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Feliz Navidad! We're at Fort Clayton, now called Ciudad de Sabana, near Miraflores Lock in the Panama Canal. The area has become a hub for NGOs and the UN, which some claim are facilitating immigration issues. If Trump is serious about addressing these invasions, he needs to shut down these organizations. The Panamanian government wants to collaborate with the U.S., but China's influence is growing due to U.S. absence. The Panamanian people are clear about their desire for partnership. I plan to reach out to the president of Panama for a discussion. Merry Christmas and goodbye!

China did not build, operate, or intend to weaponize the Panama Canal. The speaker intends to reclaim the Panama Canal from Chinese influence. This reclamation will be undertaken with capable allies and partners.

The US and China have agreed in principle to hold a summit between President Biden and Chinese leader Xi Jinping in San Francisco next month. However, China has warned that the road to the meeting won't be smooth sailing. Some argue that the US shouldn't be engaging with China due to issues such as Fentanyl-related deaths, intellectual property theft, and Chinese influence in conflicts like the Israel-Hamas war. Concerns have also been raised about China's growing ties to Cuba and the influx of Chinese nationals into the US. Critics believe that China's involvement in the Middle East and its economic ties with Iran are problematic. There are calls for the US to impose severe costs on China and eliminate its influence. The California governor's recent visit to China has also sparked controversy, with some criticizing his actions and statements.

Mario and John discuss the potential Venezuelan regime change and the broader implications of U.S. policy. - If a coup proceeds, the first step in the plan would be to remove Maduro. There are reports that Maduro sought amnesty from the U.S. to step down, and Trump reportedly refused amnesty. - John notes that when the U.S. government is serious about attacking a country, naval movements are a key indicator he learned at the CIA. He observes that the U.S. recently sent the USS Gerald R. Ford and its 11 accompanying battleships and supply ships, signaling seriousness about action. - The CIA’s alleged use of drugs to weaken other countries is mentioned. John asserts that drugs in Venezuela are not Venezuelan; they originate in Colombia and Ecuador and transit Venezuela en route to West Africa, ultimately to Europe. - In considering what would happen in Venezuela if Maduro steps down, the expectation is chaos. The discussion notes that the narrative around Venezuela has shifted alongside discussions of Iran, Russia, Ukraine, and China, and asks what the initial reaction would be when seeing this narrative shift. - John reiterates the naval-movement heuristic for assessing U.S. seriousness about regime change, noting the presence of carrier groups as a sign of intent. He questions the upside for the U.S. in removing Maduro, given that the U.S. excludes Venezuelan oil from purchase and refining and there seems to be no clear upside. He adds that the U.S. would ideally want to strengthen Venezuela’s economy to reduce immigration, but that is not reflected in current policy. He also discusses drugs, reaffirming that Venezuelan drug flows are primarily transiting to Europe, not the U.S., and adds that China’s five-year-ago decision to build a Caribbean refinery is a factor, arguing that the refinery shift is a strategic move opposed by the U.S. - Mario notes Maduro’s offer of full access for U.S. oil, but John emphasizes regime survival as Maduro’s main concern and questions whether Maduro’s offer would be a valid solution. He points out that China is expanding and becoming a major trading partner in Latin America, but he does not see this as a direct solution to regime change. - The conversation touches on the possibility that naval movements could be a bluff to force Maduro to withdraw. John says such moves happen in the South China Sea and could lead to Maduro fleeing, but they would create a power vacuum with pro-M Maduro factions within the military and without regional support from Colombia, Brazil, or Mexico, complicating U.S. aims. - They discuss the possibility of the U.S. offering Maduro safe passage rather than an outright coup. John suggests that a large-scale ground invasion is unlikely, given public opinion and the country’s size and terrain. He compares potential post-regime outcomes to Libya, warning that U.S. attempts to impose a peace post-regime change often fail, leaving chaos and long-term instability. - The dialogue turns to the opposition figure Maria Machado, with John stating that she does not command armies and is not clearly more viable than Juan Guaidó; he suggests the next leader, if Maduro leaves, might be a senior military officer. - They consider the long-term consequences of regime change, including the risk of chaotic transitions and a military-based government. John shares a cautionary Libyan analogy about a constitutions project that never materialized into stable governance. He recalls a 2003 Iraqi intervention example to illustrate misjudgments that history often repeats. - The discussion closes with references to Hezbollah and Iran connections in Venezuela and the hope to avoid another Libya-like outcome, emphasizing the potential heartbreak for Venezuela and the complexity of foreign involvement.

