The speaker explains the financial impact and mechanism of the fraud: the state is subsidizing payments for these kids, but the fraud involves both the daycare and the parents allegedly claiming that children attend the daycare when they do not. In reality, the parents certify attendance, while the daycare providers and the parents are allegedly splitting the subsidized funds. As a result, taxpayers bear the burden of subsidizing services that are not actually being provided to the claimed attendees. In summary, the described fraud occurs in clustered groups, leveraging many small daycare operations (often housed in single residences) with a very low entry barrier, leading to widespread but not individually vast fraud. The purported scheme involves falsified attendance to obtain state subsidies, with the daycare operators and some parents allegedly sharing the ill-gotten funds.

Oversight tracked 9 phones at the shooter's home, then to his workplace at a nursing home, and to a fairground where he did recon on July 4th and 8th. The shooter turned his phone off after the 12th. One phone pinged in DC at a building with FBI offices and meeting spots.

In Gwinnett County, there was a ballot drop box with a chain of custody document noting 1,962 ballots. This is unusual as we usually see around 10 times fewer. After analyzing the GEO data, we found that only 271 people approached the drop box during a 25-hour period. This raises questions about how 1,962 ballots were deposited. Video evidence shows election officials removing two full duffle bags containing the ballots from the drop box.

Rosenhan agents presented themselves at 12 psychiatric clinics across America, spanning various states and hospital types, from rural to university and private facilities. They provided accurate personal information, fabricating only their names and employment details.

In the video, the speaker discusses three felonies captured on camera and reveals that there are 4 million minutes of video footage. The worst offender state is Pennsylvania, specifically Philadelphia, in every sense. The speaker explains that 1,155 people in Philadelphia met the criteria of having 10 or more drop boxes and 5 or more organizations. Even if we assume that number is half, it would still be insane. The speaker also mentions the data showing pings crossing the bridge from New Jersey into Philadelphia, which is even more astonishing.

The Heritage Foundation's Oversight Project identified nine phones at the home of the recent shooter and tracked one to his workplace. That phone was then tracked to the Butler County fairgrounds, where the shooter allegedly did recon on July 4 and July 8. The shooter turned his phone off after July 12. In the process of tracking the phones, one phone pinged seven or eight times in DC at Gallery Place, where FBI offices and source meeting locations are. The FBI is reportedly investigating the matter. There could be non-nefarious reasons for someone to be at that building. The Oversight Project has provided data to assist in tracking this down. There is a question about whether the victim was hit by a bullet or shrapnel.

We are at the Cabanas Rio Mayo Hotel in Colombia, which serves as a transit point for Chinese nationals heading to the United States. The entire hotel is filled with Chinese foreigners, mostly military-aged males. This hotel is part of a Chinese migration route, as indicated by a blueprint distributed in Chinese WhatsApp groups. Chinese nationals who have already made it to the US are informing those on their way to stop at this hotel. The hotel staff confirmed this. The signs and writings in the hotel are in Chinese, further supporting this observation. We spoke to a Chinese national staying at the hotel, who mentioned the presence of Chinese spies in the US.

A building in Signal Hill, California appears to be the headquarters for nearly 700 freight companies, according to federal records. Approximately 500 of these companies share the same email address: WTFfmcsa@aol.com. CRAX reported this address to federal regulators two years ago. The speaker questions why no action has been taken despite the report.

I'm Matthew Galiotti, head of the Justice Department's Criminal Division. Today we announce the largest coordinated health care fraud takedown in the history of the Department of Justice. We are announcing charges against three twenty four defendants for their alleged participation in health care fraud schemes involving approximately $14,600,000,000 in false claims submitted to Medicare, Medicaid and other health care programs. In a takedown this large, I can't possibly describe all of the work that went into dismantling each scheme. But there are four key points that bear emphasizing. First, these health care fraud schemes mean for every hardworking American family. These criminals didn't just steal someone else's money. They stole from you. Every fraudulent claim, every fake billing, every kickback scheme represents money taken directly from the pockets of American taxpayers who fund these essential programs through their hard work and sacrifice. And when criminals defraud these programs, they're not just committing theft. They're driving up our national deficit and threatening the long term viability of health care for seniors, disabled Americans and our most vulnerable citizens. This enforcement action involves the seizure of cash as well as luxury vehicles and properties returning real money to American taxpayers and to our government health care programs. Second, we are seeing a disturbing trend of transnational criminal organizations engaging in increasingly sophisticated and complex criminal schemes that defraud the American health care system. As part of this takedown, we've identified and charged defendants operating from Russia, Eastern Europe, Pakistan and other foreign countries. As just one example, we dismantled a scheme involving a sophisticated operation run from Russia and Eastern Europe that strategically bought dozens of medical supply companies in The United States and submitted more than $10,000,000,000 in fraudulent health care claims to Medicare. To make matters worse, these perpetrators used the stolen identities of more than 1,000,000 Americans spanning all 50 states to perpetrate this scheme and submit these false claims. But I'm pleased to report that federal agents intercepted and arrested key members of that organization at US airports and The US Mexico border, cutting off their intended escape routes. The days of transnational criminal organizations using the American health care programs as their personal piggy bank are over. Third, this takedown resulted in criminal charges against 74 defendants, including medical professionals who fueled America's deadly opioid crisis for personal profit. These are not isolated instances of poor judgment. These are calculated schemes designed to exploit Americans struggling with addiction while enriching the very people who were duty bound to help them heal. We charged pill mill operators who prescribed unnecessary opioids. We dismantled networks of corrupt pharmacies that existed solely to distribute drugs to addicts and dealers, feeding the addiction crisis that has devastated so many American communities. Fourth, many of the defendants charged as part of this takedown specifically targeted our most vulnerable citizens, elderly Americans in nursing homes, individuals with disabilities, those battling illnesses, and more. For example, our prosecutors charged seven defendants, including five medical professionals, in connection with approximately $1,000,000,000 in fraudulent claims to Medicare and other health care benefit programs for performing medically unnecessary skin grass on dying patients as they were seeking to spend their final days with dignity and peace. That conduct is exactly as callous and disturbing as it sounds. Patients and their families trusted these providers with their lives. Instead of receiving care, they became victims of elaborate criminal schemes.

