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The speaker claims someone is lying about a conversation and has fabricated components of it. The speaker reveres the office of the presidency and will keep the readout confidential, but asserts the individual in question has been a "stone cold liar" regarding their discussion. The speaker states the National Guard was never discussed. The speaker would like to share what was actually discussed, claiming it would be shocking, but attorneys prevent them from doing so.

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- Speaker 0 apologized in 2016 for a promise about 1000 euros, stating that was a mistake and clarifying that it is not about Ukraine joining the European Union; they are against that as well. - On policy positions, Speaker 0 says: there should not be changes to mortgage interest deduction; they are not in favor of increasing the deductible; they are investing half a billion in the development of alternative energy, with a caveat about wind turbines, noting that those wind turbines operate on subsidies and “do not operate on wind.” - Speaker 1 recalls a statement from nine years ago about a street worker who works 40 years and can retire at 65, noting that nothing of that has been seen in recent years. Speaker 0 counters with “five years said, right?” to confirm the timeline. - Speaker 0 references a past claim about someone being under oath, saying that if it involved political motives, the law would be set aside. They remark not to recall a speech about “group immunity,” and state they have not heard such a speech. - The discussion moves to a person not being in service of the VVD; they state she does not work for the VVD, has no VVD parliamentary pass, and that Speaker 0 had lied about the matter being about Omtzigt. - Speaker 0 asserts that they did so to the best of their knowledge, admitting there was no memo that had been requested by the informant or informally requested; they did not have that memory and could not reconstruct what was discussed in 2015. They acknowledge uncertainty about what exactly was on the table in 2015 and admit they cannot precisely reconstruct those details. - They mention a second example and reference someone named Caroline, then question whether it is odd that officials would be aware of something and the other person would not be informed. They ask if this was four years ago, saying they would not know. They conclude by saying they have misremembered this in hindsight and express sincere regret.

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The speaker mentions that the document was redacted to protect the source. They also mention that there are 17 voice recordings, two of which involve the current president. The speaker questions why this information was redacted and not given to the House Oversight.

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The hearing addressed the October 14 audio recording and the October 24 transcript. The portion covering these items would be closed so the court could determine which parts of the recording should remain sealed. All members of the public and press were excused, and the hearing would not be broadcast while the court heard arguments on what should be sealed. After the argument, the parties, the public, and the media would be invited back to resume transmission, and the hearing would proceed with three remaining matters: the motion for limited intervention, followed by the state’s motion to amend or clarify the publicity order; these two portions would be open to the public and press. A brief recess would follow and the judge would issue rulings on all three matters. During the closed hearing, Richard Novak, representing Mister Robinson, requested that Mister Robinson’s immediate family—his father, mother, and brother—be allowed to stay in the courtroom for the closed portion. The state and the judge discussed the request. The judge expressed concern about discussing court security measures in an open public setting and stated that the issue of who may be present in closed sessions could be sensitive. Richard Novak argued that the family members have a unique relationship with Mister Robinson and would comply with any disclosure orders, but acknowledged that the court ultimately had discretion over who may attend. The judge ruled that the family members would be excluded from the closed session, citing the nature and sensitivity of the discussions and the need to treat all parties and the public equally, while noting the family relationship. The court thanked Novak for the request and proceeded to the closed session.

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Speaker 0 and Speaker 1 discuss the reasons behind removing a video for a period and why it was both important and wise to do so. Speaker 0 opens by recalling that the decision to take the video down followed a recent call, and the two of them reflect on why delaying or withholding certain content made sense given the current circumstances. The conversation centers on preserving strategic and personal boundaries while navigating public content and legal considerations. Speaker 1 explains that she knows her husband and can read when he is being guided and what he wants to say, contrasting that with when the hurt Tim is speaking. She emphasizes that she is protective of the “hurt Tim” and acknowledges that he has endured a great deal. She notes that some people might want to see the hurt side, but she asserts that nobody gets to see that hurt side. The emphasis is on controlling which aspects of their situation are shared publicly, especially in light of ongoing developments. She connects this sensitivity to larger ongoing processes, pointing out that there is significant activity with the court system and related events. The core idea is to avoid giving away any information that could be unfavorable or harmful to their position in those proceedings. This concern about potential disclosures informs their decision to moderate what is publicly discussed. Speaker 0 adds that the attorneys also weighed in on the matter, indicating professional guidance influenced the decision. The attorneys’ assessment acknowledged that the situation was not entirely dire or disastrous, but it was not optimal to release certain details. This professional input supports a cautious approach to what is shared publicly. Speaker 1 reiterates the conclusion: the plan is to “do this right” by articulating what they want to say while avoiding what they shouldn’t say. The exchange underscores a collaborative strategy between the spouses and their legal counsel to ensure that their communications align with their goals and protect their ongoing legal and personal interests. They agree on the principle of saying what they want to say and not saying what they should refrain from saying, effectively balancing transparency with prudence.

