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The speaker recounts personally observing alarming EBT receipts while working at a grocery store, citing one instance of $13,000 spent on EBT food and $29,000 on EBT cash. The speaker expresses frustration, questioning how individuals receiving assistance can afford to dress very well while Americans struggle to afford necessities like work boots. The speaker views this as a serious problem.

Speaker 0 recounts inspecting a lady's house. She said, 'I've had my voucher for fifty years. I made sure that I got my daughter on a voucher. I made sure I got my granddaughter on a voucher. I couldn't get my son on a voucher so I told them that he had asthma. You can't prove asthma or migraines.' She told me because she was telling me a way to scam the system. 'When I pull up, I pull up in a 2013 Toyota Camry. There's usually a Lexus or BMW sitting in their yard. I look poor.' She said many people tell her stuff to get money from the government, but 'y'all keep on thinking I don't know it.' And since every one of you are gonna ask me, yes, I reported it. 'But if your caseworker likes you, you are pretty untouchable here. Like, they will give you ideas and help you do it.'

Jews in Harlem run the whiskey and rundown stores, and control Harlem's economy. Someone should be warned before violence erupts, but this is not antisemitism, just observation. The speaker claims that Jews control about 80% of the economy in most Black communities across the country. After he made this statement on Channel 13, Jews organized to prevent the interview from being re-aired. Morgan, another person involved in the program, disclaimed responsibility for the speaker's statements. The speaker believes that Jews exploit Black communities in Harlem and across the country, and that Jews believe in censorship more than anyone else.

A Venezuelan migrant explains how to scam the system by breaking in, having a baby in the US, and getting married for more benefits. American women are encouraged to work and have abortions, while migrants are aided in crossing the border, having babies, and getting married for benefits.

Speaker 0, Curious Showell, describes a village of 44,000 Hasidic Jews in Upstate New York who primarily speak Yiddish, have an average of seven kids per family, and rely heavily on state assistance and welfare programs such as Medicare, SNAP, housing assistance, and tax credits tied to large families. The question is posed: How many kids do most people have out here? Speaker 1 responds that families have seventeen, eighteen children, and attributes this to being proud to do what the Torah says, that one must be multiple and fruitful. The discussion continues: how do people afford to have ten kids? Speaker 1 says the community is based on this, and when asked if wealthy members give charity, Speaker 1 says yes, mostly, and adds, “I don't talk to suspicious person.” Curious Showell presses: “How am I suspicious? Do you study Torah? Do you work for Hamas?” Speaker 1 replies: “Nothing. How do you make money?” When asked what he does for work, Speaker 1 says his wife, and then says, “I'm doing home care. Brokerage and construction.” On the question of Medicaid, SNAP, and EBT for most people, Speaker 1 responds uncertainly: “I don't know. I don't know. I can't speak for other people. What about you? I'm not gonna tell about myself.” Showell notes the welfare-use curiosity again, asking if the Jewry here are on welfare. Speaker 1 states, “No. The Jewish people, Justin Kirsch, Joel, their taxes covers everything that we take back. They pay a lot of property tax.” When asked if he knows anyone on welfare, he refuses to comment. Showell pushes, “Come on.” Speaker 1 again declines, asking, “What do you guys do for work here? You guys have like businesses, work a job, study Torah?” Speaker 1 answers that he has a job and is in sales, selling food, specifically chocolate. Showell questions the prevalence of EBT use: “What food do you sell? Chocolate.” He quips that he feels “bamboozled.” He asks again whether men take EBT and what percentage use it for groceries here. Speaker 1 asserts, “100%.” When pressed for a percentage, Speaker 1 hedges, and the conversation turns toward observing a synagogue, where many people are praying at 09:00 sharp, not at work. A final question asks what most men do for work in the community. The exchange continues in a floor of confusion: “What do you mean?” and “Do people here survive off of welfare?” Speaker 1 answers, “It is a 100%. Like all of the communities, you have eight kids, can also get benefits.” The time stamp notes a moment of age inquiry—most people seen are teenagers, with one 21-year-old stating his age. The dialogue concludes with a broader insinuation: concerns about Sharia law and a theocratic ethnic enclave, framing Curious Joel as an example of Jews living there and many tapping into welfare benefits.

