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For years, I claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children underwent proper safety testing in placebo-controlled trials. When I confronted Fauci about this, he couldn't provide the study he claimed existed. After suing him, we received confirmation that no such study was ever conducted. The lack of liability and safety testing saves pharmaceutical companies significant costs, leading to a rush to add unnecessary vaccines to the schedule. This has resulted in a dramatic increase in chronic diseases among American children since 1989, including a rise in neurological disorders and autism, which has skyrocketed from 1 in 10,000 to 1 in 34 today.

In 1985, millennials received a few vaccines. Today, children may receive up to 70 shots by age 18, including 27 before age 2, and up to 6 shots in one visit. The speaker asks if these shots are producing healthier kids, and claims the data says no. The speaker suggests that asking questions about the vaccine schedule is discouraged. Some parents who question the schedule may be reported to Child Protection Services or dismissed from their pediatrician's office. The speaker asserts that parents are being held hostage and did not sign up to co-parent with the government.

In 1986, under Ronald Reagan, Congress signed into law the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act, which removed liability from vaccine manufacturers. The change was described as manufacturers going to Ronald Reagan to request exemption from liability because parents were starting to sue after vaccine-related injuries, and manufacturers said they would stop making vaccines unless liability was removed. In layman’s terms, the transcript compares it to a car accident: if a faulty car seat injures or kills a child, the manufacturer can be sued; but if a child is injured or killed by a vaccine, the manufacturer can no longer be sued. The act is described as creating a system where each vaccine vial carries a 75¢ tax. That 75¢ tax is put into an account connected to VAERS. People file a VAERS report, and the transcript states only one percent of people actually report injuries to VAERS. The information then goes to a special court, which determines whether a child was injured and provides a small settlement from the tax, while leaving the manufacturer free of all liability. The transcript links 1986 to an increase in the vaccination schedule, describing it as expanding over time from eight to 10 to 12, and later to ranges of 20 to 30 to 40, with vaccines by age five. It further claims that after liability was removed, they stopped turning in safety studies, and that although studies were done, they were no longer turned in. The transcript states the schedule increased and added vaccines so that by age 18 children get 72 doses, while asserting there were no studies showing the safety of the vaccines together. The transcript also notes that many vaccines are described as “three in one,” and says that is another story for later. It concludes with an example that when a person gets a “cert” they are not just getting a tetanus vaccine.

Congress investigated ACIP over two decades ago, finding conflicts of interest. In 2002/2003, four of five people who added the rotavirus vaccine had direct financial interest; one voted the rotavirus vaccine onto the schedule and sold his rotavirus vaccine for $186 million. Congress found that 97% of ACIP members had undisclosed conflicts. According to the speaker, a critical issue is adding new vaccines without pre-licensing safety studies. In 1986, there were 11 vaccines on the schedule; now, children must take 69 to 92 vaccines to stay in school in some states, none of which have been safety tested in pre-licensing placebo-controlled trials. The speaker states that the people in charge are now gone, and new, credentialed scientists and physicians will be brought onto the ACIP panel to do evidence-based medicine and make objective public health determinations based on science.

Vaccine recommendations typically come from the Advisory Committee of Immunization Practices (an outside consulting committee at CDC) and VRBPAC (within FDA), which recommends vaccine licensure. These committees only adopted evidence-based medicine about twelve years ago. The speaker states that during their administration, they want safety studies prior to vaccine licensure and recommendation. They claim vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, and the COVID vaccine was the only one tested in a full placebo trial. They assert that the other 76 shots children receive between birth and 18 have not been safety tested against a placebo, meaning the risk profile is not understood. The speaker intends to remedy this.

In the early 1980s, a tetanus and pertussis vaccine called DTP was used, but it caused brain damage and death in African children. Vaccine companies faced lawsuits and losses, so they went to Congress and threatened to stop making vaccines unless they were granted immunity from liability. In 1986, Congress passed a law granting this immunity, which eliminated the need for testing and made it profitable for pharmaceutical companies to produce vaccines. The government mandated vaccines for millions of children, creating a lucrative market. As a result, the number of vaccines on the schedule increased from 3 to 72 doses today, starting in 1989.