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The speaker suggests discussing something off the record with the judge, but the judge explains that they cannot do anything without involving the plaintiff's counsel. The speaker then asks if they can touch the judge's phone to read something, but the judge declines. The speaker requests to see the entire string of what is being shown and asks if they can have a sidebar with someone they don't know. They also mention notifying this person about a call.

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I'm at the airport, fresh from a White House meeting with President Trump, Vice President Vance, Attorney General Bondi, and FBI Director Patel. We were presented with a binder labeled "Epstein Files Phase One," meant to be transparent, per the President's order to declassify everything. Initially, Attorney General Bondi expected bombshells, the "dark stuff," but the binder wasn't what she anticipated. It felt incomplete. Then, late last night, a source from within the Southern District of New York (SDNY) contacted Bondi, revealing that the SDNY was concealing hundreds, maybe thousands, of additional Epstein-related documents from everyone, including the President.

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The speaker discusses changes to a DEI policy, including the establishment of a CDO presence on campus. The speaker prefaces their explanation by requesting honesty and expressing confidence that the listener will not reveal the information shared.

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The conversation centers on Tina Peters, her defense team, and alleged procedural and ethical problems surrounding her case. The speaker details his personal involvement, including paying a million dollars to Doug Richards to defend Peters. He recounts discovering misgivings about Richards’ defense plan a few days before trial and visiting Richards’ hotel room to hear his theory of the case. Richards allegedly arrived resentfully on a Zoom call with other criminal defense attorneys and proposed a strategy to put Peters on the stand, claiming that “colonelson” told her to image a hard drive. The speaker notes that colonelson was the president’s attorney, not Peters’ own attorney, and Richards supposedly argued Peters could claim it was legal advice from an attorney, although the speaker states California does not have a legal advice exception and Colorado law would render such a defense nugatory. The proposed strategy allegedly aimed to create jury sympathy for a 68-year-old grandmother rather than present substantive legal arguments or evidence of fraud. The speaker contends that Richards’ strategy would have resulted in Peters going on the stand with no other witnesses, effectively inviting jury nullification and failing to argue legitimate defenses or present critical motions. Peters reportedly fell ill during this period, and she fired Richards at the last moment, seeking proper counsel. The judge and Richards are described as part of a “railroad” process in Colorado, with Richards allegedly designing an ineffectual defense to push Peters to testify, thereby enabling possible indictments of Kurt Olson and 45. The speaker asserts that several local criminal defense attorneys on a Zoom call were horrified by Richards’ strategy and that the defense was deliberately weak. Stephanie Lambert, currently indicted in Michigan, who is in leg irons in Washington, DC, then took Peters’ case and filed motions that, in the speaker’s view, should have been filed earlier. These motions contend that Peters, as county recorder, had the right to make a backup of election data, and that the backup was a legitimate act; a friend with a cyber background and a surfer athlete allegedly participated with Peters’ permission, though the employee “Billy” later denied it. The speaker asserts Peters did nothing wrong and that the charges should have been dismissed. The speaker criticizes the legal profession more broadly, claiming mass coordination by state bar associations and “Project 65” to deprive people of Sixth Amendment rights, citing John Eastman as another example. He mentions a concerted effort to undermine the defense and hints at promises of federal judgeships in exchange for cooperation. He notes that Peters’ motions filed by Lambert should have been filed earlier and accuses Richards of crafting a strategy that would have allowed immediate indictments of Donald Trump’s legal team. The speaker references a Supreme Court filing and a constitutional crisis, stating that the Supreme Court already has “everything it needs” as of the prior night. He praises one DC judge as fair and straightforward, while his other cases are described as varied, though he intends to proceed even if it means jail time. He promises to upload a confidential brief and invites the audience to read the filing with SCOTUS, signaling ongoing legal action.

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The Brunson case has been ruled in favor of Brunson, with the White Hats controlling the case's publicity. The speaker mentions that the case has been on the docket multiple times and has already been ruled upon. They claim to have heard this information from three different military sources. The speaker believes that the White Hats are intentionally keeping the case in the news and holding important information. They express their intention to talk to someone about it.

