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The press conference in the Oval Office with El Salvador's leader, Bukele, contained news, information, and misinformation. CNN does not hate the country, despite President Trump's claim.

The Biden administration is accused of blocking an investigation into a pedophile ring by the Guatemalan secretary general. He claims the US embassy warned him against speaking out. Allegations include transferring millions of dollars to unnamed individuals, harboring illegal alien pedophiles and murderers, and lack of cooperation in arrests. Guatemala seeks to apprehend these individuals, but faces resistance from the Biden administration, funded by taxpayer dollars.

The administration was asked about a man who was allegedly mistakenly deported to El Salvador. It was stated that the individual was illegally in the U.S. and that two immigration courts ruled in 2019 that he was a member of MS-13. Additional paperwork was needed, and it is up to El Salvador if they want to return him. The Supreme Court ruled that if El Salvador wants to return him, the U.S. would facilitate it by providing a plane. Because the individual is a citizen of El Salvador, it is arrogant for American media to suggest the U.S. would tell El Salvador how to handle their own citizens. Because Trump declared MS-13 a foreign terrorist organization, the individual was no longer eligible for immigration relief and had a valid deportation order. A district court judge tried to compel the administration to kidnap the citizen of El Salvador and fly him back, but the Supreme Court unanimously reversed the district court order. The ruling stated that if El Salvador sent the individual back to the U.S. at their discretion, the U.S. could deport him a second time. The U.S. does not have the power to return him, and they are not fond of releasing terrorists into the country. No court in the U.S. has a right to conduct the foreign policy of the U.S.

The Biden administration is allegedly obstructing a pedophile ring investigation involving high-level politicians and businessmen, according to the Guatemalan Secretary General. He claims the US embassy warned him against discussing this matter. He also stated that the administration has transferred over $500 million to unnamed individuals and is protecting illegal alien pedophiles and murderers. Guatemala seeks to arrest these individuals, but the Biden administration is reportedly uncooperative. This raises concerns about how taxpayer money is being utilized.

In the transcript, Speaker 0 asserts that the surge from Mexico during the Biden administration occurred due to two explicit actions. First, after Joe Biden won in November 2024, AMLO, the president of Mexico, convened Mexican legislators and enacted legislation that they knew would radically encourage mass migration to the United States, specifically acknowledging that this would be the effect they sought. Second, governments in Nicaragua under Daniel Ortega allegedly responded by allowing anyone from anywhere in the world to obtain a visa if they fly to Nicaragua, and then they would be taken to the border to head north toward the United States. According to the speaker, millions of people from Africa, Latin America, and Asia flew to Nicaragua on chartered planes and then proceeded toward the U.S. border. The speaker characterizes these developments as intentional and directed.

ProPublica’s reporting, led by Sebastian Rotella, centers on the period starting in 2019 with the Trump administration’s joint task force Vulcan, which aimed to dismantle MS-13 by building racketeering and terrorism charges against its leadership and extraditing them to the United States for trial. The investigation found evidence of ongoing negotiations in El Salvador between senior Bukele government officials and the gang, described as a secret deal in which MS-13 would help reduce homicide rates and deliver votes for Bukele’s party in exchange for political favors, financial benefits, and protection from extradition. What emerged from these negotiations was a broader corruption inquiry into whether USAID funds were diverted to the gang as part of the arrangement. In response, the Bukele government allegedly acted to blunt the investigation by replacing the attorney general and justices on the Supreme Court and by blocking extraditions of key MS-13 leaders who might testify about the deals with the government. The report contends that the government’s actions were meant to shield insiders from exposure in the U.S. case. The story traces how the investigation evolved from focusing on the gang to encompassing potential high-level government corruption tied to the gang deals, and the government’s backdrop of retaliatory moves against Salvadoran officials assisting the probe. It highlights how, in 2021, the administration retaliated against officials connected to the corruption investigation and moved to obstruct extraditions, driven by fears that gang leaders could testify about the bargains. Rotella explains that the investigative material includes on-the-record sources and indictments that describe the negotiations. He notes a shift in priorities under the second Trump administration, which emphasized working with Bukele’s government to deport Venezuelan and Salvadoran detainees to the mega prison in El Salvador, leading to frustration among investigators who had built a case against the gang leadership and potential high-level collusion. Regarding outcomes, the reporting suggests that advanced charges and extraditions of top MS-13 leaders have been blocked or stalled; at least one gang member was deported in the latest wave despite efforts to secure extraditions. The piece acknowledges Bukele’s hard-handed crackdown on the gang and improvements in security, while leaving unresolved questions about what could have been learned if the case had proceeded to its full extent. ProPublica’s Sebastian Rotella articulates these points as part of a broader inquiry into the relationship between Bukele’s government and MS-13, and the implications for Bukele’s public image and the ongoing U.S. investigation.

