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The speakers debate who determines if the U.S. is at war or being invaded. One speaker argues a law requires an active war, not just claims of invasion, and that applying the law is the court's job. Another speaker claims the U.S. is experiencing the biggest invasion in its history due to millions of illegal aliens who are predatory, and the president should use every available tool to address it. This speaker believes the president, as commander in chief, should decide if the U.S. is being invaded, not individual judges. Another speaker asserts Congress decides if the U.S. is at war, according to the Constitution. A final speaker argues the American system's strength lies in its three co-equal branches, not in deferring to one person's opinion, warning against moving towards a monarchy.

The discussion centers on a tense moment over Iran, with President Trump issuing an ultimatum to Iran: come to the table for a new nuclear agreement or the United States will hit Iran again, with the next strike described as far worse than the last. An armada led by the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln is reportedly moving toward Iran, framed as a ready-to-go force for a potential rapid strike if necessary. The hosts question whether this is genuine leverage for negotiations or a countdown to war. Former UN weapons inspector Scott Ritter joins to analyze the buildup. Ritter argues that Trump has backed down twice before in decisive engagement with Iran, citing the downing of a Global Hawk and the aborted bombing in support of protesters. He suggests that what is unfolding is part of a broader campaign strategy, including economic pressure that led to protests in Iran, which he attributes to Mossad and CIA-controlled agitators during a “shaking the tree” phase. He contends that Israel has signaled the next strike against Iran must be the last, and believes the planned attack would be a full-spectrum assault involving air strikes, cyberattacks, and support for CIA/Mossad-backed groups inside Iran to dismantle the government quickly. Ritter claims Iran will respond with cyber warfare and possibly shut down critical infrastructure and temporarily seize control of the Strait of Hormuz; he predicts the result would be severe consequences for the region and the United States, including economic fallout. He asserts that Iran will not back down on its nuclear program, characterizing negotiations as unacceptable to Iran and linking Iran’s enrichment program to national pride and existential survival. He also argues that the United States is acting in support of Israel, with Trump’s actions influenced by Israeli money and policy, and labels Iran as not pursuing a nuclear weapons program at this time—though 60% enrichment shortens timelines and complicates intelligence efforts. Ritter emphasizes that Congress should declare war, not the president, and warns that the United States could lose an aircraft carrier and suffer broader devastation if conflict escalates. He also critiques the characterizations of Iran as imminently threatening, arguing that the preemption narrative is not supported by imminent threat criteria and suggesting diplomacy and restraint are warranted. The conversation then shifts to US preemption rhetoric and the role of Congress. A speaker argues that the baseline presence of 30,000–40,000 American troops in the region, within range of Iranian missiles and UAVs, requires a credible defensive posture. They criticize Marco Rubio for framing preemption as legitimate self-defense, noting that Article 51 of the UN Charter allows preemption only for imminent threat and that such immediacy is not demonstrated. The discussion suggests a need for congressional scrutiny and potential impeachment if war is pursued without proper authorization. On nuclear questions, Ritter shares his intelligence assessment: Iran is not currently pursuing a nuclear weapons program and has not reconstituted a full enrichment program, though 60% uranium enrichment represents a concern. He asserts that while Iran is capable of cyber warfare, a broader strike against Iran would likely trigger significant retaliation, including against Israel, which he describes as vulnerable to Iranian missiles. The dialogue moves to Cuba, with Rubio and Trump signaling aggressive moves toward regime change. Ritter sees Cuba as more resilient than Libya and notes the long-standing US effort to topple the Cuban government, complicated by Cuba’s limited leverage and its trade relations with China, Russia, and Venezuela. The panel discusses the Monroe Doctrine reinterpretation and the broader geopolitical contest with China and Russia, suggesting that Cuba will be a tougher target than the US expects. In closing, Ritter reiterates that an attack on Iran is unlikely and would be disastrous, cautioning that internal political calculations, including midterm consequences, will influence presidents’ decisions. The show thanks Ritter for his analysis.