The speaker states that a board was fired for being a "sock puppet" for the industry it regulated. In 2002, a government oversight committee held hearings about the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP), finding that 97% of its members had undisclosed conflicts of interest. As an example, the speaker claims that when the ACIP approved the rotavirus vaccine, four of the five members had direct financial interests in it. One member, Paul Offit, allegedly voted to add the rotavirus vaccine to the schedule while he had a rotavirus vaccine in development. The approved vaccine was withdrawn due to causing intussusception. Offit's vaccine then replaced it. The speaker claims that Offit and his business partners sold that vaccine to Merck for $186 million.

The speaker claims that when the rotavirus vaccine was approved, four out of five board members had direct financial interests in it, working for the companies that made the vaccine or receiving grants to do clinical trials on it. One board member, Paul Offit, allegedly voted to add the rotavirus vaccine to the schedule while he had a rotavirus vaccine in development. The speaker says that because it's now on the schedule, his developing vaccine is virtually guaranteed to get on the schedule. The rotavirus vaccine that Offit voted on was withdrawn within a year because it was causing intussusception in kids. Offit's vaccine then replaced it. The speaker states that Offit and his business partners sold that vaccine to Merck for $186,000,000. The speaker says that Offit told Newsweek that he won the lottery and that it's been said of him that he voted himself rich.

In 1989, 10 shots were given as part of the vaccine schedule. Compared to other Western countries, we give twice as many shots. The question is, do we really need all these vaccines? We should educate ourselves and make informed decisions as parents. We can't assume that those in charge of public health always have our best interests at heart. Some doctors seem hesitant to learn more about vaccines, which can save lives and prevent diseases. It's important to note that the pharmaceutical industry heavily influences medical schools and the American Academy of Pediatrics. Vaccines are a booming business, worth billions of dollars. We need doctors to prioritize prevention and overall health, even if it means taking a financial hit.

In 1989, the US had a shot schedule with twice as many shots as other Western countries. Parents should educate themselves about vaccines and make informed decisions. Some doctors may not prioritize learning about vaccines due to financial ties to pharmaceutical companies. The pharmaceutical industry controls medical education, focusing on vaccines rather than prevention or nutrition. Asking doctors to prioritize children's health over profit is challenging.

We couldn't find any prelicensing safety trials for the 72 vaccines doses that are recommended for American children. Unlike other medications, vaccines were exempt from conducting safety trials that compare health outcomes between a placebo group and a vaccine group. This lack of safety trials is concerning considering the widespread use of these vaccines.

"Well, we fired that board because they were it was an utterly it was just an instrument. It was a sock puppet for the industry that it was supposed to regulate." "They said that 97% of the people on that board had undisclosed conflicts, many of them that had disclosed conflicts as well." "rotavirus vaccine was approved by that board, and there were five members of that board at that time, and four of them had direct financial interests in the rotavirus vaccine." "The one they voted on, that he voted on, within a year it had to be withdrawn because it was causing this really disastrous disease in kids that is often lethal, called intussusception." "he and his business partners sold that vaccine to Merck for a $186,000,000. He told Newsweek that he won the lottery."

The speaker describes a committee conflict investigated by the office of inspector general and Congress, who urged change, but nothing happened. They claim medical malpractice by this group is evident in the approval of vaccines. The speaker states that in 1986 there were 11 vaccines, which increased to 69, then 92. They assert that, except for the COVID vaccine, none had a pre-licensing safety trial involving a true placebo. According to the speaker, these vaccines were introduced without safety studies, resulting in a lack of understanding regarding the risk profiles of these products. The speaker attributes this to corruption and agency capture.