Colombia exports 97% of cocaine worldwide, worth $1 trillion annually. The US Institute For Peace receives $50 million yearly from taxpayers and influences Afghanistan's opium production. USAID aids in heroin cultivation in Afghanistan. The drug trade connects to political power in Latin America and China, involving Bush, Biden, and Clinton. Trump's lack of involvement in this scheme is a reason for opposition. The control of narco gangs is crucial for political influence in the region. Bukele's crackdown on drug gangs in El Salvador disrupts this system, leading to backlash from Soros and the media.

Dr. Paul and the other speaker discuss a sequence of public claims and shifts regarding Venezuela, Nicolas Maduro, and the Cartel de los Soles. They begin by recalling a $50,000,000 bounty on President Nicolas Maduro of Venezuela, arguing that Maduro is the head of a narco-terrorist drug cartel called Cartel de los Soles. They note that Secretary of State-designate Marco Rubio stated in November that the State Department intends to designate Cartel de los Soles as a foreign terrorist organization headed by the illegitimate Nicolas Maduro, asserting that the group has corrupted Venezuela’s institutions and is responsible for terrorist violence conducted with other designated foreign terrorist organizations, as well as for trafficking drugs into the U.S. and Europe. The speakers claim that for weeks Americans were exposed to a narrative portraying foreign narco-terrorist cartels running the country and that this narrative influenced public opinion, making some believe it might be acceptable to take drastic actions, including attacking boats, on the premise that “they’re all terrorists.” They then point to a development that “dropped yesterday,” presenting a clip that, once Maduro was “in their grasp,” the Justice Department allegedly dropped the claim that Venezuela’s Cartel de los Soles is an actual group. They assert that after months of hype intended to drum up support for invading Venezuela, the claim was retracted, with the implication that the government figures had misrepresented the situation. The speakers compare this sequence to the Iraq WMD narrative, asserting that officials “swore up and down for years” about WMDs, and when the invasion occurred they were shown joking about the existence of WMDs. They recall President George W. Bush joking about WMDs at a White House Correspondents’ Dinner, looking under the couch and the coffee table, asking “Where’s those WMDs?” They conclude by likening the Cartel de los Soles to the WMDs of their operation, arguing that the construct is already completely falling apart. The overarching claim is that the Cartel de los Soles was used as a justification for aggressive action, and that the narrative surrounding the cartel has been exposed as unreliable or false.

El Salvador is presented as a destination for Democrats seeking to bring violent criminal illegal aliens back to America. The speaker suggests this is an example of Trump Derangement Syndrome. Senators Chris Van Hollen, Cory Booker, and John Ossoff are mentioned as examples of Democrats who may visit. Democrats are encouraged to join their colleagues and "step into the rhythm of rescue" in El Salvador.

The reporter asked if there have been any negotiations between the U.S. and El Salvador regarding the release or facilitation of the release of Abrego Garcia. The response stated that El Salvador does not intend to smuggle a designated foreign terrorist back into the United States, as he is an El Salvadorian national and that is his home country. The administration intends to comply with what President Bukele said of El Salvador: he does not intend to send that individual back. The reporter followed up to clarify if that meant there have been no talks. The response reiterated that the President of El Salvador has made his position clear.

The administration will not publicly discuss foreign policy or negotiations with El Salvador, but appreciates their help in taking custody of dangerous terrorists. An unclassified FBI assessment says the Maduro regime is planning assassination plots on American soil using trained Diragua terrorists. These terrorists, along with MS-13, have the same legal status as Al Qaeda and ISIS. Regarding Evrego Garcia, there is evidence of violent threats, assaults, human trafficking, smuggling offenses, and MS-13 membership. The speaker criticizes the media for allegedly shilling for this MS-13 terrorist while ignoring Americans harmed by illegal immigrants. The Biden administration is criticized for giving due process to two trained Aragua terrorists who then kidnapped, tortured, and murdered Jocelyn Ungery. The speaker accuses the media of forcing Americans to live near gang members while they themselves live far away from such dangers. The administration will not sympathize with terrorists who have invaded the country.