The speakers discuss what they describe as a mass and opaque operation affecting elections. They claim that the total amount involved is “way beyond anybody’s imagination” and that neither the state nor the federal government knows it. They allege that a judge would bow to the head of the “Somalian mafia,” and describe the situation as a voting block whose members will vote together. They state that if someone does something against “our community,” they will vote for that person’s opponent, asserting that there is ballot harvesting and that they have witnessed it firsthand. The implication is that the voting bloc coordinates to influence election outcomes. They describe Cedar Riverside as a major, massive apartment complex and ask how many Somalis live there, noting that there are “one complex” and “20 more just like this around the Twin Cities,” totaling “probably a 100,000 or more people.” They claim these people are all Somali and are “living rent free.” They further claim they are driving vehicles paid for by others, eating food paid for by others, and that “they’re everything they do is something that you paid for,” implying that public funds or subsidies support them. The speakers allege that an entire block will vote for a single candidate, with “one person” going to collect all the ballots. They assert there is no tracking and that there could be multiple people living in an apartment, possibly nine ballots, with someone then “collect[ing] all the ballots.” The dialogue emphasizes a coordinated effort to manipulate voting outcomes through ballot collection and bloc voting, portraying the Somali community as organized to vote as a unified force in elections while alleging widespread use of ballot harvesting and ballot collection practices.

The video follows Tyler Oliveira, an independent journalist, visiting Kiriyos Joel (Curious Joel), a Hasidic Jewish traditional community in upstate New York described as a large, growing, tightly knit enclave dominated by Hasidic Jews who largely speak Yiddish. The dialogue paints a picture of a community with unusually large families, strict modesty and gender roles, private religious education, and a mix of work patterns that rely on both self-employment within the community and outside labor. Key facts and claims as presented: - Demographics and family size: The community is described as a village of about 40,000 Hasidic Jews in upstate New York, with families averaging seven children. When discussing typical family size, several participants mention numbers like seventeen to eighteen children, though others give more conservative figures. One interviewee says “Ten, twelve, fourteen, fifteen” is common in the larger families, with a repeated emphasis on seven to ten as a norm in some households. - Economic profile and poverty: The town is described as one of the poorest towns in America, with around 40% living beneath the federal poverty line. The transcript notes reliance on public assistance, Medicaid, housing vouchers, food stamps (EBT/SNAP), and cash aid to support large families. - Employment and Torah study: A recurring theme is that many men spend significant time studying the Torah full-time, with three hours of daily prayer/study mentioned by some interviewees. Yet other participants indicate that men work in industries like construction, driving or bus services, or run private businesses. Women are described as working in some cases (e.g., teaching, health care, retail, childcare) and in other cases primarily managing households, especially when children are very young. Some individuals report that women work after children are older or part-time in addition to domestic duties. - Education and institutions: The community uses private religious schools (Torah study is emphasized), with most schools described as privately run. A significant portion of the schooling and social life centers on maintaining the community’s religious practices and modest dress codes. The synagogues, private kosher markets, and a complex network of private buses and community services are prominent features. - Welfare and tax considerations: The dialogue repeatedly questions how families can afford many children on limited incomes, noting welfare programs (Medicaid, SNAP/EBT, housing assistance) that help, particularly for large families. Some participants acknowledge that welfare usage exists (including potential tax credits and other subsidies tied to children), while others push back against the idea that welfare dominates, arguing instead that benevolence within the community and private charity play major roles. There is discussion about how much welfare benefits are worth relative to the costs of raising many children, including taxes and tuition. - Community economics and charity: A common claim is that wealthier members of the community fund many services and subsidize others through charitable giving. The existence of kosher supermarkets run with the help of Mexican labor is described, along with private safety services, volunteer EMS, and community-owned buses and infrastructure. The interviewee notes that two groceries, Maitiv, offer substantial discounts, and that the community supports one another to afford large families. - Labor dynamics and assimilation: Several interviews contrast Hasidic work patterns with non-Jewish labor participation nearby (e.g., Hispanics in construction, retail, and labor). There is a sense that many Jewish residents own or run businesses, while a notable portion of practical labor appears performed by immigrant workers. A discussion arises about whether non-members can move into the community, with responses suggesting it is possible but may be uncomfortable for some residents, given the desire to preserve religious life. - Zionism and Israel: A notable viewpoint expressed by some community members is opposition to the state of Israel before the Messiah, with Zionism described as not Judaism and the state as secular. This stance frames a broader tension between religious life in Kiriyos Joel and external political narratives. - Public interactions and challenges: The video captures tensions around filming, interviews, and the community’s encounter with outside observers, including skepticism about welfare claims and how the community is portrayed. Observations highlighted by the video’s framing: - The community presents itself as a self-reinforcing, tightly knit unit with private institutions, mutual aid, and communal oversight aimed at preserving religious life. - The economic reality described mixes private enterprise, charitable support, and reliance on public programs, particularly given large family sizes. - The overall portrait emphasizes a life integrated around Torah study, prayer, family, education, and a network of community-run services, with welfare and tax considerations continuing to be debated among residents and visitors.