Speaker 0 claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children has ever been safety tested in relicensing placebo-controlled trials. He said Fauci has been denying this for eight years and recounted a 2016 appointment by President Trump to run a vaccine safety commission, where he asked Fauci and Collins to meet with him with White House counsel. He stated that at that meeting Fauci said, “you say I’m lying,” and promised to send the study, but he never received it. He asserted that he sued Fauci and Aaron Siri, and after a year of stonewalling, government lawyers admitted on the courthouse steps that they never had any study, and provided a written acknowledgment. He pointed to a CHC website and his own website where the letter from HHS is posted. He claimed there is “no downstream liability” and “no front end safety testing,” which he said saves vaccine makers a quarter of a billion dollars. He further argued there is no marketing and advertising cost because the federal government orders 78,000,000 school kids to take that vaccine every year. He described a “gold rush” to add vaccines to the schedule, which he argued is unnecessary for most of them, and claimed many vaccines target diseases that are not even casually contagious. He contended that once a vaccine is on the recommended schedule, it becomes a billion-dollar-a-year business for the company. He asserted that NIH bears royalties in many cases. According to him, a set of vaccines expanded to 72 shots and 16 vaccines contributed to a dramatic increase in vaccine offerings. He linked this expansion to a broader push around vaccines, including the HPV vaccine. He also claimed that in 1989 there was an explosion of chronic disease in American children, including neurological diseases, ADD, ADHD, sleep disorders, language delays, ASD (autism), Tourette syndrome, tics, and narcolepsy. He stated that autism prevalence rose from one in ten thousand generations ago to one in thirty-four children today, citing CDC data. Overall, the summary repeats assertions about the lack of placebo-controlled safety testing, the admission of no study, financial and regulatory incentives to expand vaccine schedules, and a sharp rise in diagnosed neurological and developmental conditions beginning around 1989.

The speakers discuss the increased number of vaccines since 1990 and question if all are necessary. One speaker claims the US vaccine schedule includes twice as many shots as other Western countries. They suggest parents should educate themselves, space out or delay vaccines, and clean out toxins. One speaker believes public health officials may not always have people's best interests at heart. They claim the AAP and medical schools are financed by drug companies and that vaccines are the pharmaceutical industry's largest growing division, worth $13 billion. They suggest asking pharmaceutical companies to take a loss for the good of children is a tough sell.

The speaker states the vaccine recommendation panel has been under attack for 20 years. A 2002 congressional investigation allegedly found 97% of panel members had conflicts of interest with the pharmaceutical industry. One instance cited four out of five members working for a company when they approved its vaccine, and one voting member held a patent on that vaccine, later sold for $186 million. The speaker says the goal is to ensure the panel consists of individuals without conflicts of interest who are not profiting from their votes. The speaker claims that since the panel's inception in 1986, the vaccine schedule has expanded from 11 doses of five vaccines to 69 to 92 doses of 19 vaccines, none of which have been tested for safety. The speaker asserts this is malpractice and aims to ensure all vaccines are tested for safety so physicians and patients understand the risk profile and benefits of each vaccine.

In the early 1980s in the United States, there were only three routine vaccines: DTP, MMR, and OPV, totaling seven injections for childhood, plus the adult and pregnancy schedules, which did not exist at the time. Manufacturers of these three products either stopped making them or went out of business due to injuries and the financial liability associated with those injuries. Typically, when a product harms people, a company would respond by making a better, safer version. The speaker notes that, for vaccines, Congress chose a different path. Instead of compelling manufacturers to improve safety or compensate victims, the United States Congress decided to provide immunity from liability. In 1986, Congress passed the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act, which granted immunity to manufacturers for liability not only for those three early vaccines but for virtually all other vaccines made thereafter, including all childhood vaccines. The speaker emphasizes the contrast between the standard industry response to harm (improve the product) and the legislative approach taken with vaccines (immunity from liability). The implication highlighted is that this immunity allowed vaccine manufacturers to continue selling products despite injuries, shaping the broader vaccine landscape beyond the initial three vaccines.

The speaker states they searched for years for a pre-licensing safety trial of the 72 vaccine doses effectively mandated for American children. They claim that every other medication requires a safety trial comparing health outcomes in a placebo group versus a vaccine group before FDA licensing. The speaker assumed this was also done for vaccines. They state they found out that vaccines were exempt from this requirement.

The speaker claims a committee experienced typical conflict, but a specific conflict was particularly obvious. The Office of Inspector General and Congress investigated and urged change, but nothing happened. The speaker asserts this group committed medical malpractice by approving vaccines, increasing the number from 11 in 1986 to 69 and then 92. They state that, except for the COVID vaccine, none had pre-licensing safety trials with a true placebo. According to the speaker, these vaccines were introduced without safety studies, meaning the risk profiles are unknown. The speaker attributes this to corruption and agency capture.

In 1990, the number of vaccines increased significantly, raising questions about their necessity. The U.S. administers more vaccines than many Western countries, prompting concerns about profit motives behind vaccine recommendations. Parents are encouraged to educate themselves and make informed decisions about vaccinations, questioning the need for certain shots like chickenpox and hepatitis B at birth. There’s a call to space out and delay vaccinations, as well as to remove toxins from them. The influence of pharmaceutical companies on medical schools and public health organizations is highlighted, suggesting that financial interests may overshadow children's health. The discussion emphasizes the need for transparency and prioritizing children's well-being over corporate profits.