The statements contend that the actions were carried out with no congressional authorization, placing them in direct violation of the Constitution, specifically Articles I and II, and that they breach international law and American law, with no concerns raised about these issues. The speaker suggests that this pattern represents a new perimeter being established by Donald Trump, portraying the current situation as lawless and characterized by an authoritarian figure in the person of Trump. It is argued that there are no remaining guardrails to constrain him, and the only limitations he follows are self-imposed, based on what might provoke a backlash or retaliation. In other words, he would only undertake operations that do not invite a response or “kickback.” According to the account, some operations have already been undertaken that did not carry potential pushback, but the Iran scenario is singled out as one of the larger cases. The contention is that, unlike previous actions, there is a solid chance that Iran could retaliate in ways the United States would prefer to avoid. There is further concern that if Iran does retaliate, the United States could be harmed back in ways that are undesirable or difficult to manage. This potential for meaningful retaliation is presented as a key reason why Trump may not have ordered certain operations up to this point. Overall, the speaker implies a shift toward more aggressive or expansive actions without the usual checks and balances, highlighting the absence of congressional authorization and the potential for significant consequences if opposing parties decide to respond forcefully. The Iran situation is emphasized as a critical turning point because of the greater likelihood of retaliation compared to previous actions, influencing Trump’s restraint or hesitation in approving further operations.

Pirates, particularly from Algeria, posed a significant threat to British shipping in the 17th century, capturing over 350 British ships between 1672 and 1682 and enslaving hundreds of Britons annually. In 1627, they even raided Iceland, taking nearly 400 people. By the early 19th century, Barbary pirates continued to target American vessels, enslaving their crews. The phrase "to the shores of Tripoli" in the US Marine Corps hymn references a naval expedition aimed at rescuing 100 Americans from slavery in North Africa and serves as a warning against future pirate attacks on American ships.

In the late 1700s, the United States faced the issue of its sailors being taken as slaves by the Barbary states in North Africa. Around 1.5 million European and American slaves were estimated to have been taken between 1750 and 1850. Thomas Jefferson and John Adams confronted the ambassador in London, questioning why this was happening. The ambassador's response was that the Quran permitted them to do so because the Americans were considered infidels. In response, Jefferson sent a navy to crush the Barbary states. It is important to note that Islamic fundamentalism is not a result of American democracy, and blaming the US for it is a false narrative.

In 1788, the United States faced the issue of its sailors being enslaved by the Barbary states in North Africa. Around 1.5 million European and American slaves were taken between 1750 and 1815. Thomas Jefferson and John Adams confronted the ambassador, who justified the actions by citing permission from the Quran due to the victims being infidels. In response, Jefferson sent a navy to crush the state. It is important to note that Islamic fundamentalism is not a result of American democracy, and blaming democracy for it is a false narrative that absolves the true criminals.

Texas and the original 13 colonies would not have agreed to the treaty that established the U.S. Constitution without assurance of their right to self-defense and protection of their people. Joe Biden's actions are seen as a challenge to this foundational principle.

Israel cannot finish a war on its own, even against non-state actors, and requires U.S. support. Israel complained about being alone before a potential war with Iran. Starting a war while complaining about a lack of support raises questions. If war plans rely on a superpower's assistance, it explains why Trump had leverage, as he could order Israel to stop because he rescued them.

The speaker believes it is difficult for a U.S. president to initiate war with Iran. If compromise with Iran is not possible, the traditional method of America entering wars would be best for U.S. interests. Drawing historical parallels, the speaker notes that Presidents Roosevelt, Wilson, Johnson, and Lincoln waited for events like Pearl Harbor, the Lusitania, the Gulf of Tonkin, and the attack on Fort Sumter to justify military action. If the Iranians do not compromise, it would be best if they started the war. The U.S. could increase pressure through covert means, such as causing Iranian submarines to sink, or escalating existing covert operations. The speaker is not advocating for these actions, but suggests that sanctions are not the only option.