The Obama administration is said to have allowed China to expand its economic and cultural influence throughout South and Central America via infrastructure deals, surveillance, and indebtedness. The Trump administration aimed to counter this by reasserting American influence in the region. The speaker attended a conference of Central and South American countries, signaling intentions to invest in ways that serve American interests and curb Chinese influence. "First and Free" is presented as an example of this strategy. The Panamanian government is acknowledged as a good partner, as it is purportedly in their best interest to align with America rather than China.

War is coming to the Arctic Circle, with Greenland seen as part of a broader clash for the world’s most important trade route. Russia and China have already laid claim to large portions; the United States now seeks in. The discussion notes the growing competition over the Arctic, Iran, and Europe as flashpoints. Trump is calling for a Pentagon budget increase from 1.0 trillion to 1.5 trillion for 2027. He tweeted that after negotiations, the military budget should be 1.5 trillion “in the very troubled and dangerous times,” and suggested capping CEO compensation in defense contracts at 5 million per year. Following the tweet, Lockheed Martin stock jumped, as did other defense contractors. Glenn Greenwald is cited, saying the Pentagon fails its audit for the seventh consecutive year and questions how hundreds of billions of dollars move around, then notes a preference to increase budgets from 850 billion to 1.0 trillion to 1.5 trillion. Tucker Carlson is quoted suggesting war is coming and that Trump may know something others do not. Speaker 1 frames the budget increase as the kind of funding a country anticipates a global or regional war would have, calling it a “war budget,” not a peacekeeping one, and suggests we’re moving toward a big war. Speaker 0 adds that a large-scale attack against Iran is likely before the end of the year, and questions what will happen in the Arctic Circle. The panel introduces Ben Freeman, author of The Trillion Dollar War Machine, who joins to discuss. Freeman’s point is that the president justifies a larger foreign war budget by pointing to money generated abroad, including oil resources in places like Venezuela. The panel agrees the implication is that the military is “paying for itself” through conquest, and a speaker notes this echoes imperial patterns. Another participant emphasizes that China’s military budget is about a third to a quarter of the U.S. budget, but China has triple the personnel, arguing that quantity does not necessarily equal capability and that the U.S. remains the strongest military force. There is a claim that the current budget primarily funds contractors, not service members, veterans, or families; defense contractors’ revenues largely come from U.S. government contracts, and this is reflected in stock surges when large budgets are announced. The discussion cites a statistic that about 54% of the defense budget goes to Pentagon contractors, and notes a contrast: one in four military families faces food insecurity despite the existing trillion-dollar budget. The panel argues that perpetual war is used to justify the size of the budget, not merely to address threats, but to keep the defense industry tidal-wanked into profits. They discuss whether diplomacy with Russia could be a more effective path, and acknowledge a shift in U.S. policy rhetoric compared to earlier promises to avoid endless wars. There is mention that the Senate voted to limit presidential actions in Venezuela; the president defends war powers as constitutional, while critics point to campaigns that promised restraint on war. Ben Freeman promotes his book, The Trillion Dollar War Machine, noting its availability in hardback, Kindle, and audiobooks, and the discussion ends with praise for the book and thanks to Freeman.

If the US doesn't write the rules in that region, China will. This will shut the US out, negatively impacting American businesses and agriculture. This will result in a loss of US jobs.

Today, we discuss the Panama Canal, a significant achievement in American engineering that cost over 35,000 lives and nearly $400 million in the final decade of construction. The canal is crucial for U.S. national security and economic interests, yet its importance has been overlooked. President Trump raised concerns about potential violations of the treaty made by President Carter, particularly regarding China's influence and high transit fees affecting American ships. Chinese companies are involved in building a bridge across the canal and controlling ports, posing risks to U.S. security. Additionally, Panama's reliance on high transit fees impacts American consumers and the economy. The Canal Authority has generated record revenue, and Panama has engaged in questionable practices, including flagging vessels linked to Iran and benefiting from Chinese investments under the Belt and Road initiative.