A law called Vika was passed in 1986, making it illegal to sue vaccine companies, regardless of recklessness or negligence. As a result, the number of mandated vaccines has increased from 3 to 79, none of which have been safety tested. The speaker claims that vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, a claim that Anthony Fauci publicly denied. When President Trump appointed the speaker to run a vaccine safety commission, the speaker asked Fauci to provide safety studies on vaccines. Fauci claimed he left them in his office and never sent them. Subsequently, the speaker and Aaron Siri sued Fauci. After a year of stonewalling, HHS provided a letter stating that there has never been a pre-licensing safety study of any vaccine on the childhood schedule.

In 1986, under Ronald Reagan, Congress signed into law the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act. According to Brandy, vaccine manufacturers sought exemption from liability because parents were suing over injuries, and manufacturers would stop making vaccines unless liability was removed. In layman’s terms, Brandy compared it to a faulty car seat: if a child is injured or dies because a car seat is faulty, the manufacturer can be sued; but if a child is injured or killed by a vaccine, a lawsuit against the manufacturer is no longer possible. Brandy said the Act added a 75¢ tax onto each vaccine vial when a child receives a vaccine. That 75¢ goes into an account connected to VAERS. Parents file a VAERS report, which Brandy said only one percent of people actually submit. Brandy said the report then goes to a special court that determines whether the child was injured and allows a “small settlement” from the tax account, but the manufacturer still cannot be sued. Brandy characterized vaccines as the only consumer product with zero liability attached to it. The discussion linked 1986 to changes in vaccine schedules. Speaker 0 said the vaccine schedule increased over time—from eight to 10 to 12, later to 20, 30, and 40—and that by age five children are at around 40 vaccines. Brandy said that when liability was removed, turning in safety studies stopped. Brandy stated safety studies may have been done, but they stopped turning them in, while the schedule expanded and additional vaccines were added. Brandy said that by age 18, children get 72 doses of vaccines with no studies showing the safety of all these vaccines together, and noted that many vaccines are “three in one” vaccines. Brandy then said that when someone gets a tetanus shot, they are not just getting a tetanus vaccine.

For years, I claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children underwent safety testing in placebo-controlled trials. Despite Tony Fauci's denials, I challenged him to provide evidence. He admitted he didn't have it on hand and promised to send it, but I never received it. After suing him, his lawyers confirmed there was no such study. The lack of liability and safety testing allows pharmaceutical companies to profit significantly, as the government mandates vaccines for millions of children. This has led to a surge in unnecessary vaccines, contributing to a dramatic rise in chronic diseases among American children since 1989, including conditions like autism, which has increased from 1 in 10,000 to 1 in 34.

The speaker says a board was fired for being a "sock puppet" for the industry it regulated. In 2002, a government oversight committee held hearings about the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP), stating that 97% of its members had undisclosed conflicts of interest. The rotavirus vaccine's approval was cited as an example, with four out of five board members having direct financial interests in it. Paul Offit, who frequently speaks about vaccines, voted to add the rotavirus vaccine to the schedule while developing his own. After the rotavirus vaccine was mandated, Offit's vaccine was guaranteed to be on the schedule. The approved vaccine was withdrawn due to causing intussusception in children. Offit and his business partners then sold their rotavirus vaccine to Merck for $186 million.

Vaccine manufacturers are uniquely protected from design defect claims, unlike manufacturers of other products like planes, cars, and drugs. This immunity was granted in 1986 through the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act because manufacturers of the three routine childhood vaccines (MMR, Polio, and DTP) faced excessive liability and potential bankruptcy due to harm caused by their products. Instead of requiring safer products, Congress granted immunity, allowing manufacturers to continue selling vaccines regardless of potential harm. This immunity extended to all future routine childhood vaccines. Consequently, the CDC schedule has expanded from 3 injections in the first year of life in 1986 to 29 today. Pharmaceutical companies developing these vaccines know they won't be liable for injuries. Unlike typical drug trials, vaccine trials often lack placebo controls (except for the COVID-19 vaccine), have short safety review periods (days, weeks, or up to six months), and are underpowered, making it difficult to confirm product safety.