Libya became a key transit point for arms to Syrian rebels after the Arab Spring. A shipment intercepted off Lebanon contained machine guns and artillery, originating from Libya and passing through Turkey and Egypt. A 2012 Defense Intelligence Agency report warned of a potential Salafist principality in Eastern Syria, which the U.S. ignored despite foreseeing the rise of ISIS. There were internal debates about supporting certain rebel groups, but policy decisions lacked clarity. President Obama initially opposed arming rebels but later provided limited support. General Flynn, who advocated for a different approach, was forced to retire in 2014. The discussion highlights the complexities of U.S. foreign policy, suggesting that actions have created more enemies than necessary, particularly in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The speaker opens by citing James Madison, who wrote to Thomas Jefferson in 1789 that “the constitution supposes what the history of all governments demonstrates, that the executive branch of power is the most interested in war and most prone to it,” and notes that the constitution itself vests in the legislature the question of war (Article I, Section 8, Clause 11) while giving the president operational powers of war (Article II, Section 2, Clause 1). Even if one claimed the 1973 War Powers Resolution supersedes the constitutional language, the speaker argues the president has not met its conditions: the president may only introduce U.S. armed forces into hostilities under three circumstances—declaration of war, specific statutory authorization, or a national emergency created by an attack on the United States—none of which exist today because Iran has not attacked the United States, Congress has not declared war, and Congress has not granted specific statutory authorization. Beyond this constitutional framing, the speaker asks why the United States would go to war with Iran and emphasizes that servicemembers deserve a clear mission. He questions how such a war would help American families with groceries, housing, or safety in schools and neighborhoods. He cautions against past interventions in the Middle East, arguing they have produced a debt of at least $8 trillion from wars in Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Afghanistan, and contends a sustained war with Iran will not stabilize the region but will radicalize new generations of terrorists and generate more refugees to Europe and the United States. The speaker argues Iran is not Venezuela, and that Ayatollah Khomeini was not a president but a religious leader in a region notorious for radical Islamists; he asserts that the United States and Israel turned him into a martyr, contributing to broader conflict and casualties, including six American families who have lost loved ones. He claims the administration cannot provide a straight answer for why the preemptive war was launched, noting contradictory statements about imminent Iranian strikes and the rationale of stopping a nuclear program. A candid answer, he says, came from the Secretary of State, who said Israel forced the United States to act, implying that Congress must decide war. If American lives are to be risked, that decision must be debated and voted on by representatives, and the debate should be arduous with a hard vote. He offers a theory that colleagues do not want to go on record due to a poor track record of meddling in the Middle East and a desire to avoid their names being associated with an unfavorable outcome. The speaker asserts Congress is not here to declare war today; the vote on the War Powers Resolution is to reassert that Congress must decide questions of war. Some say war is authorized by paying for it through the budget, but the speaker asserts that defining the mission for the troops is not included in the budget and has not been done. He thanks the men and women engaged in combat, prays for their safety, and states that the resolution is written for them—to ensure they know when they achieve their mission and can come home.

Publius Hulda, a retired litigation attorney who writes on the original intent of the Constitution using the Federalist Papers, argues that the Supreme Court has ignored the Federalist Papers and the framers’ Constitution for two centuries. He contends the attorney general’s opinion raises questions but fails to cite article, section, and verse where Congress is authorized to restrict arms, asserting that when the Constitution was ratified, the federal government’s powers were enumerated and that there was no delegation of authority to restrict the people’s arms. Hulda emphasizes that Article I, Section 8 lists powers delegated to Congress for the national government, but he asserts that the framers did not grant Congress the power to restrict arms. He cites Federalist Paper No. 46 by James Madison to support the claim that the American people are armed so they can defend themselves, their communities, and their states from a potentially tyrannical federal government that oversteps constitutional limits. He cites specific constitutional text: Article I, Section 8, Clause 16, and notes that Congress passed the Militia Act of 1792, requiring every able-bodied male citizen aged 18 to 46 (excluding federal officers and employees) to buy a rifle, ammunition, and report to local militia training. He also references Article I, Section 8, Clause 11, which he says authorizes letters of marque and reprisal, enabling privateers who conducted private warfare during conflicts such as the War of 1812. Hulda asserts that the framers contemplated a heavily armed people and that the federal government was never authorized to restrict arms in any fashion. He claims that attempts to restrict arms represent usurpation of powers not possessed by the federal government. He criticizes the Attorney General for basing arguments on court opinions rather than the Constitution, arguing there is a vast gulf between the two. He references that there are 200 years’ worth of Supreme Court opinions and quotes Charles Evans Hughes saying that the Constitution means what the judges say it means, labeling this prevailing dogma as a lie and arguing it has led to a federal government no longer constrained by constitutional chains. Hulda contends that the oath of office requires obedience to the Constitution, not to the Supreme Court, which he views as a creature of the Constitution and fully subject to its terms. He counters the AG’s claim that the Supreme Court is the exclusive and final authority on federal powers by noting that the framers anticipated corruption and lawlessness among judges. Therefore, Congress, the President, and the states possess checks on the Supreme Court. He cites Federalist No. 81, where Hamilton describes impeachment and removal as checks on lawless judges, and asserts the President’s oath is to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution, not to obey the Supreme Court. He references Madison’s Virginia Resolutions, which state that states, as the sovereign parties to the Constitution, are the final authority on whether the federal government has violated the Constitution and may check all three branches, including the judiciary, by nullifying their acts if necessary. He notes he did not finish his argument and hopes to discuss the so-called nullification crisis of 1832 during questions. Speaker 0 thanks him for his comments.