A large caravan of 3,000 migrants began walking towards the U.S. after Donald Trump was elected president. Mexican authorities intervened, warning them of potential dangers and encouraging them to return and follow proper processes. Many migrants expressed disappointment over Trump's victory, fearing increased deportations. Mexico is now actively discouraging caravans, a shift from the previous administration's approach. Trump previously threatened tariffs on Mexican goods, which prompted action from the Mexican government. With Trump back in power, he warned of even higher tariffs if the situation continues. Despite this, a significant influx of migrants is expected at the borders in the coming months.

Panama and the United States are less secure, less prosperous, and less sovereign, which is unacceptable. The Panamanian government is responding to threats and safeguarding the canal. President Molino's decision to withdraw from the Belt and Road Initiative reflects his government's understanding of the threat China poses. China did not build, does not operate, and will not weaponize the canal. Together, Panama and the United States will keep the canal secure and available for all nations through the deterrent power of the strongest fighting force in the world.

Dmitry Sims junior introduces Brandon Weichert, a geopolitical analyst and author, and notes that Trump has floated annexing Greenland, the Panama Canal, and Canada, and the discussion aims to go beyond hype. Weichert argues that Trump’s approach is generally an art-of-the-deal tactic, starting with extreme positions to push concessions, and he breaks down the issues individually. On the Panama Canal Zone, Weichert says Trump is very serious about co-opting it. He notes the Canal was built by Americans and argues it should not have been handed over to Panamanians, who have allowed Chinese influence to grow in the area, including two large ports at both ends and $1 billion in infrastructure by state-owned Chinese firms. He suggests Chinese presence enables power projection and that the Canal Zone has been used for fentanyl flows and illegal migrants. Citing a colleague, Joe Humeyer, he asserts that a permanent U.S. hold could interdict fentanyl and migrant flows at the source, rather than at the border. On Greenland, Weichert describes the move as part of the art-of-the-deal dynamic, noting public opinion among Greenlanders is shifting toward independence from Denmark and could lead to rapid incorporation into the United States if independence occurs, drawing an analogy to Texas and California in the 19th century. For Canada, he contends the issue is likely a negotiation tactic: U.S. leverage over Canada’s trade benefits—which the U.S. says props up the Canadian economy—could destabilize Canada or trigger a regime change, potentially leading to U.S. annexation of parts like Alberta and Saskatchewan. He ties this to a broader Arctic great game among the United States, Russia, and China. Weichert adds a smaller, less widely reported point: Trump allegedly cut deals with tech magnates (David Sacks, Elon Musk, Peter Thiel, Marc Andreessen, Steve Bannon) to secure AI-dominance, including allowing tech workers (H-1B visas) and ensuring access to energy, with Canada’s geothermal resources (notably in Alberta) playing a key role, thereby linking energy to AI ambitions. On prioritizing the Arctic, Weichert ranks Greenland as the most important, as it is the geographical pivot around which the Arctic orbits, enabling power projection and deterring Chinese access to rare earth resources. Canada follows as a longer-term project; the Northwest Passage represents a strategic alternative to Russia’s Northern Sea Route, and pressure on Canada could push toward surrender or realignment over the Passage. Regarding Greenland’s Arctic significance, Weichert says Russian analysts view U.S. drilling in the Arctic as an attempt to counter submarine threats, including Poseidon, a nuclear torpedo, and to establish a base network to mitigate submarine threats. He agrees deterrence is a factor, noting U.S. neglect of northern deterrence and the need to project naval power in the Arctic. Weichert distinguishes the primary driver as China, while acknowledging Moscow and Beijing’s alignment has grown due to Russia’s Arctic foothold and the Ukraine war, which has pushed Russia and China closer. He doesn’t deny that squeezing Russia in the Arctic is a Washington aim, but argues the main impetus for Trump is countering China. On implementation, Weichert says the Panama Canal Zone could be reabsorbed via a national security clawback, regardless of Panama’s preferences. Greenland, if independence occurs, could be absorbed or granted statehood, with congressional movement underway. He notes potential opposition from Democrats and Republicans alike, but predicts House Republicans and Senate Republicans will largely back Trump on Greenland, while Canada faces stronger pushback. Macron’s EU opposition to Greenland annexation is dismissed by Weichert as Europe being subordinate to U.S. and Russian interests; he muses that ending NATO over Greenland and Canada could simplify the great-power dynamics, though he acknowledges such a move would be controversial. Weichert maintains Greenland’s development of natural gas, oil, and rare earth minerals is central; Greenland’s resources and environmental regulations could facilitate rapid U.S. development if Greenland becomes a U.S. territory or state. He addresses U.S. shipbuilding capacity and Arctic power, noting the U.S. defense industrial base lags behind Russia and the need to revitalize shipyards with a new mission and potential reforms under the Trump administration, possibly aided by experts like John Conrad of gCaptain, to dramatically increase production within two years.