"There's no concern at all." "Government subsidies were never meant to be a lifestyle." "Government subsidies were never meant to be a hammock. They're meant to be a trampoline." "I've met hundreds of people around our country." "She's 52 years old. She's been living there since 1953. Excuse me. She's 52 years old. She's been living there since 1973." "There's three generations living in government subsidies that are able-bodied, able-minded." "When you talk about time limits, time limits are kind of an encouragement." "we're gonna have workforce training around you." "We're gonna skill training around you to get out of government subsidies to live a life of self sustainability." "Poverty has no party." "This is not democrat. It's not republican." "Go research Bill Clinton's bill 1996 when they did real welfare reform." "You're too young." "but go research that."

The speaker mentions that the people they are referring to are well-prepared and knowledgeable about everything. They discuss how these individuals know what to say when it comes to seeking asylum. The speaker also mentions that these individuals receive certain benefits, including a monthly check and a cost of living check. They speculate that the amount is around $22,100 for one parent and one child. They also mention that these individuals can bring another parent or child with them. The speaker notes that all of these individuals are single parents and suggests that they may already have relatives or significant others in the country.

Let's talk about Ilhan Omar's people in Minnesota. They brought about seventy, eighty thousand of these Somali Muslims in. They grouped them in one spot, and then they used that to elect her to congress. That's how she got there. Now one thing you need to remember, according to the stats is over 90% of these people have availed themselves of some sort of social service welfare program. Now, the authorities in Minnesota have a huge investigation because these people have come up with all kind of different scams—feeding children, housing, fake marriages, fake divorces, you name it. They came here and they started scamming the system like nobody would believe. And these are her people all grouped together in Minnesota. We're gonna talk about Dearborn, Michigan soon too.

The speaker asserts that the core reason many people are upset about food stamp and SNAP benefit programs is not the policy itself but the practice of selling food stamps for cash. They claim that a large number of individuals in New York and other states are buying and selling their food stamps at corner stores and delis, effectively exchanging the benefits for cash. The speaker provides concrete-sounding examples to illustrate the scale of this activity, saying that people are obtaining around $7,000 in food stamps and selling them for cash, or receiving about $4,000 in food stamps and taking roughly $1,000 in cash in exchange. They emphasize that this selling is happening “everywhere,” suggesting it is widespread and not confined to a single area. The speaker also notes that those involved will not admit to selling their food stamps, but insists that it is happening. The overall message is that the dissatisfaction with the SNAP program, in the speaker’s view, stems from the illicit resale of benefits rather than the program’s intent or structure, and that these practices are pervasive across various locations. The speaker foregrounds the belief that the practice is common enough to explain the anger and protests, and they present the assertion as an observed phenomenon rather than a hypothetical concern. The emphasis remains on the alleged pattern of selling SNAP benefits for cash, the amounts involved, and the universality of the practice, coupled with the expectation that the participants would deny it publicly. The speaker’s rhetoric centers on the perception of widespread resale activity and its role in fueling controversy around food stamp benefits.

I was called out for using EBT while driving a 2025 Benz. It's nobody's business what I drive or how I get my benefits. Yes, I receive $271 in food stamps and I’m living my life. I appreciate the support from taxpayers. I embrace my lifestyle, relying on various forms of assistance like food stamps and child support. Everyone has their own way of making a living, and this is mine.

The speaker argues that much of the backlash against SNAP benefits stems from people selling their food stamps. They claim that in New York and other states, individuals go to corner stores or delis to sell their food stamps for cash. The speaker states that some people receive around $7,000 in food stamps and sell them for cash, while others get about $4,000 in food stamps and take roughly $1,000 in cash. They emphasize that this selling is happening “everywhere.” The speaker also notes that people who sell food stamps will never admit to doing so, but asserts that it is happening.