President Trump campaigned on securing the homeland and deporting violent alien criminals. Senator Chris Van Hollen allegedly flew to El Salvador to demand the release of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, labeled by Democrats and the media as a "Maryland father." Kilmar Abrego Garcia is an illegal alien, MS-13 gang member, and foreign terrorist who was deported. When arrested, he wore a sweatshirt with money covering the faces of presidents, an MS-13 symbol. He was arrested with other MS-13 members, and two judges found him to be a member. Court documents revealed his wife sought protection orders against him for domestic violence in May 2021, including assault. The speaker states that Garcia was illegally in the U.S. with a lawful deportation order. The speaker claims that Garcia will never be a Maryland father or live in the U.S. again. The Supreme Court ruled that the president and secretary of state cannot be compelled to retrieve Garcia from a maximum-security prison in El Salvador.

Answering questions about El Salvador, an Administration Official stated that El Salvador is responsible for Abrego Garcia. However, El Salvador's President Bukele said they would not do anything with him. The official clarified that Bukele stated he would not smuggle a foreign terrorist back into the U.S. Abrego Garcia, an MS-13 gang member engaged in human trafficking, illegally entered the country, so deportation to El Salvador was the only option. He will not live peacefully in Maryland because he is a foreign terrorist and MS-13 gang member. Bukele confirmed this in the Oval Office. Garcia returned to El Salvador to face consequences for his gang affiliation and human trafficking. The official expressed dismay at the media's focus on this alleged human trafficker and MS-13 gang member.

Speaker 0 demands the return of Kilmar Abrego Garcia to El Salvador, stating that President Bukele must return him if he believes in democracy, and that his detainment abroad is criminal. Speaker 1 states that Abrego Garcia was arrested with two MS-13 gang members. Two judges found Abrego Garcia to be a member of MS-13, a finding that has never been disputed. Maryland court documents revealed that Abrego Garcia's wife petitioned for an order of protection against him for two instances of domestic violence in May 2021. Speaker 1 claims Democrats are rushing to defend an illegal criminal foreign terrorist gang member, and an apparent woman.

Speaker 0 asks about how common it is for the CIA to use drugs as a weapon or to create cartels for various purposes, and whether it sometimes works as a strategy. Speaker 1 responds that it continues to this day, with key US allies implicated in the drug trade. The Organization for Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, funded by the State Department, is described as an investigative journalist outlet that has a new report about the Noboa family’s ties to the Balkan mafia. The Noboa family controls Ecuador; Daniel Noboa, born in Miami, is the president, and his family owns a Noboa shipping company. The shipping company is alleged to have been involved in sending bananas through the Noboa Bonita Fruit Company packed with cocaine to Europe via routes overseen by the Balkan Mafia. Ecuador is described as the largest drug export center to the United States, per the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, while Venezuela is claimed to be responsible for about 5% of drug transit. Kristi Noem, identified as the DHS secretary, is said to have visited Ecuador to meet with Daniel Noboa and campaign for a referendum to bring US military bases back to Ecuador, a referendum that was rejected by Ecuadorians. Noboa is portrayed as strategically valuable to the US, described as friendly with Marco Rubio, who has touted him as a partner in the war on drugs, yet the claim is made that the issue is about geostrategic interests. Noboa is said to have ended the legacy of social democrat Rafael Correa and is purportedly supporting US military bases on Ecuadorian soil, aligning with US interests even as Ecuador becomes a center of narco-trafficking and cartels destabilize parts of the country. In Mexico, the narrative references Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón, noting Calderón as author of Plan Mérida, a US military-directed program to combat drugs in Mexico. Gennaro García Luna, head of Mexico’s equivalent of the FBI, is described as now in a US federal prison for life for involvement in a conspiracy with the Sinaloa cartel to ship drugs to the United States. The State Department is said to have acknowledged knowing about Luna’s activities while valuing him as a political partner. The Fast and Furious program is mentioned, alleging that the US armed Mexican cartels to track guns, and a 2011 federal court testimony by a Chapo Guzmán lieutenant claimed the US armed the Sinaloa cartel to defeat rivals like the Guadalajara cartel. A recent raid in Oakton, Northern Virginia, on Paul Campo, former director of the DEA’s financial division, is described. Campo was in charge of money laundering investigations and was associated with a CIA asset named Robert Sensi to launder $12,000,000 for the Jalisco New Generation Cartel. The speaker notes ongoing exploration of these connections. Historically, the CIA is said to have worked with narco cartels to fund black operations, funding proxy wars in Central America with off-the-books money. The Guadalajara cartel allegedly funded the Nicaraguan Contras through cartel profits. Enrique “Kiki” Camarena, a DEA agent, reportedly discovered the Guadalajara cartel’s involvement in black operations and was captured and tortured, with alleged monitoring by CIA operatives including Felix Rodríguez, who supervised the capture of Che Guevara. This is tied to a documentary on Amazon called The Last NARC.