USAID has been unresponsive and misaligned with U.S. foreign policy, which is concerning given that taxpayer dollars are at stake. There is a need for USAID to cooperate and provide transparency about its programs and funding. The agency must align its efforts with the national interest, as it has historically failed to do so. During a recent conversation with Panama's President Molina, frustrations were expressed regarding Chinese control of the canal. However, the discussion was respectful, and there is hope for positive outcomes. Panama's decision to end its relationship with the Belt and Road Initiative is a step in the right direction, and ongoing cooperation on migration issues is also important. Overall, the visit was productive, but further work remains.

Susan Kokinda argues that the current moment marks the end of eighty years of British-led American foreign policy and the revival of a past strategic clarity embodied by the old war plan red. She contends that the mainstream view portrays Donald Trump as threatening alliances with Greenland, but she maintains Trump is dismantling imperial control and reviving a clear-eyed understanding of the real adversaries. Key points she highlights: - NATO and Greenland: NATO leaders are discussing protecting Greenland from the United States, with Bloomberg reporting that the United Kingdom and Germany are considering deploying NATO forces to Greenland to shield it from the U.S. Chatham House warns that the US, NATO’s leading power, threatening to attack a NATO member would damage Article Five’s credibility, and European states may seek support from global South states in the future. Chatham House also worries about potential U.S. cooperation on Arctic energy with Russia and a 28-point peace plan for joint Russian-U.S. rare earth extraction in the Arctic, signaling a realignment away from postwar Atlantic structures. - Greenland’s status: The notion that Greenland belongs to Denmark is described as an imperial relic. Greenland gained self-government in 2009, but Denmark still controls foreign policy, currency, and defense. Greenlandic and Danish tensions have risen, with Greenlanders seeking direct negotiations with the United States, bypassing Copenhagen. Kokinda asserts that when Trump talks about Greenland, he is addressing the dismantling of European colonial influence in the Western Hemisphere, a move NATO fears could unravel the postwar order. - War Plan Red: War Plan Red was a contingency for war with Britain, with Canada as Britain’s proxy. It was approved and updated under Navy Secretary Charles Francis Adams III. Adams III is the great-grandson of John Quincy Adams and the grandson of Charles Francis Adams Sr., Lincoln’s minister to Britain who prevented diplomatic recognition of the Confederacy. The implication is that the republic and empire are incompatible, and Trump is dusting off the modern equivalent of this plan. - Domestic cartels and economic policy: Kokinda claims British financial interests shape both international and domestic systems, including housing, health care, and the military-industrial complex. Trump has targeted large institutional investors in single-family housing, aiming to curb monopolistic practices by banning such investors from buying single-family homes. Barron’s noted real estate funds fell after the announcement. Trump also directed Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to purchase up to $200 billion in mortgage-backed securities to lower mortgage rates. She cites Trump’s call to move money away from private insurers toward direct payments to Americans to address health care costs. - Military-industrial complex reform: Trump demands that major defense contractors end stock buybacks and cap executive salaries, arguing they should be industrial rather than financial institutions. He plans to deliver this economic message at Davos and frame it as breaking the financial parasites to allow the real economy and families to grow. - Overall thesis: The strategy behind Greenland is not territorial expansion but ending NATO as an instrument of imperial control and securing the Western Hemisphere from monarchies. The war plan red framework shows the United States once understood who the real enemy was, and Trump is reviving that clarity. Domestic policies target housing, health care, and the defense sector to dismantle the cartels that Kokinda says oppress ordinary Americans. Kokinda invites viewers to subscribe to Promethean Action for more on these arguments and to join a broader movement to “finish off the British empire once and for all.”

He got everything in Panama in record time, but the press won't report it because it's a victory for Trump. Chinese companies are out. The US got what it wanted out of Panama. The US has troops there providing security for the canal now. The speaker thought negotiations were ongoing.