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The discussion centers on a gag order (pretrial and trial publicity) governing what prosecutors, defense attorneys, and their associated witnesses can say publicly. The speakers explain that the order prevents extrajudicial statements by anyone on the prosecution or defense teams, including witnesses, that would amount to stating a defendant is guilty, which Rule 3.6 prohibits. They note that investigators, sheriffs, and DAs are cautious in press contexts to avoid declaring guilt, instead laying out what is known and why someone was arrested, with the jury deciding guilt. The participants clarify who the order covers: “witness” includes all witnesses part of the prosecution or defense teams, and any lay witnesses whom the parties have a good faith belief will testify at hearing or trial. They identify specific individuals as potential witnesses under the order, including Erica Kirk (wife of someone associated with TPUSA), Blake Neff, Mikey McCoy, Dan Flood, and other TPUSA employees, as well as Andrew Colvin who, they note, may be outside the letter of the restriction because he did not attend the scene (though his association with TPUSA or Ms. Kirk could raise concerns). They reference a publicity notice directed at Erica Kirk and discuss that she may testify at the penalty phase or guilt phase regarding TPUSA and Charlie Kirk, which would implicate her in the order’s restrictions on extrajudicial statements. They indicate Blake Neff and others at TPUSA were identified as being at the scene or notified, suggesting their statements could violate Rule 3.6 if they declare guilt or express guilt-directed opinions. The dialogue shifts to concrete examples the speakers consider to be violations by Blake Neff. They quote several Blake Neff statements: (1) a post describing Joe Kent and Tyler Robinson, asserting guilt or certainty about the defendant’s guilt; (2) a radio show segment in which Neff discusses the case and references guilt; (3) a series of exchanges and summaries where Neff discusses the murder, the weapon, and DNA findings, with statements implying guilt. They present these as explicit violations of the gag order and Rule 3.6 as they interpret them. They also reference the broader media environment, noting that critics argue the hosts and content creators (including Candace Owens, Coach, Didi, Ryan Matta, and others on X) are being accused of tainting the jury pool, while asserting that the prosecution never contacted them to restrict comments. The speakers acknowledge the possibility that others connected to TPUSA or affiliated parties may have observed or participated in discussions around the case, and they question why such statements would be made when the order prohibits commenting on guilt. The tone underscores tensions about who is bound by the order and what constitutes a violation, especially when public narratives surrounding the case reference guilt or innocence.

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Some staffers discussed my personal life with donors in the boardroom, and without my consent, these discussions were shared with donors who have no knowledge or right to ask about my past relationships with women.

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The speaker was asked if they told someone that the Steele dossier was financed by his political opponents. The speaker responded that they didn't think they used the term "Steele dossier," but instead referred to "additional material." When asked if the person had a right to know the dossier was financed by political opponents, the speaker stated they didn't know. They added that informing the person of the financing was not necessary for their goal, which was to alert the person that they had this information.

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The conversation begins with a claim about Lyme disease being “a highly likely militarily engineered bioweapon.” The speaker then says they “probably didn't say that,” and asks whether someone else “said that.” The next assertion is that “that's what the developer of Lyme disease said.” After stating this, the speaker emphasizes that they want “all of our colleagues” to hear it, addressing “Mr. Kennedy” directly and repeating the request that “they” hear it. The speaker continues to press on what was said and questioned earlier, maintaining focus on the idea that Lyme disease could be linked to military engineering. The exchange suggests uncertainty about whether the statement was actually made by the speaker or by the other person being addressed, but it repeatedly returns to the reference to what “the developer of Lyme disease” said as the basis for the statement being attributed. The speaker’s instructions to “Mr. Kennedy” are explicit: they want colleagues to hear the content that has been discussed, and the speaker underscores the importance of ensuring others receive the message. The conversation then transitions to a new question framed around exposure to pesticides, with the speaker beginning the question “Did you say that exposure to pesticides?” The line cuts off before any further detail is provided, leaving the question as an open inquiry about whether the other person had said something specifically about pesticide exposure.