The reporter asked if there have been any negotiations between the U.S. and El Salvador regarding the release or facilitation of the release of Abrego Garcia. The speaker stated that El Salvador does not intend to smuggle a designated foreign terrorist back into the United States, as he is an El Salvadorian national and that is his home country. The administration intends to comply with what President Bukele said. The reporter followed up, asking if that meant there have been no talks. The speaker reiterated that the President of El Salvador has made this clear.

President Bukele was asked if he plans to return a terrorist to the United States. Bukele responded that the question is preposterous, asking how he could smuggle a terrorist into the U.S. He stated he doesn't have the power to return anyone to the U.S. Bukele said El Salvador is not fond of releasing terrorists into their country, as they turned the murder capital of the world into the safest country in the Western Hemisphere. He stated they are not going back to releasing criminals to become the murder capital again. Bukele claimed some people are sick and would love to have a criminal released into their country.

An administration official stated that El Salvador is responsible for Abrego Garcia, but El Salvador's President said they will not do anything with him. The question is, who is responsible for this man and where will he end up? The official responded that President Bukele said he will not smuggle a foreign terrorist back into the U.S. Abrego Garcia is an MS-13 gang member who engaged in human trafficking and illegally entered the country. Deporting him to El Salvador was always the plan. He will not live peacefully in the U.S. because he is a foreign terrorist and MS-13 gang member. President Bukele confirmed this. He will face consequences in El Salvador for his gang affiliation and human trafficking. The official expressed dismay at the media's focus on this alleged human trafficker and MS-13 gang member.

In a heated online space, the participants debate organizational affiliations, personal insults, and questions about narratives surrounding international events. The core points are: - Contract with NAG: Speaker 1 confirms that “we severed” or “didn’t make the cut” with the group referred to as NAG, indicating a break in alignment. When pressed for specifics, they note the date and details are unclear, mentioning it “has been a month.” Payments or compensation are touched on briefly, with Speaker 2 asking if someone is being paid by others, and Speaker 1 replying with a noncommittal remark about a banner or check mark. - Identity and credibility disputes: The dialogue includes strong personal accusations and defenses over Christian identity, history, and authenticity. A moment centers on an Orthodox Christian icon being attacked, with Speaker 0 emphasizing they are Christian and criticizing another participant’s approach to Christianity. This thread quickly devolves into name-calling and claims about knowledge of Christian history, with insults and counter-insults about piety and background. - Media portrayal and allegations of manipulation: Speaker 2 accuses the group of being “counter, to be basically the controlled opposition” and questions potential contractual pressure. They refer to smear videos and claim others are posting content to discredit them. The discussion includes claims of being targeted by large accounts and accusations of gaslighting and manipulation. - El Salvador and Bukele narrative: A key point raised by Speaker 2 involves skepticism about the State Department narrative on El Salvador and Bukele. They state the world doesn’t revolve around Ryan Mata and say their own research raises questions about why certain narratives persist, insisting they did not attack Ryan Mata and did not tag him, but simply asked questions about the situation. - Social media dynamics and conflicts: The exchange includes a back-and-forth about who blocked whom, who controls whom, and who is “bullied” or being treated unfairly. The participants describe smear videos, blocking behavior, and the impact of public accounts with large followings. There are accusations that others “babysit” spaces or inject themselves into conversations with an agenda. - Specific confrontations and accusations: Speaker 2 recounts being accused of bullying and being attacked for asking questions about El Salvador; Speaker 1 responds by accusing Speaker 2 of seeking attention and of being a chaos agent. The dialogue includes repeated clashes over who said what, with emphasis on truth-seeking versus smearing. - Tone and escalation: The conversation alternates between attempting to ask clarifying questions and eruptions of hostility, with terms like “heritic,” “liberal,” “block,” and “gaslighting” used repeatedly. The participants express frustration at being misunderstood, misrepresented, or blocked from collaborative discussion, culminating in mutual admonitions and exasperation.