I'm 30 years old with four kids, and I've been on welfare for twelve years. I've been living in government housing since I was 18, but I was removed briefly for not reporting my boyfriend living with me. Currently, I am unemployed and comfortable with it because I receive a government check every month. I get $780 in food stamps, $500 towards rent, Medicaid, and WIC.

Residents express concerns about the influx of Haitian immigrants into their small town, claiming it's a deliberate "displacement" strategy. They allege the immigrants receive financial assistance via an app-loaded card, enabling them to pay cash for houses and drive up prices. One person says they saw receipts showing $13,000 on EBT food and $29,000 on EBT cash balances. They claim schools are overwhelmed, curricula are affected by non-English speakers, and healthcare systems are seeing a rise in "3rd world diseases" and HIV cases. One person states that 19-year-old Haitian men are enrolling as freshmen in schools. Crime is reportedly rising in what was already the 2nd most dangerous place in Ohio. Some residents believe the situation is a deliberate effort to transform the town into "a little Haiti," questioning who benefits from this alleged displacement.

The first speaker contends that Congress is trying to give $5,000,000,000 of your money for refugee resettlement programs, and that money ends up in places like this. The second speaker identifies the International Rescue Committee as the largest refugee NGO in the country, noting that they get government funds and subcontract the work out to places like this. The first speaker describes the Somali American Community Center as a location that receives grants from the IRC in order to help refugees resettle in America. The second speaker reports that when they went in, they found this: an almost completely abandoned retail space that hasn’t filed taxes in almost ten years. The first speaker states that almost every business in the area is focused on getting refugees on taxpayer funded welfare programs. The second speaker asserts that this is how the largest refugee city in the country is funded. The first speaker adds that this is how over 87% of Somali immigrants end up on taxpayer funded public assistance. The second speaker notes that they spent three days in Little Somalia in Atlanta, Georgia. The first speaker concludes by saying that in the largest refugee center in the entire country, this is what they found.

A single mother earning $20 an hour with two children states that after bills, she has no extra money. She was denied food stamps because she makes too much. She believes that people who come to the country legally and do not work receive whatever they want, while she, working 40 hours a week, receives no financial help. She says this is why many Americans are angry, because they feel the situation is unfair.

The speaker believes too many people are "sucking off the government." They work with Section 8 tenants who fall behind on rent but then file taxes and receive a rebate. These tenants also receive SNAP benefits, reduced or free rent, and Social Security benefits, which the speaker claims have been perverted from their original purpose due to politicians buying votes. The speaker alleges that many of these individuals are able-bodied, can work, but choose not to, while the federal government pays for a majority of their living expenses.

I'm seeing a lot of unfairness in South Florida. Long-time residents, some who arrived from Cuba 45 years ago, retire on Social Security payments of $800-$1000 a month after working their entire lives. Yet, new arrivals from Cuba, sometimes just months in the country, receive $1500 monthly in benefits as refugees, even if they're young and able-bodied. I've seen cases where these refugees then make multiple trips back to Cuba. They receive extensive government assistance, including Medicaid, food stamps, and healthcare. It's frustrating to see people who've contributed decades to this country receive less than someone who recently arrived and is seemingly taking advantage of the system. This situation is common and deeply unjust.

Speaker 0 asks if everyone thinks the family is a nice Jewish family. Speaker 1 responds: From the outside, you appear to be a nice Jewish girl. Definitely. And you all are worshiping the devil inside the home? There are other Jewish families across the country. It’s not just my own family. Speaker 0 prompts for non-gory details about what kinds of things went on in the family. Speaker 1 describes rituals in which babies would be sacrificed, noting that there were people who bred babies in their family. She says no one would know about it, and that a lot of people were overweight, so you couldn't tell if they were pregnant or not, or they would supposedly go away for a while and then come back. Speaker 0 notes that she witnessed the sacrifice. Speaker 1 confirms she witnessed it when she was very young, and she was forced to participate in sacrificing an infant. Speaker 0 asks what the purpose of the sacrifice is. Speaker 1 answers the sacrifice is to bring you what? For power. Speaker 0: Power.