Nations debate before going to war, as seen in WWII and post 9/11. The US gathered power after Pearl Harbor, leading to the decision to remove Saddam for regional stability. However, the absence of WMDs in Iraq raised questions about the invasion's justification. Soldiers shared experiences of dehumanization and disregard for life in Iraq, leading to personal reflections on the true purpose of war. Redemption was found in acknowledging the human cost of conflict.

The public education system avoids teaching the Declaration of Independence because it advocates for overthrowing a tyrannical government, highlighting the importance of the Second Amendment. History shows the significance of being well armed, as seen in the battles of Lexington and Concord. The grievances of the founding fathers in the Declaration of Independence resonate with current issues, hinting at a cyclical nature of history. The document's mention of God's role in granting rights may also contribute to its omission from school curriculum.

Prudence, or practical wisdom, is lacking because in 1992, US leaders believed they could do what they wanted as the unchallenged world power. NATO bombed Serbia in 1999 without UN authorization. The invasion of Iraq was based on lies, not misunderstanding. The CIA operated to overthrow Assad in 2009, and NATO had a mission to overthrow Gaddafi. Four of the last five wars came from the United States and NATO enlargement. There needs to be balance and prudence.

In 1913, the Federal Reserve Act gave the US government an unlimited credit line from the Federal Reserve Bank, bypassing the people's veto power. Before this, the government had to get approval from the people by selling bonds. This system kept the government small until 1913 when they could borrow without asking the people, leading to excessive spending.

In 1962, the US military proposed Operation Northwoods, a plan to create fake attacks on American targets and blame them on Cuba to justify an invasion. The plan included blowing up a US ship, conducting a terror campaign on American soil, and even shooting down a civilian airliner. However, President JFK rejected the plan. The military's desperation to remove Castro from power and solve the "Cuba problem" is evident in their reckless proposal. This episode highlights the potential abuse of power and the need for checks and balances in the government. The US was just one person away from executing this operation, raising concerns about the government's ability to repeat such actions if the circumstances align.

The American declaration of independence is not taught in schools because it states that it is the people's duty to overthrow a tyrannical government. This is the purpose of the Second Amendment, which ensures the people can be well-armed in case another revolution is needed. The battles of Lexington and Concord were fought over munitions depots because the British knew that armed colonists were a problem. The colonists feared tyrants would try to take their guns. If children read the grievances of the founding fathers, they might realize they have the same grievances today. History repeats itself, and we may be close to history repeating itself again. The declaration of independence also mentions God multiple times, stating that our rights come from God, not the government.

Donald Trump reportedly stated that the U.S. had completed a successful attack on three nuclear sites in Iran. This news is alarming and unconstitutional because only the U.S. Congress can take the country to war. The president does not have that right.