The administration was asked about an individual deported to El Salvador. It was stated he was illegally in the U.S. and two immigration courts ruled in 2019 that he was a member of MS-13. Additional paperwork was needed, and it is up to El Salvador if they want to return him. The Supreme Court ruled that if El Salvador wants to return him, the U.S. would facilitate it by providing a plane. It was asserted that it is arrogant for American media to suggest how El Salvador should handle its own citizens. Because the individual is a member of MS-13, he is not eligible for immigration relief and had a valid deportation order. A district court judge tried to compel the administration to kidnap him and fly him back, but the Supreme Court unanimously reversed this, stating no court can compel the foreign policy function of the U.S. If El Salvador sends him back, the U.S. could deport him again. The president stated he does not have the power to return him to the U.S. and is not fond of releasing terrorists. It was emphasized that the individual is a citizen of El Salvador and was deported back to his country of origin. No court has the right to conduct the foreign policy of the U.S.

Max Blumenthal explains that the January 3 operation in Caracas appeared to be a terrorist assault on Caracas, involving the kidnapping of Nicolas Maduro and his wife Celia Flores. He notes Maduro’s presidential guard was massacred, 32 Cuban officers were killed, and many civilians died, with no US casualties reported. He suggests the operation reflected a long-prepared plan by the US, with initials of a “hay a halo” style high-altitude entry into Miraflores Palace. He cites Venezuelan official Diosdado Cabello stating that Flores demanded to accompany Maduro and may have saved his life, and he questions whether there was a betrayal or widespread military collapse on the Venezuelan side. He interviewed former Venezuelan foreign minister Jorge Arreaza, who denied insider deals or betrayals and supported Maduro’s view, though Blumenthal notes there is backroom dealmaking with the US occurring under Maduro. Ariasso is said to have reported that communication systems were taken out, bases bombed, and key communication towers destroyed, with drones still in Venezuelan airspace; thus, Blumenthal questions whether an order not to scramble Sukhoi jets prevented an escalation. He describes the episode as a “staggering failure of intelligence, counterintelligence, military,” while observing the resilience of the Chavista movement: Delsy Rodriguez as acting president committed to sovereignty, and officials like Cabello and Vladimir Padrino López remaining in place, with collectivos in the streets. He argues Trump must contend with the Chavista movement because they control institutions. He notes Venezuela announced the release of “political prisoners,” arguing many were linked to US-backed opposition efforts, but he cannot provide names. Blumenthal cites Rick Grinnell, Trump’s envoy to Venezuela, who reportedly negotiated directly with Maduro for a deal involving Chevron’s drilling license in exchange for deported Venezuelan migrants; Grinnell implied the opposition, led by Maria Corina Machado, resisted allowing Maduro or Venezuela to strike a deal and instead aimed to delegitimize Maduro. He accuses Rubio of aiding移 deportations of Venezuelan migrants to Nayib Bukele’s El Salvador, where detainees were publicly humiliated and tortured; he claims these actions were designed to prevent deals that would allow Maduro to gain revenue or preserve ties. He argues Maduro was open to a deal, but not one controlled by Trump. Blumenthal asserts Trump’s larger aim is regime change to control Venezuela’s oil and cut ties with Russia and China, pressing Maduro to run Venezuela under US orders, potentially to funnel oil proceeds offshore to avoid US accountability. He claims Trump seeks a 30–50 million barrel oil deal, with revenue used to buy American products, but offshore holdings would enable plunder by Trump Incorporated, and the operation signals a broader Monroe Doctrine-esque strategy. He argues this has implications for multipolar states and regional stability, noting Russia and China’s positions, including Xi’s visit to Miraflores before Maduro’s kidnapping and possible retaliation against Venezuela’s Belt and Road interests. In discussing legality, Blumenthal says kidnapping a head of state and trying him in New York would violate international law; under ICJ precedent, a national court cannot try a head of state without an ICC indictment and transfer to The Hague. He contends the Maduro indictment’s narcoterrorism claim is a fraud; he traces its origins to CIA-linked drug networks from the Reagan era, including “cartel of the Suns.” He discusses Hugo Carvajal (El Pollo) and his cooperation with the US, including a secret plea deal and testimony alleging Maduro’s regime involvement, including a claim that Venezuela’s Smartmatic allegations could be used to convict Maduro. He notes a DOJ superseding indictment calling the cartel a “loose network” rather than a formal cartel, and mentions a DC-9 flight (Cocaine One) allegedly connected to CIA-backed operations, potentially exposing CIA involvement, which Judge Hellerstein did not allow in court. Blumenthal concludes by calling the operation a mafia-like show—“gangsterism”—and suggests the Maduro case could challenge international law; he references prior interviews where he argued the “Cartel de los Soles” was not a real organization, a point later echoed by Washington Post and France 24. He closes acknowledging time constraints.