Speaker 0 describes being advised to start attending planning meetings with a task force. Over the next several weeks and months, he attended upwards of three planning meetings with a task force of about 20 personnel from various law enforcement agencies, health and human services, the BCA, Saint Paul PD, Minneapolis PD, all revolving around fraudulent daycares. They were setting up sham daycares, with fake bills, fake students, or enrollments of students who never came—essentially, fake daycares. Over the next several months, they executed several search warrants throughout South Minneapolis, Lake Street, and different areas at these daycares. Not one of the daycares he served warrants on had anyone present; they were never occupied. They were completely empty from his experience, with stacks of invoices and student records of people who surveillance showed never went there. He notes that nobody ever came in and out of these daycares. The operation “worked out” for three to four months. He was assigned as a support person to assist with anything needing financial experience, working with HSI and immigration authorities to pull records and related tasks. Ultimately, he says the task force just kinda went away, and he is not sure whatever happened to it. He mentions the meetings of “you know, I…” but the transcription ends there.

I worked with around 80 coworkers at the election headquarters, where we were instructed to falsify ballot package dates. Different supervisors told us to backdate the documents, creating about 10,000 false documents per day for 10 days, totaling around 100,000 false documents. Sometimes we completed up to 14,000 packages per day.

The transcript portrays Mena, Arkansas as a central hub for large-scale drug trafficking in the 1980s, organized under the approval of governor Bill Clinton. It states that Barry Seal set up one of the United States’ largest smuggling operations in Mena, with Medellin, Cali, Bogota, Colombia as the drug cartels’ international network. U.S. customs estimated that at least 75% of all drug-smuggling aircraft passed through Mena for various reasons, making it a sanctuary for prominent importers of illegal drugs during the early to mid-1980s. A former operator claims Barry Seal attempted to establish drug operations in Louisiana but faced political obstacles, turning to Arkansas due to what is described as a “sleazy governor hooked on cocaine.” The narrative asserts that Seal carried out a first trial run by delivering an enormous quantity of cocaine to a remote airport in Ouachita National Forest, identified as Mena Airport, and that he delivered a personal stash of cocaine and a packet of information from J. Bennett Johnston to Bill Clinton, who allegedly cut two lines of cocaine and inhaled. The speaker further claims sexual experiences with Bill Clinton, describing Clinton as bisexual leaning toward the homosexual end, and asserts Hillary Clinton was involved in “sex programming” and accessed it to fulfill perversions. The speaker also alleges more extensive interactions with Hillary Clinton. The accounts claim that there was $100,000,000 in cocaine moving through Arkansas monthly, creating challenges in laundering such sums in a small state. The testimony describes money accounts accumulating and then showing zero balance at month’s end, implying money laundering connected to the drug trade. In addition to Mena, other parts of Arkansas allegedly served as drop points for money and cocaine. A separate account claims special cargo doors were installed inside planes without FAA permission to drop cocaine in flight through open doors in midair. Clinton is described as having integrated corrupt cops, judges, and politicians into high-level positions to sustain the smuggling and money laundering operations. A former participant says that in fifteen years, he did not encounter corruption comparable to what he found after the Mena investigation. The narrative states that the trafficking, money laundering, and murders involved an unholy alliance among organized crime, high-ranking U.S. political figures, and Colombian drug kingpins, with rumors of CIA conspiracy and links to Nicaraguan contras masked by broader political narratives. The rise of Clinton to the presidency allegedly provided national attention to activities in Arkansas, yet nine state and federal investigations into Mena had been shut down, and a tenth investigation was anticipated but claimed unlikely to reach significant conclusions. When asked in 1994 whether he had knowledge of Mena’s operations, Clinton reportedly answered, “No. They didn’t tell me anything about it,” asserting the issue was federal, not state, jurisdiction. The transcript ends by questioning why, if drug-smuggling persists at Mena, Clinton would have allowed it after becoming president.