The president of the United States is the leader and takes an oath of office to protect the Constitution. While there are three coequal branches of government, the president holds a unique responsibility for national security. This is why the president has the authority to act and make difficult decisions, like previous presidents such as Abraham Lincoln and George Washington. Donald Trump currently faces such a moment in history, standing alone in his position.

In 1871, corporations took over the states' republics, changing the foundation of the country. The constitution was the trust indenture, but public officials became trustees for the corporations. Wars are controlled by the 1% global elite who funded both sides of conflicts. The republics still exist, as a trust cannot fail without a trustee.

In the early days of America under English rule, the king owned the entire country and could grant licenses for mining and other activities as long as people paid their fair share. The real reason for the Revolutionary War was that the Rothschilds Bank caused a bill to be introduced in the English Parliament, forcing the colonies to use English money and mortgage themselves to the bank. This led to unemployment, dissatisfaction, and debt, which Benjamin Franklin believed was the true cause of the war. The Revolutionary War did not result in a complete victory for America, as evidenced by the Definitive Treaty of Peace between Great Britain and the United States, which stated that England still owned everything and the king still owed all the money. The Constitution also upheld these obligations and prevented the granting of titles of nobility.

Crisis initiation is tough, and it's hard to see how the U.S. president can get the U.S. to war with Iran. If compromise isn't coming, the traditional way America gets to war would be best for U.S. interests. To go to war, the U.S. has historically waited for an attack, such as Pearl Harbor, the Lusitania, the Gulf of Tonkin, the Maine, or Fort Sumter. If the Iranians aren't going to compromise, it would be best if somebody else started the war. One can combine other means of pressure with sanctions, such as increasing pressure after the explosion on August 17. Iranian submarines periodically go down, and someday one of them might not come up. The U.S. is already using covert means against the Iranians and could get nastier.

It is difficult for the United States to initiate a crisis and go to war with Iran. If compromise is not possible, the traditional way for America to go to war would be in the best interest of the country. Historical examples show that events like Pearl Harbor, the Lusitania episode, the Gulf of Tonkin incident, the explosion of the USS Maine, and the attack on Fort Sumter led to the US entering wars. Therefore, if Iran does not compromise, it would be preferable for someone else to start the war.

The speaker invokes James Madison to emphasize that war and peace decisions belong to the legislature, calling it the “crown jewel of Congress,” and warns that concentrating war-making power in one person erodes liberty. If the president believes military action against Venezuela is justified, the case should be made to Congress and Congress should vote before American lives and treasure are spent on regime change in South America. The speaker questions the likelihood of Maduro being replaced by a modern-day George Washington, asking how past interventions fared in Cuba, Libya, Iraq, or Syria. He notes that previous presidents used weapons of mass destruction as a justification for war, referencing the WMD narrative and suggesting a parallel with today’s rhetoric about drugs as a supposed WMD. He asserts that if the objective were drugs, actions would have targeted Mexico, China, or Colombia, and highlights the pardon of Juan Orlando Hernandez as inconsistent with a drug-war narrative. He contends that the policy for regime change is driven by oil interests, and asserts that the United States has already pursued this path in Venezuela without success. The speaker recalls the 2019 recognition of Juan Guaido, the seizure of Venezuela’s embassy in Washington, and claims that regime change was promised but Maduro remains in power years later. He mentions contemporary exiled figures as hopes, specifically naming Edmundo Gonzalez and Maria Carina Machado, but warns that Congress should not provide a blank check for military escalation and American lives. A central contradiction highlighted is the administration’s labeling of the Maduro regime as narco terrorists while at the same time potentially causing countless refugees through escalation, alongside moves to end temporary protected status (TPS) for hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans and deport them to the regime it condemns. The speaker poses questions about whether the nation should absorb millions of Venezuelan refugees and spend billions to destroy and rebuild the country, or risk creating a “miniature Afghanistan in the Western Hemisphere.” If the cost is deemed acceptable by Congress, the speaker argues it should be decided through a vote, aligning with the Constitution. He clarifies that the current vote is not for declaring war or authorizing force, but for a war powers resolution that reaffirms Congress’s authority over war decisions. He urges support for the resolution and closes as time expires.