Speaker 0 and Speaker 1 discuss the possibility of a coup in Venezuela and the implications of U.S. actions. They emphasize naval movements as a signal of U.S. seriousness, noting the deployment of the USS Gerald R. Ford and associated ships as a trigger that indicates a real threat or action. They remark that if Maduro steps down, chaos could follow, and acknowledge that Maduro has discussed amnesty with the U.S. that Trump reportedly refused. Speaker 2 repeatedly highlights naval movements as a metric for U.S. intent to attack a country, recalling lessons from the CIA. He argues the U.S. is not strategically benefiting from intervention in Venezuela, given that the U.S. has decided not to buy or refine Venezuelan oil, and questions what upside there is for the U.S. in such action. He asserts that drugs in Venezuela originate from Colombia and Ecuador and transit through Venezuela to West Africa and Europe, rather than serving the U.S. market, and he links this to broader critiques of U.S. foreign policy. Both speakers discuss the regional calculus: China’s increasing influence in Latin America, including a Caribbean refinery operation that refines Venezuelan crude, challenging U.S. refinery interests. They suggest China’s refiners and pipelines complicate U.S. strategies. They also discuss the potential role of Pakistan, Iran, or other powers in shaping outcomes, noting that many regional players (Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, and others) oppose U.S. intervention. Speaker 1 notes that a regime-change operation could undermine U.S. trust as an ally and references a platform called Polymarket where Maduro’s potential departure had been speculated, though newer developments show Maduro mobilizing the military. They raise a question about whether Maduro sought amnesty for the U.S. to step down, and say Trump’s refusal could reflect a desire for a political “scalp” to prove anti-drug policy, comparing this to the Panama case of Manuel Noriega. Speaker 2 elaborates that covert action programs are highly classified, and that even discussing them publicly is risky. He suggests that any coup would require a limited force to seize the presidential palace, pacify the military, and control key communications, with no clear plan for post-coup governance. They discuss the opposition leadership, noting Maria Machado as potentially not more effective than Juan Guaidó and suggesting the military would likely take power after Maduro’s departure. They compare possible futures to Libya post-NATO intervention, warning that anticipated constitutions and reforms often do not materialize in practice, leading to prolonged conflict. Speaker 2 emphasizes the international unpopularity of regime-change in Venezuela and argues that U.S. actions could provoke regional instability and further migration. The dialogue ends with reflections on the inherent dangers of regime change, the lessons from past interventions, and the possibility of Venezuelan instability if Maduro leaves. They caution against assuming flowers will greet invading forces and stress that historical outcomes often diverge from planners’ expectations, with a warning that a hypothetical post-regime-change period could be chaotic and military-led.

The US may want the Strait of Hormuz blocked because it would hurt China and Europe. Europe relies on the Strait for 18% of its oil and 15% of its LNG after shifting away from Russia due to sanctions. A blockade would leave the US as Europe's only option. China relies on the Strait for nearly 50% of its oil and 12% of its LNG, but has alternatives like Russia, pipelines, land routes, and long-term deals. Therefore, Europe would suffer more than China from a blockade. The US purportedly wants this because Europe would lose its independence and become fully dependent on the US.

In the Canal Zone of Panama City, the US government used to control this military base to protect the Panama Canal. However, it was given away by Jimmy Carter and is now under the control of the United Nations and NGOs. One of these organizations is OIM, which provided condoms and birth control to illegal aliens crossing into Panama. These organizations, like UNICEF and UNHCR, have taken over almost every building in the facility. The Clinton Foundation is also present. These organizations should be defunded and investigated for trafficking. They are complicit in the cartel's actions. Taxpayer dollars should not support them. They encourage people to risk their lives and illegally travel to the US. This is the root cause of the problem, supported by leftist, godless, globalist organizations like Kamala Harris.

Feliz Navidad! We're at Fort Clayton, now known as Ciudad de Sabana, near Miraflores Lock of the Panama Canal. Behind me is the IOM headquarters, which has taken over the former U.S. Army base. If Trump is serious about stopping the invasion, he needs to close down these NGOs and cut their funding. The real issue isn't Panama; it's the organizations facilitating the migration. I've spent time in the Darien Gap and know the local tribes involved. The U.S. has neglected its influence here, allowing China to gain a foothold. Panama wants to collaborate with us, and I plan to reach out to the president soon. Merry Christmas!