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The discussion centers on claims drawn from “Epstein files.” Speaker 1 says they found information “nobody else found,” highlighting Catherine Rumler, described as Barack Obama’s White House counsel and later general counsel for Goldman Sachs. Speaker 1 claims Rumler was “very, very close to Jeffrey Epstein,” with “constant” email exchanges. They cite emails in the latest tranche where Rumler tells Epstein that John Brennan, director of the CIA, “gave me the CIA’s highest honor this morning,” and where she tells Epstein she will arrange for him to be in Washington next Tuesday and sets up a meeting with Brennan. Speaker 1 asks whether there was contact between Jeffrey Epstein and John Brennan, noting Brennan “is not talking,” and states that “3,000,000 more documents” have not yet been released, and “of the ones that haven’t been deleted possibly” suggests permanent deletion may have occurred. They say people are expected to “take their words for it.” Speaker 0 suggests focusing narrowly on portions of the files involving sex trafficking and billionaires abusing kids, but Speaker 1 argues that zooming out shows “arms deals” and “collaborations across intelligence.” Speaker 1 says the theme everyone should focus on is that Epstein was “an Israeli access agent,” claiming certainty about this position. Speaker 1 says the next tranche (described as “3,000,000,” “like 2,700,000 documents”) shows Epstein trying to work for the CIA and possibly doing something with the CIA. They state they “don’t know yet” and that Epstein “didn’t authorize that.” Speaker 1 adds that Epstein was also working with MI5 and MI6 in the UK, “possibly the Germans,” and “definitely the Israelis.” They claim Epstein repeatedly tried to secure a one-on-one meeting with Vladimir Putin, was denied repeatedly, and eventually was offered a meeting with Putin and three others; Epstein declined and wanted only Putin alone, after which “the Russians walked away.” The conversation concludes with discussion of “Israeli connections,” including Speaker 0 saying that when they asked Congress people about it “today and yesterday,” they “run screaming from the room.” Speaker 0 also notes that the topic is sometimes turned into a Democrat-versus-Republican issue rather than something broader, and Speaker 1 replies: “And it’s not. They’re both corrupt.”

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Speaker 0 confronts Speaker 2 about how they obtained confidential information. Speaker 2 refuses to disclose their source, citing attorney-client privilege. Speaker 0 threatens contempt if Speaker 2 does not reveal the source within 5 minutes. Speaker 2 mentions statements made by Mr. Copeland regarding a murder. The conversation escalates with Speaker 0 demanding answers and Speaker 2 maintaining their stance. The exchange ends with Speaker 0 insisting on knowing the source of the information.

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Documents are being suppressed to protect individuals, and the speaker knows the names of those individuals, why they're being suppressed, and who is suppressing them. However, the speaker is bound by confidentiality from a judge and cases and cannot disclose this information. The speaker knows the names of people whose files are being suppressed for protection, which they believe is wrong. The individuals being protected are politicians and business leaders, among others.

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I was told that Mr. Kopin admitted to killing Donovan Thomas. The speaker refused to reveal the source of this information, leading to a heated exchange about attorney-client privilege. The speaker was given 5 minutes to disclose the source but continued to withhold it, resulting in a threat of contempt. The conversation revolved around concerns of coercion, witness intimidation, and ex parte communications. The speaker's refusal to cooperate led to escalating tension and accusations.

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The speaker claims to know that documents are being suppressed to protect individuals, and knows the names of those individuals, why they are being suppressed, and who is suppressing them. However, the speaker states they are bound by confidentiality from a judge and cases, and cannot disclose what they know. When asked if those being protected are politicians, business leaders, or both, the speaker responds that they are everything.

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The speaker discusses the issue of parents who refuse to listen and keep secrets, leading to teenage suicides. They question the Navy's policy, which seems to prioritize the rights of minor children over their parents. The speaker asks for clarification on whether the policy circumvents a parent's right to know, to which the response confirms that it is indeed the Navy's official policy. The conversation ends with the speaker asking if there are any other questions.

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I won't discuss any private conversations the president has with his family, including any talks with Hunter.

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The speaker discovered a confidentiality agreement between the US and UK regarding vaccine adverse events. They express concern about why this information was being kept secret and mention a similar agreement with China during the early days of COVID. The speaker questions the need for secrecy and finds it troubling. This confidentiality agreement with the UK was previously unknown.

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We use encrypted communications at events, but did not save radio traffic from Butler. Communications between Secret Service agents are not recorded like local law enforcement. Moving forward, we will start recording these communications. Translation: We use encrypted communications at events, but did not save radio traffic from Butler. Communications between Secret Service agents are not recorded like local law enforcement. Moving forward, we will start recording these communications.

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The speaker expresses frustration that the other person brought up the "Marine doubt article." They feel they are being attacked and that the other person is going to use information against them regarding state support, which they believe is not the norm. The speaker is hesitant to provide information because of this fear. They suggest scheduling a visit and talking with a therapist, as they do not want to continue arguing or make things worse.

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Jordan Conradson from the Gateway Pundit asks why the ethics committee didn't vote in secret to release the Matt Gaetz report. The speaker states they are bound by confidentiality and can't discuss anything that happened within the confines of ethics, neither confirming nor denying anything. Conradson asks about Susan Wilde leaking details and whether that is acceptable. The speaker reiterates they can't talk about anything. Conradson then asks for the speaker's opinion on the meaning of ethics and whether it is ethical to target political opponents.
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